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i ••  • W T' 

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HISTORY 


I 

OF  THE 


RELIGIOUS  SOCIETY 


OF 

FRIENDS, 


FR03I  ITS  RISE  TO  THE  YEAR  1828 


BY 


SAMUEL  M.  JANNEY 


AUTHOR  OF  “ LIFE  OF  MTLLIAM  PEJTX,”  “ LIFE  OF  GEORGE  FOX,”  ETa 


While  ye  have  light,  believe  in  the  light,  that  ye  may  he  the  children 
of  light.  — dons  xii.  36. 


IN  TOUR  VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

T.  ELL  WOOD  ZELL. 

17  & 19  SOUTH  SIXTH  STREET. 

1807. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  In  the  year  1859,  bT 
SAMUEL  M.  JANNEy, 

in  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Eastern 
District  of  Virginnia. 


MEaEOTTPED  BT  J.  FASAR. 


V KEFACE. 


Tint  rwc  of  the  Societj  of  Kriond*  in  rcpirdcd  by  an  rininent 
hlittoriaii  aa  “ one  of  the  nieiiiorable  vventa  in  the  hintury  of 
man.”'  This  roncluMion,  founJi-d  u|ion  the  love  of  rivil  and 
n-lijoous  liberty  manifested  by  the  F^rly  Friends,  is  abund.inlly 
confirmed  a hen  we  consider  the  exe«dlence  of  their  principles, 
the  purity  of  their  lives,  and  their  (utient  endurance  of  severo 
persecution.  They  were  the  must  thoruu^rh  and  successful 
rcfiirrocrs  of  their  day;  but  the  reformation  they  altempte<i  was 
based  upon  ('hrislian  principle,  the  ftnly  foundation  that  can 
ever  support  the  fabric  of  human  ha|)piiie«M.  .V  history  of  this 
pi-oph*,  adapted  to  the  taste  of  rvadem  generally,  being  con* 
siden-d  a desirable  addition  to  our  literature,  I have  been  in- 
duced to  undertake  the  arduous  and  res|Minsible  task  of  its 
compilation,  with  a sincere  desire  to  promote  the  cause  ui  truth 
and  righteousness. 

There  arc  pndiably  few  religious  haslics  that  [mmscss  such 
abundant  materials  for  authentic  history  as  the  Stricly  of 
Friends; for  it  has  l>een  their  unifortii  practice  to  pn*servo  with 
care  the  minutes  of  their  meetings  for  discipline,  the  memorials 
of  their  moat  eminent  members,  and  the  records  of  their  suffer- 
ings. In  addition  to  ihi-se  copious  materials,  a very  largo 
nuinltcr  of  juunials,  and  other  biiegraphical  writings  have  b«***n 
printed,  and  arc  yet  extant,  which  furnish  the  historian  with 
matter  of  deep  interest  in  the  delineation  of  character,  and  the 
cxp«jsition  of  religious  principles. 

Few  |M>rsons  are  probably  aware  of  the  very  large  numln'r 
of  religious  Ixsiks  written  by  the  Karly  Friends,  and  fewer  still 
art  they  who  have  read  any  considerable  |M>rtion  of  them.  In 
the  year  I7UH,  a catalogue  of  Friends’  books  was  published  by 
John  Whiting,  which  c«intains  the  naiuca  of  five  hundred  and 


(’) 


1* 


> Bancroft's  United  Sutes,  II.  837. 


VI 


PREFACE. 


twenty-eight  writers,  and  gives  the  titles  and  dates  of  about  two 
thousand  eight  hundred  hooks  and  tracts.  Some  of  the  tracts  were 
single  sheets,  others  consisted  of  several  sheets,  and  many  of 
them,  being  subsequently  collected,  were  reprinted  in  volumi- 
nous works.  Some  of  these  writings  being  of  a controversial 
nature,  their  interest  has,  in  a great  measure,  passed  away  with 
the  occasions  that  called  them  forth,  and  others  among  them, 
being  written  in  a style  not  attractive  to  modern  readers,  are 
seldom  consulted  now  except  by  historical  inquirers. 

The  matter  contained  in  those  old  neglected  volumes  is  often 
very  instructive.  They  may  be  compared  to  a collection  of 
ancient  coins  possessing  much  intrinsic  value,  but  not  adapted 
to  general  circulation  until  they  shall  have  passed  through  the 
mint,  and  received  the  impress  of  modern  coinage. 

The  circulation  of  religious  books  was  considered  by  the 
Early  Friends  one  of  the  most  efficient  means  of  doing  good, 
and  George  Fox,  on  his  death-bed,  made  it  the  subject  of  his 
last  injunction  to  the  brethren.  “ The  end  of  books,”  says 
William  Penn,  “is  the  end  of  preaching;  viz.,  informing  the 
inquirer,  stirring  up  the  careless,  stopping  the  gainsayer,  and 
comforting  and  building  up  those  whose  faces  are  turned  already 
Sionward,  and  that  are  attended  with  many  exercises  in  their 
journey  to  everlasting  habitations.  And  as  the  end  is  the 
same,  so  wliere  the  servants  of  Christ  cannot  come,  books  may, 
that  are  the  testimony  of  their  care  and  ministry  for  others.”  ^ 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  work  I have  freely  availed  myself 
of  the  information  contained  in  the  histories  of  Sewel  and 
Gough,  and  in  Bowden’s  History  of  Friends  in  America;  yet 
in  most  cases  I have  been  able  to  find  the  same  matter  in  works 
of  a prior  date,  and  have  usually  given  the  preference  to  the 
earliest  authentic  accounts  within  my  reach. 

I desire  to  express  my  acknowledgments  to  the  Friends  who 
have  kindly  furnished  me  with  a large  number  of  old  and  rare 
books  that  have  been  consulted  in  the  preparation  of  this 
volume ; but  more  especially  are  my  grateful  acknowledgments 
due  to  that  Almighty  Being  whose  providential  care  and  pre- 
serving grace  have  sustained  me  while  thus  engaged,  and  if  any 
good  shall  accrue  from  my  labors,  to  Flim  alone  be  the  praise. 

S.  M.  JANiNEY. 

Near  Purcelvillk,  Loudoun  Co.,  Va. 

Elevenih  3[onth  1,?;'.,  1859. 


I Preface  to  Works  of  I.  Burnyeat. 


• TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Characteristics  of  Primitive  Christianity,  19  — Fundamental  Doctrine, 
20  — Fruits  of  the  Spirit,  21  — Christian  Testimonies,  Pure  Spiritual 
Worship,  21 — A Free  Gospel  Ministry,  22  — Religious  Liberty,  25 — 
A Testimony  against  War  and  Oppression,  27  — A Testimony  against 
Oaths,  30  — A Testimony  against  Vain  Fashions,  Corrupting  Amuse- 
ments, and  Flattering  Titles,  30  — Corruption  of  Christianity,  33  — 
Trinitarian  Controversy,  36  — Bishop  of  Rome,  37  — Church  in  the 
Wilderness,  38  — The  Witnesses,  41  — Albigenses,  42  — The  Inquisi- 
tion, 42 — Waldenses,  43 — Protestant  Reformation,  46 — Luther,  47 — 
Calvin,  52 — WicklitF,  52 — Henry  VIIL,  53 — Edward  VI. , 55 — Queen 
Mary,  55 — Queen  Elizabeth,  56 — Charles  I.,  57 — The  Puritans,  57 — 
The  Covenanters,  58  — Church  of  England  subverted,  59  — Defects 
of  the  Reformation  59. 


CHAPTER  1. 

RISE  OF  THE  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS  IN  THE  MIDLAND  COUNTIES  OP 
ENGLAND. 

1624  — 1651. 

Birth  of  G.  Fox,  62  — He  retires  from  the  World,  63 — Conversation 
with  Priest  Stevens  on  the  Sufferings  of  Christ,  64  — Experience  of 
the  Reformers,  65 — Convincement  of  E.  Hooten,  66 — Fasts  of  G.  Fox, 
and  his  Rejoicing  in  Spirit,  67 — His  Appearing  in  the  Ministry,  69— 
His  Account  of  the  Spreading  of  Truth,  69  — The  Seekers,  70  — The 
Blood  of  Christ,  70  — Captain  Amos  Stoddard,  71  — Meetings  in  the 
Fields,  71  — G.  Fox  travels  in  the  Ministry,  72  — Testimony  against 
Flattering  Salutations,  74 — Plain  Language  required,  74 — Tithes 
denied,  75 — First  Imprisonment  of  G.  Fox,  75 — The  more  sure  Word 
of  Prophecy,  76  — G.  Fox  released,  goes  to  Derby,  76  — G.  Fox  ex- 

( ) 


Vlll 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


amined  by  Magistrates;  his  Confession  of  Christ,  77  — His  Imprison- 
ment at  Derby,  77  — Visited  by  his  Relatives,  78  — Refuses  a Cap- 
taincy, 78 — Is  thrust  into  a Dungeon,  79 — Writes  against  the  Death- 
Penalty  and  Oaths,  80  — His  Views  on  the  Ministry,  81  — Testimony 
against  War,  81 — Fanaticism  of  the  Puritans,  82 — Release  of  G.  Fox, 
82  — Origin  of  the  appellation  Quaker,  82  — Ditto,  of  Friends,  83. 


CHAPTER  II. 

CONVINCEMENT  IN  THE  NORTH  OF  ENGLAND. 

1651-’2. 

Richard  Farnsworth’s  Religious  Services,  83 — William  Dewsbury’s  Early 
Experience,  84 — His  Religions  Exercises,  85  — His  Views  on  the 
Blood  of  Christ  and  on  Psalm-Singing,  86  — Warlike  Puritan  Min- 
isters, 87  — W.  Dewsbury  enters  the  Army,  87  — Discovers  his  Mis- 
take, and  returns  Home,  88 — Prospect  of  a Call  to  the  Ministry,  89 — 
His  Marriage,  89  — William  and  Anne  Dewsbury  meet  with  G.  Fox, 
and  join  with  Friends,  90 — W.  Dewsbury  appears  in  the  Ministry,  91 — 
T.  Thompson’s  Testimony  concerning  W.  Dewsbury,  92 — Jas.  Nayler’s 
Birth,  95 — He  enters  the  Army,  93 — Withdraws  from  it,  93 — Inter- 
view with  G.  Fox,  94  — He  embraces  the  Principles  of  Friends,  and 
appears  in  the  Ministry,  94  — Anecdote  of  his  Preaching,  94  — His 
Dispute  with  the  Clergy  at  Kendal,  95 — His  Confession  of  Christ,  98 — • 
He  is  imprisoned,  99  — His  Trial  at  Appleby,  100  — His  re-commit- 
ment to  Prison,  104  — Impressions  made  on  two  of  the  Justices,  An- 
thony Pearson  and  Gervas  Benson,  105  — Confession  of  J.  Nayler 
concerning  Christ,  105  — G.  Fox’s  Testimony,  106. 


CHAPTER  III. 

YORKSHIRE  AND  WESTMORELAND. 

1651-’2. 

Vindication  of  Friends  for  Preaching  in  “ Steeple-Houses,”  107 — Crom- 
well’s Letter  to  Scotch  Presbyterians,  108 — G.  Fox  sometimes  invited 
into  Pulpits,  110 — Priest  Boyer  convinced,  112  — G.  Fox  preaches 
from  a Hay-stack;  general  Convincement,  112  — His  Waiting  for  the 
Life  to  arise,  the  Cause  of  his  wonderful  Success,  113 — He  is  denied 
Food  and  Lodging,  113  — His  Forgiveness  of  Injuries,  114  — Con- 
vincement  of  Thomas  Aldam,  114 — Meeting  settled  in  Dales  of  York- 
shire, 115 — Meeting  settled  at  Justice  Benson’s,  near  Sedbury,  115— 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


IX 


Memorable  ^Meeting  at  Firbank  Chapel;  Sermon,  116 — Convincement 
of  Francis  Howgill,  Jno.  Camra.  John  and  Ann  Audland,  116  — Reli- 
gious Experience  of  F.  Howgill;  in  Early  Life  he  joins  the  Indepen- 
dents; their  Erroneous  Views;  he  joins  Friends,  and  becomes  a 
Minister,  119  — Jolm  Camiu,  Birth  and  Early  Piety,  120  — He  be- 
comes a ^linister,  121  — John  Audlaud’s  Religious  Experience,  121 
— His  Marriage,  122  — Richard  Hubberthorne’s  Birth  and  Charac- 
ter, 123  — Convinced  by  G.  Fox,  and  becomes  a Minister,  124  — Ed- 
ward Burrough’s  Birth  and  Early  Piety,  126  — Convinced,  and  dis- 
carded by  his  Relatives,  125  — His  Gift  in  the  Ministry,  126. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

CIVIL  WAR COXVIXCEMEXT  IN  LANCASHIRE. 

1652- ’3. 

Changes  in  the  English  Government;  Ascendency  of  Presbyterians,  126 — 
Scotch  Covenanters,  127  — Independents;  Cromwell;  Execution  of 
Charles  I.,  127  — Armies  of  Charles  II.  defeated,  and  he  driven  into 
Exile,  128  — Desolation  and  Distress  of  the  Nation  — Effect  of  these 
Commotions  on  Religious  Minds;  the  Church  coming  forth  from  th-e 
IVilderness,  129  — Views  of  Early  Friends  on  the  Fulfilment  of  Pro- 
phecy, 130 — G.  Fox  visits  Swarthmore,  132 — Convincement  of  Margt. 
Fell  and  most  of  her  Family,  133  — Thos.  Lawson  convinced,  134  — 
G.  Fox  meets  Judge  Fell,  135  — A Meeting  of  Friends  held  at  Swarth- 
more Hall,  135 — Thos.  Salthouse,  Wm.  Caton,  and  Ann  Clayton,  con- 
vinced ; Wm.  Caton’s  Experience,  135  — Thomas  Taylor  convinced, 
137  — Resigns  his  Benefice,  and  becomes  a Free  Minister  of  the  Gos- 
pel, 138 — Christopher  Taylor  convinced,  139 — G.  Fox  and  J.  Nayler 
abused  at  Walney  Island,  139 — Warrant  against  G.  Fox;  his  Exami- 
nation at  Lancaster,  140 — His  Views  on  the  Scriptures;  his  Acquittal; 
Defeat  of  the  Priests,  141  — Convincement  of  Justice  Benson,  Major 
Ripan,  and  Thos.  Briggs,  141  — Account  of  Robt.  Widders,  142  — 
Experience  of  John  Whitehead,  143  — Number  of  Ministers,  146  — 
Account  of  Miles  Halhead,  146. 

CHATER  V. 

CUMBERLAND,  WESTMORELAND,  NORFOLK,  SUFFOLK,  AND  ESSEX. 

1653- ’5. 

Meetings  :it  Pardshaw-Crag;  Preaching  of  G.  Fox,  152 — Convincement 
of  Jno.  Burnyeat;  his  Birth  and  Early  Life,  152  — Silent  Meetings, 
154  — His  Call  to  the  Ministry;  Preaching  in  Steeple-Houses,  155— 


X 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


His  Imprisonment  in  Carlisle,  156  — Birth  and  Experience  of  John 
Banks,  156 — Fox  goes  to  Cumberland;  retiirns  to  Swarthmore, 
160 — Convincement  of  Anty.  Pearson,  161  — G.  Fox  at  Carlisle,  161 — 
Is  imprisoned  there,  162  — Is  abused,  and  sings  while  beaten,  163 — 
0.  Cromwell  dissolves  Parliament ; Barebone’s  Parliament,  163  — G. 
Fox  liberated,  164  — Convincement  of  Jas.  Parnel,  a lad  of  sixteen, 
164 — His  Religious  Experience  and  Ministry,  165  — His  Imprison- 
ment at  Cambridge,  166  — John  Stubbs,  a Soldier,  convinced,  166  — 
Becomes  a Minister,  167  — Geo.  Whitehead’s  Birth,  167  — Convince- 
ment, 178 — His  Account  of  G.  Fox’s  Preaching,  169 — Silent  Meet- 
ings, 169 — G.  AVhitebead  on  Tithes;  on  Gospel  Ministry,  170 — He 
travels  in  the  Ministry,  at  eighteen  years  of  age,  in  the  Counties  of 
York,  Cambridge,  and  Norfolk,  171  — Visits  Richard  Hubberthorn  in 
Prison  at  Norwich,  172  — Thos.  Symonds,  Jno.  Lawrence,  Joseph 
Lawrence,  Robt.  Duncan,  convinced,  173  — G.  Whitehead  and  James 
Lancaster  imprisoned  at  Norwich,  174 — Convincement  of  G.  Fox  the 
Younger,  175  — Long  Meeting  held  by  G.  Whitehead  at  Charsfield, 
175 — Convincement  of  J.  Burch,  176 — G.  Whitehead  and  R.  Hubber- 
thorn in  Suffolk  and  Norfolk,  176  — R.  Clayton  scourged;  G.  White- 
head,  S.  Harwood,  Geo.  Rofe,  G.  Fox  the  Younger,  and  Henry  Mar- 
shall, imprisoned  at  Edmundsbury,  177 — Cruelly  treated;  visited  by 
W.  Dewsbury,  178  — Released  by  Cromwell,  at  the  Request  of  Mary 
Saunders,  179 — G.  Whitehead’s  Account  of  their  Spiritual  Comforts 
and  Songs  of  Praise  179. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

LONDON. 

I 

1654-’5. 

First  Meetings  of  Friends  in  London ; Services  of  Isabel  Buttery,  180 — 
Francis  Howgill  and  Edward  Burrough,  181  — John  Audland,  John 
Carnm,  Richard  Hubberthorne,  and  Anthony  Pearson,  181  — Letter 
of  E.  Burrough  and  F.  Howgill  to  M.  Fell,  181 — Letter  of  F.  Howgill 
to  R.  Widders,  182 — Great  Meetings  in  the  City;  Miles  Holhead  and 
James  Lancaster  in  London,  183 — G.  Fox  arrested,  and  taken  before 
Cromwell,  183 — His  Interview,  and  Release,  184 — Letter  of  Alex. 
Parker  to  M.  Fell,  184 — Services  of  G.  Fox  in  London  ; Letter  of  E. 
B.  and  F.  H.  to  M.  Fell,  concerning  Meetings  in  London,  185 — Alex. 
Parker  to  M.  Fell,  188 — F.  Howgill  to  same,  188  — Alex.  Parker  to 
same,  189 — Letter  of  E.  B.  and  F.  H.,  189 — List  of  Friends’  Meetings 
in  London,  190  — Ministering  Friends  in  London,  191  — W.  Bayly’s 
Religious  Experience,  191 — His  Convincement  and  Sufferings,  194— 


TABLE  OF  CONTEXTS. 


XI 


W.  Crouch’s  Experience  and  Character,  196  — Gilbert  Latty’s  Con- 
vincement,  199 — Sufferings  of  Ann  Downes,  and  her  Character,  201 — 
Imprisonment  of  Geo,  Baily,  Ruth  Hill,  Wm.  Markfield,  and  Wm.  Ro- 
binson, 201  — F.  Howgill  visits  0.  Cromwell ; Convincement  of  J. 
Green,  202. 


CHAPTER  VIT. 

BRISTOL,  KENT,  AND  BEDFORDSHIRE, 

1654.’5. 

First  Meetings  of  Friends  in  Bristol,  202 — Services  of  John  Camm  and 
John  Audland,  203 — Charles  Marshall’s  Account  of  Meetings,  203— 
His  Religious  Experience,  205  — Convincement  and  Experience  of 
Josiah  Cole,  206 — Of  Geo.  Bishop,  206 — Of  Barbara  Blaugden,  207 — 
Edwd.  Burrough  and  F.  Howgill  at  Bristol,  208 — They  all  ordered  to 
depart,  209  — Attacked  by  a Mob,  but  preserved,  209  — T.  Murford 
expelled  from  Bristol,  and  his  Wife  imprisoned,  211 — Sarah  Goldsmith 
appears  in  Sackcloth,  211  — Remarks  upon  those  who  appeared  as 
“ Signs”  to  the  People,  212  — Elizabeth  Heavens  and  Eliz.  Fletcher 
preach  at  Oxford,  and  are  cruelly  whipped,  212 — Imprisonment  of  T. 
Loe  and  others,  214 — Juo.  Stubbs  and  W.  Caton  at  Dover;  Couvince- 
ment  of  Luke  Howard,  214 — Convincement  and  Experience  of  Sami. 
Fisher,  215  — His  Message  to  0.  Cromwell,  216 — Hypocrisy  of  the 
Puritans  then  in  Power,  217 — S.  Fisher’s  Work,  218  — Jno.  Stubbs 
and  W.  Caton  at  Maidstone,  218 — Beaten,  and  expelled  ; they  return, 
219  — G.  Fox  and  Alex.  Parker  in  Bedfordshire,  220  — Account  of 
Alex.  Parker,  220 — John  Crook,  220 — Humphrey  Smith,  224 — Am- 
brose Rigge,  228  — Remarkable  Career  of  John  Lilburn,  229. 


CHAPTER  Till. 

TORK.SH1RE  AXD  CORNWALL. 

1654-’6. 

Number  of  Ministers  in  1654,  233 — Gospel  Labors  of  William  Dews- 
bury, 233 — He  is  committed  to  York  Castle,  234  — After  his  Release 
he  travels  in  the  Ministry,  235  — He  is  imprisoned  at  Derby,  235  — 
Is  released,  and  expelled  from  the  town ; he  returns,  and  goes  to 
Leicester  and  preaches ; is  apprehended,  and  taken  out  of  the  town, 
236 — Returns,  and  continues  his  Labors ; his  Interview  with  Priest 
Andrews,  237  — Convincement  of  Francis  Ellington,  237  — W.  Dews- 
bury imprisoned  at  Northampton,  238 — -Joseph  Storr  imprisoned  with 

L — 2 


Xll 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


him,  288  — F.  Ellington  and  H.  Williamson  also  committed,  239  — 
Their  Examination  before  Judge  Hale,  239  — Second  Examination; 
remanded  to  Prison,  243  — John  Whitehead,  Marmaduke  Storr,  and 
Edwd.  Ferman  committed  to  same  Prison,  245 — W.  Dewsbury’s  Let- 
ters, 246  — Thos.  Goodair,  Thos.  Stubbs,  and  Eichd.  Farnsworth,  in 
Prison,  247 — Third  Examination  of  the  Prisoners  ; they  are  remanded 
to  Prison,  but  released,  249 — G.  Fox,  Wm.  Salt,  and  Ed.  Pyott,  travel 
in  Cornwall,  250 — Arrested  by  Major  Ceely,  and  sent  to  Launceston 
Jail,  250  — Trial  before  Judge  Glynn,  251  — Fined,  and  remanded  to 
Prison,  254 — Sufferings  in  Doomsdale,  254 — Remark  of  Hugh  Peters, 
255 — Convincement  of  I.  Lower,  255 — Liberation  of  Prisoners;  Visit 
to  Humphrey  Lower,  256 — IMeetings  at  Bristol,  257 — G.  Fox  goes  to 
London  ; Interview  with  0.  Cromwell,  257  — Services  and  Death  of 
John  Camm,  259. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

IRELAND. 

1653-7. 

Rise  of  Friends  in  Ireland,  261  — Life  of  Wm.  Edmundson  ; convinced 
by  J.  Nayler,  262 — Settles  in  Ireland  ; first  Meeting  at  Lurgan,  264 — 
John  Tiffin  visits  Ireland,  265 — W.  Edmundson  visits  G.  Fox;  Letter 
of  G.  Fox  to  Friends,  266  — W.  Clayton  in  Ireland  ; W,  Edmundson 
travels  with  him,  267 — Anne  Gould  and  Juliana  Westwood  visit  Ire- 
land ; Anne  Gould  in  Despair,  267 — Remarkable  Exercise  of  W.  Ed“ 
mundson ; he  is  led  to  visit  Anne  Gould,  who  recovers,  268 — W.  E. 
imprisoned,  269 — He  is  released,  and  takes  a Farm,  in  order  to  bear 
a Testimony  against  Tithes,  269  — He  is  put  in  the  Stocks,  270  — 
Released,  and  again  imprisoned,  272 — M.  Halhead,  J.  Lancaster,  and 
M.  Botemon,  in  Ireland,  273 — Eliz,  Fletcher  and  Eliz.  Smith  land  at 
Dublin ; they  are  imprisoned  ; released ; they  hold  Meetings  at  Dub- 
lin, Cork,  and  Younghall,  273 — Ed.  Burrough  and  F.  Howgill  in  Ire- 
land, 273 — E.  B.’s  Letter  to  M.  Fell,  274 — Meetings  at  Kinsale  and 
Bandon  ; Convincement  of  Ed.  Cook,  275  — E.  B.  and  F.  H.  preach 
in  Limerick,  and  are  expelled,  276 — They  are  arrested  at  Cork,  taken 
to  Dublin,  and  sent  back  to  England,  276  — Convincement  of  Thos. 

' WTght,  27  7 — Barbara  Blaugden’s  Visit  to  Ireland,  278  — Her  Inter- 
view with  Henry  Cromwell ; her  Services  and  sufferings,  279 — Thos. 
Loe  visits  Ireland  frequently,  280 — John  Burnyeat  visits  Ireland,  280. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


CHAPTER  X. 

WALES. 

.654  — 1660. 

Ihos.  Holmes  travels  in  Wales;  his  Letter  to  G.  Fox,  281  — John  Ap- 
John  convinced,  283  — G.  Fox  travels  in  Wales,  283  — Meetings  at 
Cardiff,  Swansea,  Pontemoil ; large  Meeting  in  Radnorshire,  284  — 
JohnAp-John;  Discussion  at  Leominster  on  “ the  Light  of  Christ,” 
285  — Meeting  at  Tenley;  John  Ap-John  imprisoned,  286  — G.  Fox 
reasons  with  the  Governer  ; J.  Ap-John  released,  287 — G.  Fox  returns 
to  England,  288 — Birth  and  Early  Experience  of  Richard  Davies,  288 
— Interview  with  Morgan  Evan,  289  — R.  Davies  is  convinced  : use 
of  Thee  and  Thou,  291 — He  attends  a Friends’  Meeting  held  in  Silence, 
292 — Meets  with  J.  Ap-John ; R.  Davies  and  three  others  hold  Meet- 
ings on  a Common,  292  — He  goes  to  London ; is  required  to  return 
to  Wales;  marries  in  London,  and  settles  at  Welchpool  in  Wales,  293. 

CHAPTER  XL 

SCOTLAND. 

1654—1660. 

Rise  of  Friends  in  Scotland ; C.  Fell,  Geo.  Wilson,  J.  Grave,  Sarah 
Cheevers,  and  Kath.  Evans,  travel  there:  Miles  Halhead  and  J.  Lan- 
caster at  Dumfries,  Edinburg,  &c.,  294 — Meetings  at  Drumbourg  and 
Heads,  295  — W.  Osborne,  Rd.  Rae,  and  Alex.  Hamilton,  convinced, 
295 — W.  Caton  and  John  Stubbs  visit  Scotland,  295 — G.  Fox  and  R. 
Widders  visit  Scotland;  G.  F.  preaches  against  Predestination;  shows 
who  are  the  elect ; Curses  of  the  Scotch  Clergy,  296  ; G.  F.  summoned 
before  the  National  Council,  and  required  to  leave  Scotland,  297  — 
He  preaches  at  Edinburg,  Glasgow,  Stirling,  Perth,  Leith,  and  Dunbar, 
299  — J.  Burnyeat  visits  Scotland;  preaches  at  Aberdeen,  301 — W. 
Dewsbury  travels  on  foot  in  Scotland,  301 — S.  Crisp  in  Scotland,  302. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

ESSEX,  BEDFORDSHIRE,  AND  LONDON. 

1655  — 1660. 

Stephen  Crisp’s  Convincement ; his  Account  of  his  Religious  Experi- 
ence, 303  — Becomes  a Friend,  and  appears  in  the  Ministry,  308  — 
James  Parnel’s  Biography  resumed,  309 — His  Preaching  at  Colchester 
and  at  Coggeshell,  310 — His  Arrest  and  Imprisonment  in  Colchester 
Jail ; his  Trial  and  Defence,  313  — His  Sufferings  ahd  Death,  315  — 
Labors  and  Sufferings  of  G.  Whitehead  in  Suffolk  and  Essex,  316  — 


XIV 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


G.  Fox  at  a General  Meeting  in  Bedfordshire,  321  — ConvincemenJ 
and  Experience  of  I.  Penington,  322 — Jas.  Nayler’s  Biography  re- 
sumed, 326  — His  Ministry  in  London,  327  — Rebecca  Travers  con- 
vinced by  him,  328  — Infatuation  of  Martha  Simmons  and  Hannah 
Stranger;  they  worship  James  Nayler,  329  — J.  Naylers  Imprison- 
ment at  Exeter;  he  is  reproved  by  G.  Fox,  330  — J.  Nayler’s  Entry 
into  Bristol,  330  — He  is  sent  to  London,  and  examined  by  Parlia- 
ment, 331  — He  is  sentenced  to  suffer  a Cruel  Punishment,  332 — Pe- 
tition to  Cromwell  ineffectual,  334  — Sufferings  of  J.  Nayler,  336  — 
His  Imprisonment  in  Bridewell ; his  Repentance  and  Humility,  337  — 
♦ His  Letter  to  W.  Fell,  338  — His  Release,  and  Acknowledgement ; 

he  is  reinstated  in  Membership,  340 — His  Death,  and  Dying  Expres- 
sions, 340. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

NEW  ENGLAND  AND  NEW  NETHERLANDS. 

1656-7. 

Rise  of  Friends  in  New  England;  Mary  Fisher  and  Anna  Austin  arrive 
at  Boston,  342 — Their  Imprisonment  and  Expulsion,  344 — Notice  of 
Settlement  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  ; their  Early  Intolerance  ; 
two  Citizens  expelled,  346 — Roger  Williams,  347 — Banished  ; Settle- 
ment of  Rhode  Island,  348 — Wm.  Coddington  and  others  banished 
from  Massachusetts,  348 — Eight  Friends  from  London  arrive  at  Bos- 
ton ; they  are  sent  back  in  the  same  ship,  349 — Richard  Smith  ban- 
ished, 349  — Law  for  Banishment,  350 — Nicholas  XJpshall  banished, 
350  — Anne  Burden  and  Mary  Dyer  imprisoned,  351  — Wm.  Brend 
and  ten  other  Friends  arrive  at  New  Amsterdam,  352  — Vessel  and 
Part  of  Company  go  to  Rhode  Island;  Sufferings  of  Mary  Weather- 
head,  Dorothy  Waugh,  and  Robert  Hodgson,  at  New  Amsterdam* 
354  — Sufferings  of  John  Tilton  and  others  on  Long  Island,  357  — 
Conduct  of  Gov.  Stuveysant ; Banishment  of  John  Round  or  Bown, 
358  — Travels  and  Sufferings  of  Wm.  Robinson  and  others  in  New 
England,  352. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

MASSACHUSETTS,  PLYMOUTH,  NEW  HAVEN,  AND  RHODE  ISLAND. 
1657-’9. 

Confederation  of  the  New  England  Colonies  ; Laws  against  Quakers, 
366 — Rhode  Island  refuses  to  persecute,  367 — Law  in  Mass,  for  cut- 
ting off  ears,  368  — Account  of  Wm.  Brend,  369  — He  goes,  with  J. 
Copeland  and  Sarah  Gibbins,  to  Plymouth,  369  — W.  B.  and  J.  C. 
scourged,  370 — Thos.  Harris  imprisoned  at  Boston,  370 — W.  Brend 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


XV 


and  W.  Leddra  at  Salem ; arrested,  and  sent  to  Boston,  371 — W.  B 
cruelly  beaten,  372 — H.  Norton  and  J.  Rous  in  Boston,  373  — H.  N. 
at  New  Haven,  374  — J.  Rous’s  Letter  to  M.  Fell,  375 — Six  Friends 
embark  for  Barbadoes,  379 — Release  of  five  Friends  from  Boston  Jail, 
380  — C.  Holder,  J.  Copeland,  and  J.  Rous,  have  their  Ears  cut  off, 

380 —  Josiah  Cole  and  T.  Thurston  travel  among  the  Indians,  in  Va., 

381 —  J.  Cole  and  J.  Copeland  visit  the  Indians  in  New  England,  382 — 
J.  C.  returns  to  England,  and  T.  Thurston  to  Va.,  382  — S.  Shattock 
and  others  arrested  at  Salem,  and  taken  to  Boston  Jail;  N.  Phelps 
imprisoned  and  whipped ; Katherine  Scott  imprisoned  and  scourged, 
383 — Account  of  her  Family,  384 — Sufferings  of  Friends  at  Sandwich 
and  Salem,  384  — Act  for  Banishment  on  4:>ain  of  Death,  385  — 
Brend  and  six  others  banished,  386 — Death  of  L.  and  C.  Southwick, 
388  — Attempt  to  sell  D.  and  P,  Southwick  into  Slavery,  388  — W. 
Robinson  and  M.  Stevenson  go  to  Boston,  389  — Patience  Scott,  at 
eleven  years  old,  imprisoned ; her  Examination  and  Dismissal,  391 — • 
Mary  Dyer  committed,  392 — Banishment  of  W.  Robinson,  M.  Steven- 
son, M.  Dyer,  and  N.  Davis,  392 — N.  D.  and  M.  D.  return  Home,  and 
the  other  two  go  to  Salem,  393  — M.  Dyer  returns  to  Boston ; im- 
prisoned, with  Hope  Clifton  and  C.  Holden,  393  — Mary  Scott  and 
others  imprisoned,  394  — W,  Robinson  and  M.  Stevenson- return  to 
Boston  in  company  with  six  Friends ; imprisoned,  394  — P.  South- 
wick imprisoned,  395  — Trial  of  W.  R.,  M.  S,,  and  M.  Dyer;  sen- 
tenced to  Death,  396 — Sympathy  of  the  People,  397 — Procession  to  the 
Gallows,  398  — Execution  of  W.  R,  and  M.  S.,  399  — Reprieve  of  M. 
Dyer,  400 — Indignity  to  the  Dead  Bodies  ; Discontent  of  the  People  ; 
Punishment  and  Release  of  ten  Friends,  401. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

MASSACHUSETTS  AND  RHODE  ISLAND. 

16o9-’60 

Discontent  in  Mass.,  402  — Declaration  of  the  Court  to  justify  their 
Proceedings,  403— J.  Chamberlain  and  Ed.  Wharton  convinced,  404 — • 
Mary  Dyer’s  Trial  and  Execution,  405  — Her  Character,  407  — J. 
Nicholson  and  Wife  banished,  408 — W.  Leddra  imprisoned  and  tried, 
409 — W.  Christeson  comes  into  Court,  410 — He  is  imprisoned,  411 — 
Trial  of  E.  Wharton,  J.  Chamberlain,  R.  Harper  and  Wife,  412 — Trial 
and  Death  of  W.  Leddra,  414 — Trial  of  W.  Christison,  417 — His  Sen- 
tence, 420 — His  Release,  422 — The  New  Law  ; Sufferings  of  P.  Pear- 
son and  others,  423 — Death  of  General  Adderton,  424 — Calamities  of 
N.  England,  425 — Trials  for  Witchcraft,  426  — Calvinism,  427 — Pro- 
gress of  Friends  in  New  England  up  to  1660,  428. 

2* 


XVI 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

RISE  OF  THE  SOCIETY  IN  VIRGINIA,  MARYLAND,  AND  THE  WEST  INDIES 
1656-  1660. 

Eliz.  Harris  in  Va. ; R.  Clarkson  and  others  convinced;  his  Letter  tc 
E.  H.,  430  — J.  Cole  and  T.  Thurston  in  Va.  ; Letter  of  J.  C.,  433 — 
T.  Thurston  imprisoned  in  Va.  and  Md. ; Toleration,  434  — AV.  Ro- 
binson, R.  Hodgson,  and  C.  Holder,  in  Md.,  435 — Persecution  in  Md., 
435 — Persecuting  Spirit  and  Laws  in  Va.,  436 — Friends  in  the  West 
Indies,  436  — Barbadoes,  436  — Visit  to  Nevis,  437. 

.CHAPTER  XVII. 

FRIENDS  IN  FRANCE,  HOLLAND,  GERMANY,  ITALY,  AND  TURKEY. 

1655—  1660. 

W.  Caton  and  J.  Stubbs  go  to  Holland,  438  — Meet  with  Fanatics  ; 
W.  C.  arrested  ; sent  back  to  England,  439 — G.  Baily  dies  in  France ; 
Experience  of  W,  Ames,  440 — Goes  to  Amsterdam  ; expelled  ; returns, 
441 — J.  AV.  Sewel  and  AVife  convinced,  442 — Meetings  at  Rotterdam; 
AV.  Caton  again  visits  Holland,  443 — AV.  Ames  imprisoned  ; released, 
444 — He  travels  in  Germany;  Proselytes  at  Kriesheim,  445 — Second 
Visit  to  the  Elector;  visits  Poland  and  Dantzic;  returns  to  England; 
his  death;  S.  Fisher  visits  tMe  Netherlands,  446  — E.  Burrough  and 
S.  Fisher  at  Dunkirk;  Queries  addressed  to  a Chaplain,  447  — S.  F. 
and  J.  Stubbs  at  Rome;  AV.  Salt  imprisoned  in  France  ; C.  Birkhead 
imprisoned  at  Rochelle,  and,  being  released,  visits  Zealand,  and  is 
imprisoned  there,  448  — G.  Robinson’s  Journey  to  Jerusalem,  449 — 
Mary  Fisher’s  visit  to  Turkey,  452. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

RETROSPECT  OF  THE  VOLUME. 

Progress  of  Friends’  Principles  up  to  the  year  1660,  454  — They  take 
root  only  in  Protestant  Countries  ; Effect  of  Persecution,  455  — The 
Independents ; Cromwell ; Friends’  Appeal ; Account  of  Friends  in 
Prison,  456  — Offer  of  other  Friends  to  take  their  Places,  459  — • 
Changes  in  the  English  Government,  460  — Friends  solicited  to  take 
Arms  ; Peace  Principles  of  G.  Fox,  462  — Views  on  War,  464  — Use 
of  the  Sword  by  Magistrates,  466  — Barclay’s  Views  ; Non-Payment 
of  Tithes,  468  — Funds  for  Ministers  in  Foreign  Lands,  470—  Holy- 
days  and  Sabbath-days,  472  — Dress,  and  Address,  473— Fanaticism, 
475_  Field-Meetings,  477 — Meetings  for  discipline,  478 — No  Record  of 
Members,  481— No  Creed,  482— Characteristics  of  Early  Friends,  482. 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 

RELIGIOUS  SOCIETY  OF  FRIENDS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  doctrines  and  testimonies  of  the  religious 
Society  of  Friends,  when  faithfully  maintained,  con- 
stitute, in  their  view,  a revival  of  primitive  Chris- 
tianity; it  may,  therefore,  not  be  inappropriate  in  the 
opening  of  this  historyf  to  advert  briefly  to  the  chief 
characteristics  which  have  ever  distinguished  the 
religion  of  Christ. 

In  the  recorded  discourses  of  the  Saviour,  and 
especially  in  that  sublime  compendium  of  Christian 
doctrine,  the  sermon  on  the  mount,  principles  are 
enunciated,  which,  if  carried  out  in  practice,  would 
revolutionize  the  world ; subverting  the  thrones  of 
superstition  and  despotism,  relieving  mankind  from 
the  thraldom  of  sin,  and  introducing  them  into  the 
glorious  liberty  of  the  children  of  God. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  no  creed  or  confession 
of  faith  was  adopted  in  the  primitive  Christian 
Church.  All  the  disciples  acknowledged  Jesus  as  the 
promised  Messiah,  the  Son  of  God,  and  “messenger 
of  the  covenant,”  who  “brought  life  and  immortality 

(19) 


20 


INTRODUCTION. 


to  light  through  the  gospel,”  and  ‘^who  would  mani- 
fest himself  as  the  ruler  of  God’s  kingdom  by  the 
communication  of  a new  divine  principle  of  life, 
which  to  those  who  are  redeemed  and  governed  by 
him,  imparts  the  certainty  of  forgiveness  of  sins.”’ 
“The  Life  was  manifested,”  says  the  Apostle  John, 
“and  we  have  seen  it  and  bear  witness,  and  show 
unto  3"ou  that  eternal  life  which  was  with  the  Father, 
and  was  manifested  unto  us.”  In  Jesus  Christ  this 
divine  principle  of  life  was  manifested  in  fulness, 
“and  of  his  fulness,”  writes  John  the  evangelist, 
“have  all  we  received  and  grace  for  grace.”  The 
great  purpose  of  Christ’s  ministry  was  to  direct  the 
attention  of  mankind  to  this  divine  power,  whose 
government,  as  illustrated  in  his  parables,  brings  forth 
in  the  humble  and  devoted  soul,  the  reign  of  God,  or 
kingdom  of  Heaven.  Here  then,  is  the  fundamental 
doctrine  of  the  Christian  religion ; the  teaching  and 
government  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  through  whose  re- 
deeming and  sanctifying  power  man  maj^  “ become  a 
partaker  of  the  divine  nature.” 

It  may  be  objected,  that  some  have  a]3peared  “in 
sheep’s  clothing;  but  inwardly  they  were  ravening 
wolves and  the  query  may  arise — how  shall  we  dis- 
tinguish the  members  of  Christ’s  spiritual  body  from 
those  who  mea^ely  pretend  to  his  name  ? He  has, 
himself,  given  us  the  criterion  : “Ye  shall  know  them 
by  their  fruits.”  “ By  this  shall  all  men  know  that 
ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one  to  another.” 
“ Herein  is  ray  Father  glorified,  that  ye  bring  forth 
much  fruit.” 

How,  “the  fruit  of  the  spirit  is  love,  joy,  peace, 


* Neander’ts  Planting  of  the  C.  Church,  27. 


INTRODUCTION. 


21 


long-suffering,  gentleness,  goodness,  faith,  meekness, 
and  temperance.” 

The  fruits  of  the  spirit  have  ahvays  been  manifested 
by  holiness  of  life  and  conversation,  and  the  true 
Christian  church,  in  the  apostolic  age,  was  distin- 
guished by  the  following  characteristics,  viz. : 

1.  A pure  spiritual  worship.  2.  A free  gospel  mi- 
nistry. 3.  Eeligious  liberty.  4.  A testimony  against 
war  and  oppression.  5.  A testimony  against  oaths. 
6.  A testimony  against  vain  fashions,  corrupting 
amusements,  and  flattering  titles. 

These  testimonies  being  peculiar  to  the  Christian 
dispensation,  may  be  regarded  as  the  marks  by  which 
the  true  church  of  Christ  has  ever  been  distinguished, 
and  each  will  therefore  receive  a separate  consideration. 

1.  A PURE  SPIRITUAL  WORSHIP. 

As  the  fundamental  doctrine  of  Christianity  is  the 
revelation  of  God’s  will  throimk  the  immediate  teach- 
ing  of  His  Spirit,  so  the  worship  which  this  leads  into 
is  of  a spiritual  nature.  It  is  observed  by  Eobert  Bar- 
clay, that  the  Author  of  Christianity  has  prescribed 
no  set  form  of  worship;  enjoining  only  that  it  must 
be  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  “And  it  is  especially  to  be 
observed,  that  in  the  whole  Xew  Testament  there  is 
no  order  nor  command  given  in  this  thing,  but  to 
follow  the  revelation  of  the  spirit,  save  only  that 
general  one  of  meeting  together.”^  This  view  is  cor- 
roborated by  Aeander,  one  of  the  most  approved 
Ecclesiastical  hi.'torians.  “ The  kingdom  of  God,” 
he  says,  “ the  temple  of  the  Lord,  were  to  be  present. 


Barclay’s  Apology,  Prop.  XI.  § X. 


22 


INTRODUCTION. 


not  in  this  or  that  place,  but  in  every  place  where 
Christ  himself  is  active  in  the  spirit,  and  where, 
through  him,  the  worship  of  God  in  spirit  and  in 
truth  is  established.  Every  Christian  in  particular, 
and  every  church  in  general,  was  to  represent  a spi- 
ritual temple  of  the  Lord ; the  true  worship  of  God 
was  to  be  only  in  the  inward  heart ; and  the  whole 
life  proceeding  from  such  inward  dispositions  sancti- 
fied by  faith  was  to  be  a continual  spiritual  service : 
this  is  the  great  fundamental  idea  of  the  gospel,  which 
prevails  throughout  the  Xew  Testament,  by  which  the 
whole  outward  appearance  of  religion  was  to  assume 
a difterent  form,  and  all  that  was  once  carnal  was  to 
be  converted  into  spiritual,  and  ennobled.”  . . . . 

“ Christianity  impelled  men  frequently  to  seek  the 
stillness  of  the  inward  sanctuary,  and  here  to  pour 
forth  their  heart  to  God,  who  dwells  in  such  temples ; 
but  then  the  fiames  of  love  were  also  lighted  in  their 
hearts  which  sought  communion  in  order  to  strengthen 
each  other  mutually,  and  to  unite  themselves  into  one 
holy  fiame  which  pointed  towards  heaven.  The  com- 
munion of  prayer  and  devotion  was  thought  a source 
of  sanctification,  inasmuch  as  men  knew  that  the  Lord 
was  present  by  his  spirit  among  those  who  were  ga- 
thered together  in  his  name ; but  they  were  far  from 
ascribing  any  peculiar  sacredness  and  sanctity  to  the 
place  of  assembly.”^ 

2.  A FREE  GOSPEL  MINISTRY. 

Divine  worship  under  the  Christian  dispensation 
being  purely  spiritual,  needs  not  the  intervention  of 


' Hist,  of  the  Church,  N.  York,  1848,  p.  180. 


INTRODUCTION. 


23 


a priesthood  or  clerical  order  to  mediate  between  God 
and  man.  The  primitive  Christians  acknowledged 
Christ  Jesus  as  the  head  of  their  church,  and  the 
“ High  Priest  of  their  profession.”*^  In  him  they  were 
united  as  one  body  through  which  the  stream  of  divine 
life  flowed,  imparting  health  and  nourishment  to  every 
member;  and  hence  the  apostle  John  says:  “The 
anointing  which  ye  have  received  of  him  abideth  in 
you,  and  ye  need  not  that  any  man  teach  you,  but  as 
the  same  anointing  teacheth  you  of  all  things,  and  is 
truth  and  is  no  lie,  and  even  as  it  hath  taught  you, 
ye  shall  abide  in  him.”^  But  although  the  teaching 
of  the  spirit  is  the  highest  privilege  accorded  to  man, 
it  has  pleased  the  great  Head  of  the  church  to  bestow 
upon  its  members  various  spiritual  gifts  of  teaching 
and  government,  “for  the  perfecting  of  the  saints,  for 
the  work  of  the  ministry,  for  the  edifying  of  the  body 
of  Christ.” 

It  is  abundantly  evident  from  the  records  of  the 
Kew  Testament,  that  all  who  were  recognised  as  min- 
isters of  the  gospel  had  received  a divine  call  to  that 
service,  and  were  endowed  with  spiritual  gifts  to 
qualify  them  for  its  performance.  To  preach  the  gos- 
pel effectually,  is  to  bring  the  hearers  under  the  bap- 
tizing power  of  divine  Truth,  which  cannot  be  eflected 
by  mere  human  efibrt,  however  aided  by  abilities  and 
learning.  Ho  stream  can  rise  higher  than  its  source, 
no  human  soul  can  impart  healing  virtue  to  another, 
unless  it  be  itself  baptized  in  the  pure  fountain  of 
eternal  love. 

This  spiritual  ministry  in  the  primitive  Church  was 
not  conflned  to  men ; for  as  Peter  said  on  the  day  of 


* Heb.  iii.  3. 


2 1 John.  ii.  27. 


24 


INTRODUCTION. 


Pentecost,  the  prophecy  of  Joel  was  then  fulfilled: 
“ It  shall  come  to  pass  in  the  last  days,  saith  God.. 
I will  pour  out  of  my  spirit  upon  all  flesh : and  your 
sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy.”  Accord- 
ingly, w^e  find  that  women,  as  well  as  men,  were  called 
to  publish  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation.  Ministers 
were  sometimes  called  prophets;  for  to  prophesy  is 
‘Mo  speak  to  edification,  exhortation,  or  comfort.” 
We  are  informed  in  the  Acts,  that  Philip,  the  Evan- 
gelist, “had  four  daughters,  virgins  which  did  pro- 
phesy,” and  Paul  writes  of  certain  women  who 
“labored  with  him  in  the  gospel.”  ^ 

Another  remarkable  feature  in  the  primitive  Church 
was  that  ministers  received  no  salaries  for  preaching. 
They  adhered  to  the  precept  of  their  Master:  “Freely 
ye  have  received,  freely  give.”  After  the  resurrection 
of  Christ,  we  find  that  Peter  and  others  went  a fish- 
ing, for  they  were  fishers  by  occupation ; and  Paul, 
w^ho  was  a tent-maker,  maintained  himself  by  working 
at  his  trade  while  he  abode  at  Corinth,  preaching  the 
gospel  every  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  synagogue.  It 
is  true  that  Paul  claimed  for  himself  and  others,  while 
travelling  in  the  gospel  ministry,  the  privilege  of 
sojourning  at  the  houses  of  the  brethren,  and  eating 
such  things  as  were  set  before  them,  agreeably  to  the 
instructions  of  their  Lord.  This  he  terms  “ partaking 
of  their  carnal  things,”  and  illustrates  it  by  the  Mosaic 
injunction : “ thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  ox  that  treadeth 
out  the  corn.”  But  even  this  privilege  he  did  not 
always  feel  at  liberty  to  accept,  for  a necessity  was 
laid  upon  him  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  he  did  it 
“ without  charge.” 


* Acts  xxi.  9.  Phil.  iv.  3. 


2 1 Cor.  ix.  18. 


INTRODUCTION. 


25 


In  reference  to  ttiis  point,  it  is  remarked  by  Heander 
in  his  church  history,  that  St.  Paul  expressly  declares 
that  those  who  travelled  about  to  preach  the  gospel  were 
justified  in  suffering  themselves  to  receive  the  supply 
of  their  earthly  wants  from  those  for  whose  spiritual 
advantage  they  were  laboring ; but  we  have  no  right 
from  this  to  draw  the  same  conclusion  with  regard  to 
the  church  officers  of  particular  communities.  The 
former  could  not  well  unite  the  business  necessary  to 
earn  their  livelihood  with  the  labors  of  their  spiritual 
calling,  although  the  self-denial  of  Paul  rendered  even 
this  possible ; the  others  on  the  contrary  might  per- 
fectly well  unite,  at  first,  the  continuance  of  their 
employments  with  the  execution  of  their  duty  in  the 
Church ; and  the  primitive  ideas  of  Christians  might 
find  nothing  offensive  in  such  an  union,  as  men  were 
persuaded  that  every  earthly  employment  may  be 
sanctioned  by  the  Christian  feeling  in  which  it  is 
carried  on,  and  they  knew  that  even  an  apostle  him- 
self had  united  the  exercise  of  a trade  with  the  preach- 
ing of  the  gospel.”  ^ 

3.  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY. 

Among  the  many  blessings  resulting  from  the 
doctrines  of  Christ,  when  faithfully  maintained,  is 
religious  liberty ; for  ‘‘where  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
is,  there  is  liberty.”^  The  true  Christian  will  neither 
invade  the  liberty  of  others,  nor  yield  his  principles 
to  ecclesiastical  domination.  'When  the  disciples, 
James  and  John,  inquired  of  the  ^Master  whether  they 
should  call  down  fire  from  heaven  to  consume  the 


‘ P.  113. 


3 


2 Cor.  iii.  17. 


26 


INTRODUCTION. 


Samaritans  who  refused  to  receive  them,  he  rebuked 
them,  saying:  “Ye  know  not  what  manner  of  spirit 
ye  are  of,  for  the  Son  of  Man  came  not  to  destroy 
men’s  lives,  but  to  save  them.”  ^ 

Accordingly,  we  find  in  the  apostolic  age,  no  in- 
stance where  freedom  of  conscience  was  invaded  by 
Christians.  They  did  not  attempt  to  force  th'eir  doc- 
trines upon  others,  but  left  each  man  free  to  follow 
his  own  convictions  of  duty ; and  on  the  other  hand, 
when  required  by  the  rulers  to  desist  from  their  re- 
ligious duties,  the  apostles  answered : “ Whether  it  be 
right  in  the  sight  of  God  to  hearken  unto  you  more 
than  unto  God,  judge  ye.”  ^ 

The  ministers  and  elders  commissioned  to  feed  the 
flock  of  God,  took  the  oversight  of  it,  not  for  filthy 
lucre’s  sake,  but  of  a ready  mind ; neither  did  they 
conduct  themselves  as  lords  over  God’s  heritage,  but 
as  ensamples  of  the  flock.^ 

They  did  not  assume  to  be  a separate  caste  from 
the  people,  for  there  was  then  no  distinction  of  clergy 
and  laity,  nor  did  they  accept  titles  of  reverence  w^hich 
the  Master  himself  has  expressly  forbidden. 

The  government  of  the  Church  was  vested  in  the 
whole  body  of  its  members,  among  whom,  says 
Mosheim,  “there  reigned  not  only  an  amiable  har- 
mony but  also  a perfect  equality.” “ The 

people  were  undoubtedly  the  first  in  authority,  for  the 
apostles  showed  by  their  own  example  that  nothing 
of  moment  was  to  be  carried  on  or  determined  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  assembly  ; and  such  a method 
of  proceeding  was  both  prudent  and  necessary  in 
those  critical  times.”  “It  was  therefore  the  assembly 


1 Luke  ix.  54, 


2 Acts  iv.  10. 


> 1 Pet.  V.  2. 


INTRODUCTION. 


27 


of  the  people  which  chose  rulers  and  teachers,  or  re- 
ceived them  by  a free  and  authoritative  consent,  when 
recommended  by  others.  The  same  people  rejected 
or  confirmed  by  their  sufii’ages  the  laws  that  were 
proposed  by  their  rulers  to  the  assembly ; excommu- 
nicated profiigate  and  unworthy  members  of  the 
Church ; restored  the  penitent  to  their  forfeited  privi- 
leges ; passed  judgment  upon  the  difierent  subjects  of 
controversy  and  dissension  that  arose  in  their  commu- 
nity ; examined  and  decided  the  disputes  which  hap- 
pened between  the  elders  and  deacons,  and  in  a word, 
exercised  all  that  authority  which  belongs  to  such  as 
are  invested  with  sovereign  power.”  ^ 

4.  A TESTIMONY  AGAINST  WAR  AND  OPPRESSION. 

In  no  respect  w^as  the  religion  of  Christ  more  re- 
markably distinguished  from  all  others,  than  by  its 
opposition  to  war  and  oppression.  The  world  had  for 
thousands  of  years  been  ruled  by  physical  force,  and 
the  earth  had  been  steeped  with  the  blood  of  its  in- 
habitants ; but  at  the  birth  of  the  Messiah,  the  nature 
of  his  kingdom  was  indicated  by  the  angelic  anthem, 
‘‘  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  on  earth  peace,  and 
good-will  towards  men.”  In  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount  he  proclaimed  those  heavenly  principles, 
which,  if  they  prevailed  in  the  hearts  of  mankind, 
would  put  an  end  to  war;  for  the  ‘‘poor  in  spirit,” 
the  meek,  the  merciful,  and  the  peace-makers,  will 
neither  inflict  an  injury  upon  others  nor  avenge  their 
own  wrongs  by  the  destruction  of  human  life.  The 
divine  teacher,  in  order  to  render  his  precepts  the 


* Ec.  Hist.  1 cent.  chap.  ii. 


28 


INTRODUCTION. 


more  emphatic,  contrasts  them  with  the  Mosaic  law 
which  they  were  intended  to  supersede:  ‘‘Ye  have 
heard  that  it  hath  been  said,  An  eye  for  an  eye,  and  a 
tooth  for  a tooth,  hut  I say  unto  you.  That  ye  resist 
not  evil.”  . . . “Ye  have  heard  that  it  hath  been  said, 
Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  and  hate  thine  enemy, 
but  I say  unto  you.  Love  your  enemies.”  Upon  these 
principles  he  continually  acted,  and  after  his  resur- 
rection, his  disciples  followed  his  example,  evincing 
by  their  successful  labors  the  power  of  divine  truth 
and  Christian  love  to  overcome  the  world. 

The  triumphs  of  Christianity  have  always  been  ef- 
fected by  love,  and  often  through  much  suffering; 
but  never  by  resistance  or  violence ; for  love  is  the 
proper  antagonist  of  hatred,  and  there  are  few  human 
hearts  so  implacable  but  that  they  may  be  subdued 
by  long-continued  kindness. 

When  we  consider  the  precepts  and  example  of 
Christ  and  the  nature  of  those  heavenly  principles 
which  he  inspires,  it  appears  impossible  that  he  can 
look  with  approbation  upon  any  war,  however  plausi- 
ble the  pretext  on  which  it  is  founded.  To  im- 
poverish, to  devastate,  to  maim,  and  to  kill,  are  not 
the  dictates  of  Christian  love,  nor  can- such  deeds  be 
reconciled  with  that  heavenly  charity  which  suffereth 
long  and  is  kind:  . . . which  seeketh  not  her  own,  is 
not  easily  provoked : . . . hopeth  all  things,  endureth 
all  things,  and  never  faileth.”  It  is  a well  attested 
historical  fact,  that  the  primitive  Christians  during 
nearly  three  centuries  did  not  bear  arms,  nor  engage 
in  battle,  and  the  reason  assigned  for  it  by  Tertullian, 
Irenaeus,  Justin  Martyr,  and  others,  was  that  war 
was  unlawful  for  a Christian. 

Christianity  is  not  only  opposed  to  war,  but  is  cal- 


INTRODUCTION. 


29 


culated  to  put  an  end  to  every  form  of  violence  and 
oppression.  That  spirit  of  universal  charity  which 
breathes  in  the  gospel,  must,  when  it  pervades  society, 
elevate  the  degraded,  instruct  the  ignorant,  and  en- 
franchise the  slave. 

The  Christians  in  Judea,  during  the  apostolic  age, 
were  a fraternity  of  believers,  who  ‘‘had  all  things 
common ; ” they  sold  their  possessions  and  goods,  and 
parted  them  to  all  men,  as  every  man  had  need.” 
This  state  of  things  precluded  the  existence  of  slavery 
among  them,  even  if  it  had  not  been  forbidden  by  the 
gospel.  In  other  parts  of  the  Eoman  empire,  slavery 
existed  among  the  heathens  in  its  worst  form,  and  the 
master  had  absolute  control  over  his  slaves,  even  to 
the  taking  of  life. 

“Christianity,”  says  hTeander,  “first  prepared  an 
entire  change  in  these  circumstances,  because  it  taught 
the  originally  equal  rights  and  the  originally  equal 
destinies  of  all  men  created  in  the  image  of  God,  and 
because  it  represented  God  as  the  leather,  and  Christ 
the  Eedeemer  of  all  mankind,  and  every  individual 
as  the  immediate  object  of  God’s  providential  care.” 
. . . “ Servants  and  masters,  by  becoming  believers, 
were  mutually  bound  together  in  the  same  bond  of  an 
heavenly  union,  destined  for  immortality.  They  be- 
came brethren  in  Christ — with  whom  there  is  neither 
bondsmen  nor  freemen  — they  became  members  of 
one  body,  made  to  drink  of  one  Spirit,  and  heirs  of 
the  same  heavenly  possessions.”  . . . “And  besides 
by  the  very  spirit  and  practice  of  Christianity,  such 
ideas  and  feelings  were  naturally  engendered,  as  were 
utterly  inconsistent  with  this  institution  of  slavery, 
however  well  it  might  correspond  to  the  then  es- 
tablished notions.  Christianity  would  naturally  in- 
3* 


80 


INTRODUCTION. 


troduce  a wish  that  all  men  should  he  placed  in  those 
circumstances,  in  which  they  would  he  the  least 
hindered  in  the  free  • and  independent  use  of  their 
spiritual  and  moral  powers  according  to  the  will  of 
God : and  thus  St.  Paul  says  to  the  servant,  ‘‘If  thou 
mayest  he  made  free,  use  it  rather.”^ 

5.  A TESTIMONY  AGAINST  OATHS. 

That  oaths  of  all  kinds  were  forbidden  under  the 
gospel,  needs,  for  proof,  only  a recurrence  to  the  ex- 
press language  of  Christ,  who,  after  adverting  to  the 
Mosaic  prohibition  of  perjury,  adds  this  emphatic 
declaration:  “But  I say  unto  you,  swear  not  at  all.” 
. . . . “Let  your  communication  he.  Yea,  yea;  Yay, 
nay : for  whatsoever  is  more  than  these,  cometh  of- 
evil.”  This  prohibition  is  confirmed  by  the  apostle 
James,  who  says:  “But,  above  all  things,  my  brethren, 
swear  not,  neither  by  heaven  nor  by  the  earth,  neither 
by  any  other  oath,  hut  let  your  yea  be  yea,  and  your 
nay,  nay  ; lest  ye  fall  into  condemnation.” 

The  primitive  Christians  understood  and  observed 
this  command  in  a literal  sense,  as  has  been  proved 
by  the  writings  of  Tertullian,  Justin  Mai’tyr,  Cyprian, 
Eusebius,  Origen,  and  others.^ 

6.  A TESTIMONY  AGAINST  VAIN  FASHIONS,  CORRUPTING 
AMUSEMENTS,  AND  FLATTERING  TITLES. 

The  primitive  Christians  were  a plain  self-denying 
people,  who,  in  life  and  conversation,  were  not  con- 

’ Church  Hist.  Sect.  3,  p.  166. 

2 See  William  Penn’s  Treatise  on  Oaths,  Folio  Ed.  p.  305-321, 
in  which  numerous  passages  from  the  Fathers  are  quoted. 


INTRODUCTION. 


31 


formed  to  the  world,  but  transformed  by  the  renewing 
of  their  niinds.  Having  their  affections  fixed  upon 
heavenly  things,  their  minds  were  raised  above  those 
vain  desffes  ^vliich  prompt  the  votaries  of  fashion  to 
seek  enjoyment  in  gay  apparel  and  frivolous  amuse- 
ments. 

The  apostle  of  the  Gentiles  recommended  to  Chris* 
tian  women,  that  they  should  adorn  themselves  in 
modest  apparel,  and  not  with  broidered  hair,  or  gold, 
or  pearls,  or  costly  array,  but,  as  becometh  women 
professing  godliness,  with  good  works ; and  Peter,  in 
similar  language,  cautions  them  against  the  use  of 
sumptuous  apparel.^  Tertullian,  in  addressing  the 
Christians  of  his  day,  says : “ What  cause  can  }'ou 
have  to  go  out  gaily  dressed,  for  you  are  far  from  all 
where  this  can  be  required?  For  you  go  not  about 
to  the  temples,  you  require  no  plays,  and  know 
nothing  of  the  festivals  of  the  heathen ! You  have 
no  other  than  serious  matters  which  require  3’ou  to 
appear  abroad.” 

Cyprian,  after  describing  the  pure  joys  of  the  Chris- 
tian life,  thus  alludes  to  the  corruptions  of  the  heathen : 
If  3'ou  cast  your  e^^es  upon  the  towns,  you  meet  with 
an  assembly  which  is  more  frightful  than  solitude.  A 
combat  of  gladiators  is  in  preparation,  in  order  to 
gratify  the  thirst  of  cruel  eyes  with  blood.  A man 
is  put  to  death  for  the  pleasure  of  men,  murder  be- 
comes a profession,  and  crime  not  only  practised,  but 
even  tau2:ht.”  ^ 

But  it  was  not  alone  the  combats  of  gladiators 
which  Christians  then  refused  to  witness;  the^"  de- 
clined attendance  upon  all  those  spectacles  exhibited 


^ 1 Tim.  ii.  9.  1 Pet.  iii.  3. 


2 Neauder,  Ch.  Hist.  162, 176. 


32 


INTRODUCTION. 


for  public  entertainments ; the  pantomimic  shows,  the 
tragedies  and  comedies,  the  chariot  and  foot  races,  in 
short,  all  the  amusements  of  the  theatre  and  circus. 

They  carried  their  principles  into  all  the  concerns 
of  their  daily  life,  and  refused  to  engage  in  any  trade 
or  business  which  could  give  countenance  to  idolatry, 
or  minister  in  any  way  to  the  depraved  tastes  and  ap- 
petites of  the  peopled 

“God  hath  commanded,”. says  Tertullian,  “that 
the  Holy  Spirit,  a spirit  essentially  tender  and  kind, 
should  be  received  with  tranquillity  and  gentleness, 
with  peace  and  stillness,  and  not  be  disquieted  by 
passion,  rage,  anger,  and  the  violence  of  irritated 
feelings.  How  can  such  a spirit  put  up  with  the  ex- 
hibitions of  the  playhouse?”  . . . “How  since  with  us 
all  immodesty  is  an  object  of  horror,  how  can  we 
dare  there  to  listen  to  things  which  we  dare  not  s]3eak, 
while  we  know  that  all  useless  and  trifling  discourse 
is  condemned  by  the  Lord  ?”  ^ 

The  early  Christians  conferred  upon  each  other  no 
pompous  titles,  or  flattering  appellations;  they  ac- 
knowledged but  one  Lord  and  Master,  even  Christ, 
and  all  they  were  brethren.  They  addressed  each 
other  by  the  endearing  titles,  “brother,  and  sister  ; ” 
which  were  not  empty  names,  but  indicated  the 
equality  and  affection  that  reigned  among  them.  In 
an  age  of  cold  selfishness,  nothing  so  much  astonished 
their  heathen  neighbors  as  the  fraternal  affection  that 
prevailed  among  the  Christians,  levelling  all  dis- 
tinctions of  rank  or  wealth,  and  obliterating  all 
national  prejudices,  so  that  even  strangers  from  distant 
lands,  mingled  as  one  common  family.^ 


* Neander,  Ch.  Hist.  162,  176. 


2 Ibid. 


® Neander,  156. 


IXTRODUCTION. 


33 


Sucli  was  the  condition  of  the  primitive  Christian 
Church  while  it  retained  the  vitality  of  its  original 
constitution.  There  were  doubtless  many  of  its 
members  unfaithful  to  their  high-calling,  but  the 
‘‘fruits  of  the  Spirit”  were  manifest  in  general  purity 
of  life  and  conversation,  and  so  great  was  the  harmony 
prevailing  among  them  that  the  heathen  were  wont 
to  exclaim  “ See  how  the  Christians  love  one  another.” 

THE  CORRUPTION  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

The  chief  causes  which  led  to  the  apostasy,  were 
the  ambition  and  covetousness  of  the  bishops,  their 
assumption  of  privileges  pertainiiig  to  the  Jewish 
priesthood,  and  their  proneness  to  adopt  the  notions 
of  speculative  philosophy.  The  apostle  of  the  gen- 
tiles had  warned  the  church,  that  after  his  departure, 
“ grievous  wolves  should  enter  in  among  them,  not 
sparing  the  Jock,”  and  that  the  “ man  of  sin  ” should 
be  revealed.  He  therefore  cautions  them  to  beware 
lest  any  man  should  spoil  them  through  philosophy 
and  vain  deceit.”  It  should  be  remembered  that  the 
heathen  philosophy  here  alluded  to,  was  not  like 
modern  science,  founded  on  the  observation  of  natural 
phenomena  and  applied  to  useful  purposes ; but  con- 
sisted chiefly  in  vain  speculations  and  conjectures, 
which  served  to  amuse  and  exercise  the  imagination 
without  promoting  the  good  of  mankind. 

Hear  the  close  of  the  second  century,  a sect  of  phi- 
losophers arose  in  Egypt,  spread  rapidly  through  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  was  extremely 
prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  Christianity.  ^ They  were 


* Musheim’s  Ecc.  Hist.  2d  Cent.  Part  II.  chap.  1. 


34 


INTRODUCTION, 


called  the  New  Platoiiists,  because  they  taught  some 
of  the  views  of  Plato,  which  they  blended  and  en- 
deavored to  reconcile  with  the  Christian  doctrines. 
Their  system  was,  indeed,  an  amalgamation  of  Chris- 
tianity and  heathenism,  set  forth  in  the  attractive 
language  of  philosophy.  They  professed  to  select  and 
combine  the  truths  contained  in  all  other  systems, 
and  hence  they  were  sometimes  called  Eclectics. 

Many  of  the  Christian  ministers  embraced  these 
views,  and  the  study  of  this  chimerical  philosophy 
continued  to  spread  among  them  until  they  were  led 
away  from  the  simple  religion  of  Christ,  which  is  a 
life-giving  power  revealed  in  the  soul,  — and  were 
induced  to  place  tbeir  reliance  upon  mere  notions  and 
dogmas,  — the  empty  husks  of  scholastic  theology. 

There  were  those  among  the  Christian  teachers 
who  saw  the  dangerous  tendency  of  these  doctrines, 
and  endeavored  to  exclude  such  discussions  from  the 
church,  but  their  efforts  were  ineffectual,  the  philoso- 
phers prevailed,  and  in  most  places  gained  an  entire 
ascendency. 

Those  spiritual  gifts  wdiich  in  the  apostqlic  age  had 
been  considered  sufficient  qualifications  for  teaching 
and  government,  and  had  often  been  conferred  by  the 
Head  of  the  Church  on  persons  destitute  of  learning, 
were  no  longer  considered  sufficient  for  the  Christian 
ministry. 

‘‘  Laws  were  enacted  which  excluded  the  ignorant 
and  illiterate  from  the  office  of  public  teachers.”  The 
bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics  took  the  name  of 
clergy,  implying  that  they  were  the  lot  or  portion  of 
the  Lord ; and  all  others  were  called  laity  or  the  peo- 
ple. Thus  the  priesthood  was  established  as  a’ sepa- 
rate caste,  supposed  to  possess  peculiar  sanctity  in 


INTRODUCTION. 


35 


virtue  of  their  ordination,  and  claiming  an  exclusive 
right  to  perform  the  functions  of  the  Christian 
ministry. 

ISTo  sooner  was  this  monopoly  established  and  a 
sacerdotal  order  imposed  upon  the  Church,  than  the 
clergy  began  to  encroach  upon  the  liberties  of  the 
people ; assuming  the  right  to  settle  all  difficulties  in 
matters  of  faith ; and  the  numerous  synods  and 
councils  they  caused  to  be  assembled,  composed  en- 
tirely of  ecclesiastics,  instead  of  settling  their  differ- 
ences, only  tended  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  body 
and  to  scandalize  their  profession.  The  clergy  had 
the  address  to  persuade  the  people  that  the  ministers 
of  the  Christian  Church  succeeded  to  all  the  rights 
of  the  Jewish  priesthood,  and  hence  the  rise  of  tithes, 
first-fruits,  splendid  garments,  and  titles  of  honor, 
claimed  by  the  priestly  order.^ 

The  persecution  to  which  the  Christians  were  ex- 
posed, had  a tendency  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the 
Church,  by  withholding  from  selfish  or  mercenary 
minds  any  inducement  to  enter  its  communion,  or 
appear  as  its  ministers.  This  state  of  things  was 
entirely  changed  when,  about  the  year  313,  the 
Emperor  Constantine  made  an  open  profession  of  the 
Christian  faith.  He  was  disposed  to  be  a munificent 
patron  of  the  Church,  and  lavished  w'ealth  and  honors 
upon  the  clergy,  which  hastened  the  progress  of  cor- 
ruption. 

About  this  time,  two  errors  of  a most  pernicious 
tendency  began  to  prevail  among  the  teachers  of  re- 
ligion. One  was,  the  maxim,  “ That  it  "was  an  act 
of  virtue  to  deceive  and  lie,  when,  by  such  means, 


* Moslicim,  2d  cent,  and  Neander  III. 


36 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  interests  of  the  Church  might  he  promoted the 
other  was  : Tliat  errors  in  religion,  when  maintained 

and  adhered  to,  after  proper  admonition,  were  punish- 
able wdth  civil  penalties  and  corporal  tortures.”  ^ The 
first  of  these  horrible  doctrines  sanctioned  the  pious 
frauds  and  fictions  employed  by  the  clergy  to  establish 
their  dominion ; the  second  served  to  cloak  their  per- 
secuting zeal  against  those  they  termed  heretics. 

The  principal  subject  of  dispute  in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury was,  “The  doctrine  of  three  persons  in  the 
Godhead;  a subject  which,  in  the  three  preceding 
\centuries,  had  happily  escaped  the  vain  curiosity  of 
human  researches,  and  been  left  undefined  and  unde- 
termined by  any  particular  set  of  ideas.”  . . . . 
“ IN'othing  was  dictated  on  this  head  to  the  faith  of 
Christians,  nor  were  there  any  modes  of  expression 
prescribed  as  requisite  to  be  used  in  speaking  of  this 
mystery.  Hence  it  happened  that  the  Christian  doctors 
entertained  different  sentiments  on  this  subject  with- 
out giving  the  least  offence,  and  discoursed  variously 
concerning  the  distinctions  in  the  Godhead,  each 
following  his  respective  opinion  with  the  utmost 
liberty.”  ^ 

The  controversy  between  the  Trinitarians  and 
Arians,  which  began  in  Egypt,  having  spread  and 
occasioned  warm  disputes  in  other  paris  of  the  empire, 
Constantine  convoked,  in  the  year  325,  a general 
council  at  Nice  in  Bithynia.  In  this  council,  after 
many  keen  debates  between  the  two  parties,  the 
doctrine  of  Arius  was  condemned,  he  was  banished 
among  the  Illyrians,  and  his  followers  were  com- 
pelled to  give  their  assent  to  the  creed  adopted.  An 

* Moshcini,  Ecc.  Hist.  4th  cent.  Part  II.  ch.  3.  ^ Ibid,  ch.  5. 


INTRODUCTION.  ‘ 


37 


edict  was  issued  by  the  emperor,  commanding  that 
the  writings  of  Arius  should  be  destroyed,  and  that 
any  person  convicted  of  concealing  them  should  suffer 
death. 

The  creed  adopted  by  this  council  of  contentious 
bishops,  and  enforced  by  the  sword  of  a Eoman 
emperor,  was  far  from  healing  the  dissensions  of  the 
Church ; for,  on  the  death  of  Constantine,  his  empire 
was  divided  among  his  three  sons,  one  of  whom  sup- 
ported the  Arians,  while  the  others  adhered  to  the 
established  creed.  Each  party  assembled  its  bishops 
and  presbyters ; so  that  council  was  arrayed  against 
council,  brother  against  brother,  and  scenes  of  violence 
ensued,  in  which  all  the  principles  of  Christianity 
were  set  at  naught. 

The  ascendency  obtained  by  the  bishop  of  Eome, 
and  the  fraudulent  means  used  to  sustain  his  authority, 
contributed  greatly  to  accelerate  the  general  apostasy. 
The  claim  of  the  Eoman  Pontiff*  to  universal  supre- 
macy is  founded  upon  the  assumption  that  he  is  the 
successor  of  St.  Peter  — the  Eock  on  which  it  is 
absurdly  alleged  that  Christ  declared  he  would  build 
his  church.  There  is  no  proof  that  Peter  was  bishop 
of  Eome,  nor  that  he  delegated  his  authority  to  any 
successor ; but  independently  of  these  considerations, 
it  cannot  be  supposed  that  the  church  was  founded 
on  a fallible  man.  The  Eock  referred  to  in  the  text 
is  that  “ Spiritual  Eock,”  of  which  the  Israelites  drank 
in  the  wilderness,  and  ‘‘that  Rock  was  Christ.''  It 
w^as  this  Eternal  Word  wdiich  revealed  to  Peter  that 
Jesus  w^as  the  son  of  God,  and  on  the  revelations  of 
this  word^  the  true  Church  has  ever  been  established ; 
for  “other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than  that  is 
laid,  wdiich  is  Jesus  Christ.”  He  is  that  stone  wdiich 

I.  — 4 


38 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  builders  rejected,  whom  God  has  made  the  head 
of  the  corner.”  > 

Syricius,  who  was  called  to  the  see  of  Eome  in  the 
year  384  and  reigned  till  A.  D.  398,  is  the  first  of 
whom  any  act  exists  wherein  he  styles  himself  Papa 
or  Pope,  a title  signif3ung  father ; which,  prior  to  this 
period,  was  given  through  respect  to  all  bishops  in- 
discriminately ; hut  which  those  of  Pome  subsequently 
appropriated  to  themselves.’  It  is  evident  that  about 
the  close  of  the  fourth  centurj^,  the  apostasy  was  so 
far  advanced  that  the  true  Church  of  Christ  was  no 
longer  visible  ; — she  had  “ fled  into  the  wilderness  to 
a place  prepared  of  God,”  there  to  be  nourished 
during  the  1260  3'ears,  that  the  witnesses  should 
‘‘prophesy  in  sackcloth,”  while  the  outer-court  was 
given  up  to  the  Gentiles.”^ 

In  Mosheim’s  account  of  the  fourth  century,  he 
says,  “An  enormous  train  of  diflerent  superstitions, 
were  gradually  substituted  for  true  religion  and 
genuine  piety.”  . . . “ The  reins  being  once  let  loose 
to  superstition  which  knows  no  hounds,  absurd 
notions  and  idle  ceremonies  multiplied  almost  eveiy 
day.  Quantities  of  dust  and  earth  brought  from 
Palestine  and  other  places  remarkable  for  their  sup- 
posed sanctit}",  were  handed  about  as  the  most  power- 
ful remedies  against  the  violence  of  wicked  spirits ; 
and  were  sold  and  bought  everj^  where  at  enormous 
prices.  The  public  processions  and  supplications  by 
which  the  Pagans  endeavored  to  appease  their  gods 
were  adopted  into  the  Christian  worship,  and  cele- 
brated in  many  places  with  great  pomp  and  magnifi- 
cence. The  virtues  which  had  formerly  been  as- 


* Bowers,  Hist,  of  Popes,  I.  244. 


2 Ecv.  xi.  2,  3,  and  xii.  0. 


INTRODUCTION. 


39 


cribed  to  the  heathen  temples,  to  their  lustrations,  to 
the  statues  of  their  gods  and  heroes,  were  now  at- 
tributed to  Christian  churches,  to  water  consecrated 
by  certain  forms  of  prayer  and  to  images  of  holy 
men.”  . . . ‘‘In  these  times  the  religion  of  the  Greeks 
and  Eomans  differed  very  little  in  its  external  ap- 
pearance from  that  of  the  Christians.  They  had  both 
a most  pompous  and  splendid  ritual.  Gorgeous  robes, 
mitres,  tiaras,  wax-tapers,  crosiers,  processions,  lustra- 
tions, images,  gold  and  silver  vases,  and  many  such 
circumstances  of  pageantry,  were  equally  to  be  seen  in 
the  heathen  temples  and  in  the  .Christian  churches.” 

Hear  the  end  of  the  4th  century,  the  emperor  The- 
odosius I.  decreed  the  abolition  of  paganism  and  pro- 
hibited under  pain  of  death  the  celebration  of  its 
rites,  as  treason  to  the  state  ; but  he  was  probably  not 
aware  that  paganism  in  its  most  essential  features 
was  already  adopted  into  the  Church.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  oth  century,  Theodosius  II.  issued  an 
‘edict  proclaiming  the  bishop  of  Eome  “ ruler  of  the 
whole  church.” 

That  church  which  was  once  the  temple  of  God  had 
become  the  temple  of  Antichrist ; for  this  title  is  not 
limited  in  its  application  to  an  individual  or  a dynasty, 
nor  is  it  confiued  to  one  locality;  it  is  applicable  to 
that  proud  self-sufficient  spirit  in  man  which  exalts 
itself  above  the  Spirit  of  Clirist,  presuming  in  his 
name  to  command  and  enforce  obedience  to  its  de- 
crees by  making  war  on  the  saints.  But  although  it 
was  manifest  in  its  bitter  fruits  throughout  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  visible  Church,  it  was  at  Eome  and  Con- 
stantinople that  the  most  conspicuous  evidences  of  its 
power  were  exhibited.  Between  the  Pope  and  the 
Patriarch  there  was  a fierce  contest  for  pre-eminence, 


40 


INTRODUCTION. 


attended  with  bitter  animosity,  which  continued  for 
centuries  and  finally  resulted  in  an  entire  separation 
between  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches. 

In  the  year  606,  the  title  of  Universal  Bishop  was 
conferred  on  the  Pope  by  the  emperor  Phocas,  one 
of  the  most  detestable  tyrants  that  ever  usurped  a 
throne.  The  power  of  the  Roman  see  was  greatly 
increased  in  the  year  754,  by  the  donation  of  Pepin 
king  of  France,  who  conferred  upon  Pope  Stephen 
part  of  the  territory  in  Italy  recently  conquered  from 
the  Lombards.  Charlemagne,  the  successor  of  Pepin, 
confirmed  and  augmented  this  grant  to  the  Pope, 
who  thus  -became  a temporal  sovereign  and  held  the 
sword  of  the  magistrate  as  w’ell  as  the  crosier  of  the 
priest.  It  has  been  the  uniform  policy  of  the  Popes 
to  extend  the  authority  of  the  Roman  see,  by  every 
means  in  their  power ; and  their  ambition  has  often 
involved  them  in  desolating  wars. 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  10th  century,  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  were  engaged  in  scenes  of  violence 
and  fraud  almost  unparalleled;  six  popes  were  de- 
posed, tw^o  murdered,  and  one  mutilated ; frequently 
two  and  even  three  competitors  were  contending  for 
the  chair,  and  by  turns  driving  each  other  from  the 
city.  “ The  history  of  the  popes  who  lived  in  this 
century,”  says  Mosheim,  ‘Gs  a history  of  so  many 
monsters,  and  not  of  men,  and  exhibits  a horrible 
series  of  the  most  flagitious,  tremendous  and  compli- 
cated crimes,  as  all  writers,  even  those  of  the  Romish 
communion,  unanimously  confess.”  ^ 

In  pushing  forward  their  schemes  of  universal  do- 
minion, the  popes  did  not  confine  themselves  to  their 


* Ecc.  Hist.  10th  Cent.  Part  II. 


INTRODUCTION. 


41 


spiritual  weapons  ; but  like  other  potentates  had  their 
armies,  mostly  composed  of  mercenary  troops  and 
frequently  commanded  by  ecclesiastics. 

In  the  crusades  for  the  recovery  of  the  ‘‘holy 
' sepulchre,”  instigated  by  the  Roman  hierarchy,  the 
clergy  took  an  active  part,  and  while  the  monarchs 
of  Europe  were  weakened  and  impoverished  by  those 
disastrous  expeditions,  the  Roman  Pontitis  continued 
to  increase  in  power.  During  the  greater  part  of  that 
period  of  ten  centuries  called  the  middle  ages,  while 
superstition  brooded  over  the  civilized  world  and 
Europe  was  convulsed  with  desolating  wars;  the 
Popes,  true  to  the  instinct  of  priestly  ambition,  took 
advantage  of  every  turn  in  political  aflairs  to  build  up 
the  vast  fabric  of  their  power.  Their  emissaries  were 
found  in  every  city,  and  their  ambassadors  at  every 
court;  by  the  arts  of  diplomacy  they  circumvented 
the  strong,  and  by  the  terrors  of  excommunication 
they  alarmed  the  timid,  until  they  were  enabled  to 
give  the  law  to  empires,  to  put  their  feet  upon  the 
necks  of  kings. 

THE  WITNESSES. 

In  contemplating  the  superstition,  misery  and  crime 
that  overspread  Christendom  during  the  long  night 
of  the  apostasy,  the  inquiry  arises.  Were  there  none 
to  keep  alive  the  sacred  flame  of  pure  religion  ? Yes, 
there  were  witnesses  for  the  Truth,  but  they  prophe- 
sied in  sackcloth.  In  various  parts  of  Europe  there 
were  large  numbers  of  devoted  Christians,  who,  for 
many  centuries,  had  separated  from  the  Greek  and 
Roman  churches  in  order  to  escape  the  domination 
of  the  clergy.  Through  their  faithfulness  a succession 
of  devoted  witnesses  was  preserved  until  the  time  of 

4 * 


42 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  Reformation.  They  were  chiefly-  of  two  classes, 
having  sprung  from  two  diflerent  stocks.  One  of 
these  was  the  Paulicians,  who  in  the  seventh  century 
originated  in  the  East,  and  after  enduring  much  cruel 
persecution  from  the  emperors  of  Constantinople,  a 
portion  of  them  withdrew  into  Thrace  and  Bulgaria, 
whence  they  passed  into  Italy  and  France.  They 
were  known  by  the  names  of  the  Cathari,  Bulgarians 
and  Albigenses. 

In  the  13th  century,  a crusade  was  preached  against 
the  Albigenses  in  the  south  of  France,  and  the  soldiers 
who  engaged  in  this  ‘Oioly  war,”  were  promised  not 
only  the  plunder  of  their  innocent  victims,  but  a 
plenary  indulgence  for  all  their  sins,  and  a certain 
passport  to  heaven.  The  armies  employed  in  this 
service  by  Pope  Innocent  III.,  destroyed  above  two 
hundred  thousand  Albigenses  in  the  short  space  of  a 
few  months ; and,  during  a period  of  twenty  years,  it 
was  estimated  that  a million  were  put  to  death.  The 
fires  of  the  Inquisition,  as  well  as  the  sword  of  the 
warrior,  were  called  into  requisition  to  put  down 
heresy.  During  many  centuries,  that  horrid  tribunal 
invented  and  conducted  by  priests,  was  employed  in 
its  work  of  persecution  and  destruction.  Throughout 
southern  Europe,  the  sanctuaries  of  domestic  life  were 
invaded  by  its  secret  emissaries,  and  the  unsuspecting 
victims,  snatched  away  from  their  homes,  were  sub- 
f jected  to  the  agonies  of  torture  to  extort  confession, 
after  which  they  were  immured  in  dungeons  or  con- 
sumed at  the  stake. 

Ilallam,  in  his  History  of  the  Middle  Ages,  after 
adverting  to  the  persecution  of  the  Albigenses  in 
Languedoc,  says,  the  Catharists,  a fraternity  of  the 
same  Paulician  origin,  more  dispersed  than  the  Albi- 


INTRODUCTION. 


43 


genses,  had  previously  sustained  a similar  trial.”  He 
attributes  to  them  “ qualities  of  a far  superior  lustre 
to  orthodoxy,  a sincerity,  a piety,  a self-devotion,  that 
almost  purified  the  age  in  which  they  lived.”  The 
same  historian  ascribes  a very  extensive  efiect  to  the 
preaching  of  these  people,  who,  he  says,  ‘‘  appeared 
in  various  countries  during  the  same  period,  in  Spain, 
Lombardy,  Germany,  Flanders,  and  England.”^ 

These  reputed  heretics,  says  Mosheim,  ‘^’ejected 
all  rites  and  ceremonies;  and  even  the  Christian 
sacraments,  as  destitute  of  any,  even  the  least  spiritual 
efficacy  or  virtue ; ” yet  he  informs  us  that  even  their 
enemies  acknowledged  the  sinceritj^  of  their  piety, 
although  they  blackened  them  with  accusations  which 
were  evidently  false.” 

The  other  class  of  Christian  ‘‘witnesses”  was  the 
church  of  the  AYaldenses,  which,  in  the  valleys  of 
Piedmont,  had  subsisted  from  'a  very  early  period, — 
probably  from  the  age  of  Constantine, — and  previous 
to  th^  Keformation,  had  spread  its  afiiliated  societies 
in  the  north  of  Europe.  Among  the  branches  which 
sprang  from  this  stock  were  the  Bohemian  Brethren 
and  the  Moravians. 

The  Waldenses  asserted  that  they  had  never  ac- 
knowledged the  supremacy  of  the  Homan  pontifis, 
but  had  from  the  earliesfages  preserved  the  doctrines 
and  testimonies  of  the  primitive  church.  An  old  in- 
quisitor of  the  Catholic  church,  Eienerus  Sacco,  re- 
ports the  following  language  as  coming  from  the  TYal- 
denses : — “ The  doctors  of  the  Eoman  church  are 
pompous  both  in  their  habits  and  manners ; they  love 
the  uppermost  rooms  and  the  chief  seats  in  the  syna- 


» P.  506. 


44 


INTRODUCTION. 


gpgues,  to  be  called  of  men  Eabbi,  Rabbi.  For  our 
part,  we  desire  no  sucli  Rabbies.”  . . . They  fight 
and  encourage  wars,  and  command  the  poor  to  be 
killed  and  burnt,  in  defiance  of  the  sa^dng,  ‘ He  that 
taketh  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword.’  For  our 
part,  they  persecute  us  for  righteousness’  sake.  They 
do  nothing  but  eat  the  bread  of  idleness.  We  work 
with  our  hands.  They  monopolize  the  giving  of  in- 
struction, and  ‘ wo  be  to  them  that  take  away  the  key 
of  knowledge.’ — But  among  us,  women  teach  as  well 
as  men^  and  one  disciple,  as  soon  as  he  is  informed, 
teaches  another.  Among  them  you  can  hardly  find  a 
doctor  who  can  repeat  three  chapters  of  the  Hew  Tes- 
tament by  heart ; but  of  us  there  is  scarcely  man  or 
woman  who  doth  not  retain  the  whole.” 

According  to  Mosheim,  they  adopted  as  the  mo- 
del of  their  moral  discipline  the  Sermon  of  Christ  on 
the  Mount,  which  they  interpreted  and  explained  iu 
the  most  rigorous  and  literal  manner;  and  conse- 
quently prohibited  and  condemned  in  their  society  all 
wars  and  suits  at  law,  all  attempts  toward  the  acqui- 
sition of  wealth,  the  infliction  of  capital  punishment, 
self-defence  against  unjust  violence,  and  oaths  of  all 
kinds.”  2 

Milton,  ill  a tract  entitled  Considerations  touching 
the  likeliest  means  to  remove  hirelings  out  of  the 
Church,”  says,  Those  most  ancient  Reformed 
Churches,  the  Waldenses,  if  they  rather  continued 
not  pure  since  the  apostles’  days,  denied  that  tithes 
were  to  be  given,  or  that  they  were  ever  given  in  the 
primitive  church,  as  ajDpears  by  an  ancient  tractate 


* Payran’s  Nouvelles  Lettres,  sur  les  Vaudois,  p.  34. 
2 Ecc.  Hist.,  12th  Cent. 


IXTRODTJCTION. 


45 


inserted  in  the  Bohemian  history.  The  poor  T\Tal- 
denses,  the  ancient  stock  of  our  Keformation,  without 
the  help  [of  tithes,]  bred  up  themselves  in  trades,  and 
especially  in  physic  and  surgery,  as  well  as  the  study 
of  scripture,  which  is  the  only  true  theology,  that  they 
might  be  no  burden  to  the  church,  and  after  the  ex- 
ample of  Christ  might  cure  both  soul  and  body; 
through  industry  adding  that  to  their  ministry  which 
He  joined  to  his  by  the  gift  of  the  spirit.  So  Peter 
Giles  relates  in  his  history  of  the  Waldenses  of  Pied- 
mont.” 

The  Waldenses  were  dreadfully  harassed  by  the 
agents  of  the  Inquisition.  Many  of  them  were  put 
to  death,  and  others  being  driven  from  their  country, 
spread  their  principles  in  foreign  lands.  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Pope  Innocent  YIII. 
issued  a bull  against  them,  in  which  he  directed  the 
archdeacon  of  Cremona  to  extirpate  them,  and  to 
‘‘tread  them  under  foot  as  venomous  adders.”  He 
accordingly  raised  an  army  for  this  purpose,  and  the 
harmless  victims  of  papal  intolerance  were  subjected 
to  the  most  shocking  barbarities.  They  fled  at  his 
approach,  and  concealed  themselves  in  their  mountain 
caves.  He  placed  quantities  of  wood  at  the  entrances 
of  the  caves,  which,  being  set  on  fire,  four  hundred 
children  were  suffocated  with  their  mothers,  and  mul- 
titudes were  dashed  on  the  rocks  below,  or  butchered 
by  the  soldiery.  The  work  of  destruction  was  arrested 
by  the  duke  of  Savoy,  who  took  the  remnant  of  the 
Waldenses  under  his  protection. 


46 


INTRODUCTION. 


THE  PROTESTANT  REFORMATION. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century,  the  Eoman 
Pontiff  was  in  undisturbed  possession  of  that  vast 
ecclesiastical  authority  which  had  been  acquired  by 
the  sagacity  and  perseverance  of  his  predecessors. 
There  \vas  however  throughout  Europe  a deep-seated 
and  increasing  disaffection  to  the  papal  power,  pro- 
duced by  the  usurpations,  the  extortions,  the  profligacy 
and  arrogance  of  the  Eoman  hierarchy. 

In  the  year  1513,  John  de  Medici  succeeded  to  the 
pontificate  under  the  title  of  Leo  X.  He  was  addicted 
to  luxurious  living,  and  so  fond  of  magnificence,  that 
the  expenses  of  his  court  and  the  adorning  of  his 
capital  impoverished  the  papal  treasury.  Hence  he 
was  led  to  employ  all  the  expedients  for  raising 
money  which  priestly  cunning  had  invented,  and 
among  these  the  most  lucrative  was  the  sale  of  indul- 
gences. It  had  been  asserted  in  a bull  of  Clement 
VI.  that  one  drop  of  Christ’s  blood  would  have 
sufficed  to  redeem  the  world,”  but  he  shed  his  blood 
abundantly  that  he  might  supply  his  Church  with  a 
treasury  of  merits  that  could  never  be  exhausted.  In 
addition  to  this,  all  the  good  works  of  the  saints,  be- 
yond what  was  needful  for  their  own  salvation,  — and 
hence  called  works  of  suiter erogation^  were  laid  up  in 
the  same  treasury  to  be  dispensed  by  the  Church  to 
those  who  would  purchase  them  by  services  or  money. 
On  this  doctrine  was  founded  the  sale  of  Indulgences, 
and  Alexander  VI.,  ‘Hhe  Hero  of  the  papal  throne,” 
was  the  first  to  declare  officially  that  they  released 
sinners  from  purgatory.^ 


Rank4,  Hist,  of  Popes,  33. 


INTEODUCTION. 


4T 


The  traffic  in  these  fraudulent  credentials  was  car- 
ried by  Leo  X.  and  his  agents  to  an  enormous  extent ; 
the  prices  being  rated  according  to  the  wealth  of  the 
purchasers,  and  the  nature  of  the  crimes  committed 
or  in  contemplation.  Tetzel,  aDominician  monk,  was 
appointed  the  agent  for  this  traffic  in  Germany, -and 
he  executed  his  commission  in  a manner  that  was  re- 
volting to  reason  and  decency. 

At  this  propitious  period,  when  the  extortions  *of 
the  Roman  hierarchy  had  destro3'ed  the  confidence 
of  the  people,  when  the  revival  of  letters  had  increased 
the  intelligence  of  the  educated  class,  when  the  in- 
vention of  printing  had  furnished  the  means  of  dis- 
seminating knowledge,  and  when  the  seeds  of  a purer 
doctrine  had  been  sown  throughout  Europe  by  the 
various  dissenting  sects ; a humble  instrument  was 
raised  up  by  divine  Providence  to  begin  the  work  of 
reformation  so  long  desired  and  so  often  frustrated. 
Martin  Luther  was  a native  of  Saxony,  a monk  of  the 
order  called  ‘Ghe  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine,”  and 
professor  oy)ivinity  in  the  university  of  Wittenberg. 
He  was  possessed  of  great  talents  and  extensive  learn- 
ing, his  heart  was  deeply  imbued  with  piety  and  his 
mind  enriched  with  scriptural  knowledge.  When  he 
heard  Tetzel  proclaiming  the  all-saving  efficacy  of  in- 
dulgences and  saw  the  demoralizing  consequences 
that  ensued,  his  zeal  was  kindled,  and  he  publicly  de- 
nouncecl  the  shameful  traffic  which  deluded  the  people 
and  put  in  jeopardy  the  souls  of  men. 

At  first,  he  had  no  intention  to  call  in  question  the 
Pope’s  supremacy,  for  at  that  time  he  was  a devoted 
adherent  of  the  Roman  Church,  but  the  violent  oppo- 
sition and  abuse  he  encountered  from-  Tetzel  and 
others  of  the  Dominican  order,  as  w^ell  as  the  arro- 


48 


INTRODUCTION. 


gance  of  Cajatan  the  pope’s  legate,  induced  him  to  ex- 
amine more  closely  the  foundation  of  papal  supremacy. 
He  was  gradually  led  to  the  conviction  that  the  Eo- 
man  hierarchy  was  actuated  by  the  spirit  of  Anti- 
christ, that  the  pope’s  assumption  of  universal  su- 
premacy was  a flagrant  usurpation,  and  that  the  doc- 
trine of  salvation  by  works  performed  in  the  unsanc- 
tified will  of  man,  was  a dangerous  delusion.  The 
He'ad  of  the  Church  militant,”  he  says,  ‘‘is  Christ 
himself,  and  not  a mortal  man.”  “All  Christians  be- 
long to  the  spiritual  state,  and  there  is  no  difference 
between  them,  except  that  of  the  functions  they  dis- 
charge.” “I  declare  that  neither  Pope,  nor  bishop, 
nor  any  other  man  living,  has  authority  to  impose  the 
least  thing  upon  a Christian  without  his  own  con- 
sent.” ^ Such  were  the  enlightened  sentiments  that 
animated  the  heart  of  the  Christian  reformer.  Happy 
had  it  been  for  him  and  his  co-laborers  in  that  glori- 
ous work,  if  they  had  always  acted  upon  principles 
so  pure  and  noble  ; but  the  light  was  just  beginning 
to  dawn  upon  the  world,  after  a long  dark  night  of 
apostasy ; it  could  not  be  expected  that  the  Eeformers 
should  at  once  see  all  things  clearly,  and  if  in  some 
points  of  doctrine  and  discipline  they  erred,  we 
should  attribute  their  mistakes,  not  to  want  of  sin- 
cerity, but  to  the  darkness  of  the  age  in  which  they 
lived. 

The  views  of  Luther,  being  published  in  numerous 
works,  and  maintained  in  public  discussions  with 
energetic  eloquence;  but,  above  all,  being  seconded 
by  the  divine  witness  for  truth  in  the  hearts  of  man- 
kind, spread  rapidly  through  Germany,  and  penetrated 


» D’Aubign^,  Hist.  Ref.  II.  48.  87.  112. 


IXTRODUCTIOK. 


49 


into  other  countries,  producing  throughout  Europe  a 
profound  sensation.  Among  the  bigoted  adherents 
of  the  papacy,  they  were  received  with  alarm  and  in- 
dignation ; but  to  pious  and  reflecting  minds,  they 
appeared  like  the  flrst  rays  of  the  rising  sun  reflected 
from  the  mountain-tops,  the  harbingers  of  a glorious 
day. 

Leo  X.,  being  of  an  easy  temper,  and  busied  with 
schemes  of  luxury  and  ambition,  at  flrst  disregarded 
the  eftbrts  of  the  reformer ; but,  at  length,  stimulated 
by  the  complaints  of  his  legates  and  counsellors,  he 
tried  negotiation  in  order  to  induce  Luther  to  re- 
tract  his  opinions.  Finding  him  Arm  in  maintaining 
them,  a Bull  of  excommunication  was  issued  in  1520, 
in  which  the  writings  of  Luther  were  condemned  to 
be  burnt;  and  the  reformer  himself,  if  he  should  not 
recant  within  sixty  days,  was  pronounced  a con- 
tumacious heretic,  who  should  be  seized  and  brought 
to  Rome.  If  this  sentence  could  have  been  executed, 
Luther  and  his  friends  would  have  sufiered  in  the 
dungeons  of  the  Inquisition,  or  at  the  stake,  the 
dreadful  doom  that  always  awaited  the  advocates  of 
Christian  liberty. 

Happily  for  the  cause  of  the  Reformation,  Frederick 
the  Wise,  elector  of  Saxony,  protected  Luther  and 
enabled  him  to  pursue  his  religious  labors.  About 
the  same  time  Charles  Y.,  being  elected  emperor  of 
Germany,  summoned  the  reformer  to  appear  before  k 
him  in  the  Diet  assembled  at  AYorms.  There  in  the 
presence  of  the  emperor,  the  princes  of  Germany,  and 
the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  Luther  was  required  to 
renounce  his  alleged  heresies.  It  was  a sublime 
spectacle  of  moral  courage  and  Christian  faith,  to  see 
a humble  monk,  under  sentence  of  excommunication, 
L — 5 


50 


INTRODUCTION. 


and  in  peril  of  liis  life,  standing  before  that  august 
assembly,  maintaining  the  truth  with  unwavering 
constancy ; and  when  threatened  with  the  doom  of  an 
obstinate  heretic,  exclaiming  with  pious  fervor,  ‘‘  May 
God  be  my  helper,  for  I can  retract  nothing  !” 

Having  been  furnished  by  the  emperor  with  a 
safe-conduct,  Luther  was  suffered  to  depart  for  his 
home;  but  the  Diet  condemned  his  doctrines,  and 
ordered  his  books  to  be  burnt,  and  his  person  im- 
prisoned to  await  his  punishment.  Ilis  friend  and 
patron,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  caused  him  to  be 
arrested  on  his  homeward  journey,  and  conveyed  to 
the  castle  of  Wartburg,  in  order  to  shield  him  from 
his  enemies.  There  he  employed  himself  in  translating 
the  Hew  Testament  into  the  German  language,  a 
work  that  greatly  accelerated  the  progress  of  the  Ee- 
formation. 

When  the  object  of  his  detention  had  been  answered, 
he  was  released,  and  continued  to  promulgate  his 
doctrines  with  remarkable  success,  being  assisted  in 
his  labors  by  Philip  Melanchthon  and  other  eminent 
reformers. 

It  is  remarkable  that,  in  several  of  the  States  of 
Europe,  the  religious  impulse  which  produced  the 
Eeformation  was  almost  simultaneous,  although  at 
first  without  any  concert  or  co-operation  among  those 
who  were  called  to  the  work.  The  results,  however, 
were  very  different;  for,  while  in  Horthern  Germany, 
Switzerland,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Prussia,  and  Great 
Britain,  the  religion  of  Eome  was  in  a great  measure 
supplanted  by  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformers;  the 
struggle  which  took  place  in  France,  Belgium, 
Southern  Germany,  Hungary,  and  Poland,  terminated 
in  favor  of  the  Papacy, 


INTRODUCTION. 


61 


Even  in  Spain  and  Italy  the  new  doctrines  were 
received  with  favor  by  many,  but  the  terrors  of  the 
Inquisition  were  sufficient  to  put  them  down  without 
delay.  In  France  the  contest  was  long,  arduous,  and 
bloody.  The  most  violent  and  sanguinary  measures 
were  pursued  by  the  Papists  ; the  warrior’s  sword,  the 
inquisitor’s  rack,  the  dismal  dungeon,  and  the  slow 
consuming  fire,  were  applied  without  mercy  to  persons 
of  every  rank  affected  with  the  alleged  heresy,  who 
refused  to  abjure  their  faith.  A few  were  induced  to 
recant,  many  fied  to  Switzerland,  Germany,  and 
Eno:land,  while  ^reat  numbers  suffered  martvrdom 
with  unshaken  constancy. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Eeformation,  Luther  did 
not  rely  upon  the  aid  of  princes  to  promote  his  work. 
He  said  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony:  ^‘Xo  secular  arm 
can  advance  this  cause,  God  must  do  all  without  the 
aid  or  co-operation  of  man.”  And  to  the  Duke  of 
Savoy  he  wrote,  disclaiming  the  use  of  the  sword  in 
the  cause  of  religion,  and  maintaining  that  “ It  is  by 
the  breath  of  his  mouth  that  Jesus  will  destroy  Anti- 
christ ; so  that  as  Daniel  describes,  he  may  be  broken 
without  hand.”  ^ 

This  line  of  conduct,  so  consistent  with  the  doctrines 
and  example  of  Christ,  was  blessed  with  the  happiest 
results,  and  the  Eeformation  spread  with  astonishing 
rapidity ; but,  unhappily,  the  Eeformers  soon  began 
to  rely  upon  the  secular  arm,  and  even  Luther  gave 
his  sanction  to  an  alliance  between  the  Church  and 
the  State  in  Saxony.  The  Elector  assumed  the  supre- 
macy in  ecclesiastical  afi:airs,  and  Luther  regarding 
him  as  the  guardian  of  the  people,  thought  he  “ should 


1 D’Aubigne,  Hist.  Ref.  III.  425,  426. 


52 


INTRODUCTION. 


compel  the  inhabitants,  who  desire  neither  pastors 
nor  scliools,  to  receive  the  means  of  grace^  as  they  are 
compelled  to  work  on  the  roads,  on  bridges,  and  such- 
like services.”  ^ In  Sweden  and  Denmark,  after  the 
Reformation,  the  form  of  ecclesiastical  government 
was  similar  to  that  of  Saxony,  the  sovereign  being 
the  head  of  the  Church.  In  Switzerland,  the  sove- 
reignty in  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  entrusted  to  the 
council  of  two  hundred,  a political  body.  A war  be- 
tween the  Catholic  and  Protestant  cantons,  caused  by 
religious  dissensions,  retarded  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation ; hut  it  was  afterwards  accelerated  by 
the  labors  of  J ohn  Calvin,  a refugee  from  France,  who 
became  the  master-spirit  in  the  ranks  of  the  Reform- 
ers. He  was  distinguished  by  talents,  learning,  and 
religious  zeal,  but,  unhappily,  he  was  not  redeemed 
from  that  intolerant  spirit  which  characterized  the 
age.  The  burning  of  Servetus  for  his  alleged  heresies 
in  relation  to  the  Trinity,  has  left  an  indelible  stain 
upon  the  character  of  Calvin  ; but  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  dreadful  deed  was  approved  by  many 
of  the  most  distinguished  Reformers.^  They  had 
brought  with  them  from  the  Church  of  Rome  some 
of  her  most  pernicious  maxims ; one  of  which  led  to 
the  union  of  Church  and  State ; another,  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  clergy  by  tithes ; and  a third,  to  perse- 
cution for  alleged  heresies  in  doctrine. 

In  England,  a vigorous  effort  towards  a reformation 
of  the  church  had  been  made  by  the  celebrated  John 
Wickliffe,  about  150  years  before  the  time  of  Luther.' 
He  translated  the  Hew  Testament  into  English,  andi 


1 D’Aubign6,  Hist.  Ref.  IV.  42. 

2 Edinburgh  Encyclopedia,  article  Calvin. 


INTEODUCTION. 


53 


wrote  many  religions  works  in  which  he  denied  the 
infallibility  and  supremacy  of  the'  Pope  and  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  He  also  asserted  that 
children  may  be  saved  without  baptism,  and  that  the 
baptism  of  water  profits  not  without  the  baptism  of 
the  Spirits  His  enlightened  views  were  condemned 
by  the  pope,  and  by  a convocation  of  bishops,  held  at 
Loudon,  in  the  year  1382 ; but  owing  to  a schism  in 
the  church,  and  a war  between  the  two  anti-popes  at 
Home  and  Avignon,  the  English  reformer  was  suffered 
to  live  out  his  days  and  propagate  his  doctrines. 
The  principles  of  'Wickliffe  were  widely  diffused  in 
England,  and  even  spread  to  the  continent,  where 
many  embraced  his  views,  thus  preparing  the  way 
for  a more  decided  movement. 

While  on  the  continent,  the  Reformation  was  begun 
by  pious  men  actuated  by  religious  zeal,  it  is  re- 
markable that  in  England  the  first  step  towards  a 
rupture  with  Rome  was  taken  by  a capricious  and 
despotic  monarch,  actuated  by  depraved  passions. 

Henry  YHI.  was  at  first  a devoted  adherent  of  the 
papacy ; and  on  the  appearance  of  Luther’s  writings 
in  England,  the  king  took  up  his  pen  in  defence  of 
the  church  of  Rome,  for  which  he  was  rewarded  by 
Leo  X.,  with  the  title  of  “Defender  of  the  Faith.” 
Luther’s  answer  was  severe  and  uncourteous,  which 
produced  in  the  mind  of  the  English  monarch  an 
antipathy  that  was  never  removed.  Henry  was 
married  to  Catherine  of  Arragon,  the  widow  of  his 
brother  Arthur;  but  becoming  enamoured  of  the 
beautiful  Anne  Boleyn,  he  professed  to  feel  scruples 
about  the  validity  of  his  marriage,  and  applied  to  the 


‘ XeaPs  Hist,  of  Pur.,  and  Fuller’s  Ch.  Hist. 
5* 


54 


INTRODUCTION. 


Pope  Clement  VI.  for  a divorce,  which,  after  much 
delay  and  prevarication,  was  refused. 

The  king  being  a man  of  violent  passions,  and 
almost  absolute  in  his  kingdom,  determined  to 
pursue  his  own  course  in  defiance  of  the  pope.  The 
universities  being  consulted,  declared  his  marriage 
invalid;  he  then  called  a convocation  of  the  clergy, 
and  a meeting  of  the  parliament,  both  of  which 
acknowledged  him  as  ‘^The  protector  and  supreme 
head  of  the  church  and  clergy  of  England.”  Having 
thus  freed  himself  from  the  papal  yoke,  he  married 
Anne  Boleyn,  and  soon  after  received  from  Arch- 
bishop Cranmer,  a divorce  from  Catherine,  which 
ought  to  have  preceded  his  second  marriage.^  The 
pope’s  bull  of  excommunication  against  Henry,  fell 
harmless  at  his  feet ; and  the  rupture  between  Pome 
and  England  was  final ; but  the  people  of  England 
soon  found  that  the  head  of  their  church  was  no  less 
despotic  and  arrogant  than  the  Poman  pontififs. 
Although  separated  from  the  Catholic  church,  he 
still  maintained  most  of  its  dogmas,  and  enforced  his 
own  opinions  upon  others  with  inflexible  severity. 
The  Parliament  and  higher  clergy  being  subservient 
to  his  will,  the  most  intolerant  laws  were  passed 
against  all  who  denied  the  king’s  supremacy,  or  pro- 
fessed the  doctrines  of  the  reformers.  Hence  it 
happened  that  Catholics  and  Protestants  were  alike 
involved  in  a severe  persecution. 

It  is  said  that  in  this  reign  72,000  persons  were  ex- 
ecuted.^ The  Church  property  and  Abbey  lands  con- 
fiscated amounted  to  more  than  one-third  of  the  real 


^ Russell’s  Modern  Europe,  ii.,  277 > 
* Dew’s  Digest,  of  Hist.  521. 


INTRODUCTION. 


55 


estate  of  the  kingdom  ; but  it  was  not  merely  the 
property  of  the  Church ; it  was  also  considered  the 
patrimony  of  the  poor,  for  a part  of  the  tithes  and 
other  ecclesiastical  revenues  had  always  been  applied 
to  the  relief  of  the  indi2:ent.  The  Church  of  England 
and  the  partisans  of  Henry  having  appropriated  these 
immense  revenues,  it  became  necessary  in  after  times 
to  tax  the  people  for  the  support  of  the  poor. 

On  the  death  of  Henry,  his  son  Edward  VI.  a boy 
under  10  years  of  age,  succeeded  to  the  throne  and 
became  head  of  the  English  Church.  Although  a 
majority  of  the  bishops  apd  the  inferior  clergy  were 
on  the  side  of  popery,  the  king’s  council,  appointed 
by  the  will  of  his  father,  were  mostly  in  favor  of  the 
reformation ; and  thus  the  new  doctrines,  being  pro- 
moted by  court  favor  and  legal  statutes,  gained  the 
ascendency. 

Edward’s  reign  continued  but  seven  years,  and 
after  his  death,  the  throne  was  occupied  by  his  sister 
Maiy,  a bigoted  Catholic,  who  arrested  the  reforma- 
tion, restored  the  old  forms,  and  condemned  to  the 
flames  nearly  300  persons  who  had  embraced  Pro- 
testant doctrines.  The  Parliament  with  the  most 
abject  submission  passed  an  act  expressive  of  sincere 
repentance  for  their  former  course,  and  humble  ac- 
knowledgment of  the  pope’s  supremacy ; they  begged 
to  be  restored  to  the  Catholic  Church ; but  they  took 
care  not  to  restore  the  Abbey  lands  and  Church 
revenues  which  had  been  distributed  among  the 
aristocracy.^ 

Mary  reigned  but  five  years,  and  was  succeeded  by 
her  sister  Elizabeth,  the  daughter  of  Anne  Boleyn. 


J Hume,  II.  532. 


56 


INTRODUCTION. 


She  was  a Protestant  and  proved  to  be  an  able 
sovereign.  A new  Parliament  being  assembled,  de- 
clared the  Queen  to  be  the  governess”  of  the 
Church,  and  by  one  Act  swept  away  all  that  had  been 
done  for  Pomanism  in  the  preceding  reign,  taking 
care  also  to  secure  the  confiscated  church  property  to 
those  who  were  in  possession  of  it.  The  aristocracy 
and  gentry  in  Parliament,  were  ever  ready  to  change 
their  religion  at  the  will  of  the  sovereign ; they  could 
renounce  every  thing  but  the  spoils ; the  clergy  man- 
ifested an  equal  degree  of  subserviency,  for  notwith- 
standing these  sudden  and  violent  changes  in  the 
church,  they  nearly  all  retained  their  places.  Out  of 
9400  parochial  benefices,  only  243  clergymen  quitted 
their  livings^ 

Elizabeth,  being  fond  of  a pompons  ceremonial, 
retained  in  the  ohurch  service  some  relics  of  Roman- 
ism, which  gave  offence  to  those  among  the  clergy 
who  were  zealous  Reformers.  They  contended  for  a 
purer  form  of  worship,  and  being  strict  in’  their 
morals,  and  rigid  in  their  opinions,  obtained  the  name 
of  Puritans.  They  were  generally  Calvinists  in  their 
doctrines.  The  new  bishops  appointed  by  the  queen, 
claimed  authority  by  apostolic  succession,  through 
the  Church  of  Rome,  and,  therefore,  thought  they 
were  bound  to  admit  she  was  a true  Church,  though 
corrupt  in  doctrine  and  discipline.  The  Puritans 
afiirmed  that  the  pope  was  Antichrist,  and  the  Church 
of  Rome  apostate ; therefore,  they  disclaimed  the 
validity  of  ordination  by  succession.  The  penal  laws 
against  heresy,  and  the  severity  of  the  bishops,  drove 
from  the  Church  all  who  could  not  conform  to  the 


^ NeaFs  Hist.  Pur.  I.  82. 


INTRODUCTION. 


57 


established  ritual,  and  hence  the  Puritan  ministers 
were  forced  to  take  a stand  in  opposition  to  the  hier- 
archy. 

The  Reformation  had  already  been  established  in 
Scotland,  where  the  Presbyterian  form  of  church 
government  was  adopted,  and  when,  after  the  death 
of  Elizabeth,  the  Scottish  monarch  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  England,  under  the  title  of  James  L,  the 
Puritans  hoped  to  enjoy  protection  under  a king 
educated  in  principles  similar  to  their  own.  They 
were,  however,  disappointed,  for  the  weak  and  pedantic 
king  was  soon  gained  over  by  the  bishops,  whose 
doctrine  of  passive  obedience  to  the  regal  power, 
flattered  his  vanit}^,  and  secured  his 'favor.  The  non- 
conformists being  zealous  and  active,  continued  to 
increase  in  numbers,  and  they  gained  favor  with  the 
people  by  their  opposition  to  the  despotic  maxims  in 
relation  to  government,  put  forth  by  the  king,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  bishops. 

When,  on  the  death  of  James,  his  son,  Charles  L, 
ascended  the  throne,  the  Puritans  had  grown  to  be  a 
formidable  party,  devoted  to  the  cause  of  civil  liberty, 
and  strong  in  the  affections  of  the  people.  They  were 
ridiculed  by  the  courtiers  for  the  austerity  of  their 
manners,  their  affectation  of  Scriptural  phrases,  and 
their  sanctimonious  pretensions.  They  possessed,  how 
ever,  beneath  this  forbidding  exterior,  a strength  of 
character,  and  determination  of  purpose,  that  insured 
their  triumph  in  the  day  of  trial.  They  were  firm 
believers  in  unconditional  election  and  reprobation, 
and,  of  course,  considered  themselves  to  be  .of  that 
small  number  called  the  elect,  for  whom  alone  Christ 
died,  to  purchase  for  them  an  eternal  inheritance. 
Their  adversaries  they  regarded  as  the  enemies  of 


58 


INTRODUCTION. 


Christ',  and  they  did  not  hesitate  to  apply  to  them  the 
strong  language  in  which  the  Hebrew  prophets  de- 
nounced heathen  idolatry.  Cursed  be  he  that  doeth 
the  work  of  the  Lord  deceitfully,  and  keepeth  back 
his  sword  from  blood,”  was  their  favorite  text  on  the 
eve  of  battle. 

The  despotic  maxims,  the  vacillating  course,  and 
the  treacherous  policy  of  Charles,  having  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  people,  the  celebrated  Long  Parlia- 
ment, in  which  the  Puritans  had  the  ascendency, 
unfurled  the  standard  of  revolution,  and  called  the 
nation  to  arms.  In  the  fearful  contest  that  ensued, 
the  superiority  of  the  Parliamentary  forces  became 
apparent.  The  army  commanded  by  Cromwell  was 
distinguished  by  strict  discipline,  indomitable  cour- 
age, and  fanatic  zeal.  Psalms  and  hymns  resounded 
through  the  camp,  and  the  officers,  assuming  the 
functions  of  the  ministry,  encouraged  their  troops  by 
citing  the  examples  of  the  Judges  and  avengers  of 
Israel. 

In  Scotland,  the  attempt  of  the  king  to  force  upon 
the  people  the  Episcopal  form  of  church  government, 
drove  them  into  rebellion,  and  having  entered  into  a 
coveMant  for  the  preseiwation  of  their  liberties,  they 
defeated  the  king’s  troops,  and  maintained  their 
position.  In'  the  year  1643,  the  English  Parliament 
entered  into  a “solemn  league  and  covenant”  with 
the  Scots,  the  object  of  which  was  to  promote  the 
Protestant  religion,  and  to  abolish  the  hierarchy.  An 
assembly  of  divines,  convoked  by  Parliament,  having 
met  at  Westminster,  adopted  a confession  of  faith  and 
form  of  church  government,  which,  being  submitted 
to  Parliament,  was  confirmed  under  the  title  of  “A 
directory  for  public  worship,  passed  January  3d, 


INTRODUCTION. 


59 


1044_5.”  The  Cliurcli  of  England  having  been  sub- 
verted by  the  covenant,  and  the  Directory  not  being 
generally  carried  into  practice,  the  people  were  left  at 
liberty  in  most  places  to  pursue  their  own  course,  and 
the  various  dissenting  sects  came  forward  more  openly 
to  advocate  their  principles. 

In  the  Westminster  Assembly,  the  Presbyterians 
were  predominant,  and  during  their  short  ascendency, 
they  employed  coercive  means  to  establish  their  form 
of  worship.  The  Independents,  being  then  in  the 
minority,  were  more  liberal  in  their  professions;  but 
when  they  attained  to  political  power,  they  fell  into 
the  common  error ; leaning  upon  the  secular  arm  for 
support,  insisting  upon  uniformity  in  faith  and  wor- 
ship, and  persecuting  all  who  would  not  conform  to 
their  views. 

It  has  justly  been  remarked  by  William  Penn,  that 
‘‘The  children  of  the  reformers,  if  not  the  reformers 
themselves,  betook  themselves  very  early  to  earthly 
policy  and  power  to  uphold  and  carry  on  their  refor- 
mation that  had  been  begun  with  spiritual  weapons,” 
and  to  this  he  attributes  their  want  of  progress  in  the 
spiritual  life. 

A distinguished  theologian  of  our  country^  has 
truly  asserted,  that  “ The  great  and  most  fatal  defect 
of  Luther’s  reformation  w-as,  that  he  left  the  reign  of 
dogma  or  speculative  theology  untouched.  He  did 
not  restore  the  ministration  of  the  Spirit.  Opinions 
were  left  to  rule  the  church,  with  just  as  much  of 
consequence  as  they  did  before.  He  delivered  us  from 
the  Pope  and  the  councils,  but  that  which  made  both 
Pope  and  Councils  he  saved,  viz.,  the  authority  of 

^ BushnelPs  Discourses. 


60 


INTRODUCTION. 


human  opinions  and  of  mere  speculative  theology. 
The  man  of  sin  was  removed,  but  the  mystery  of 
Iniquity,  out  of  which  he  was  born,  was  kept.  Opinions, 
speculations,  and  theologic  formulas,  were  still  re- 
garded as  the  lights  of  religion.  All  judgments  of 
men,  as  Christian  or  unchristian,  continued  as  before, 
to  be  determined  by  their  opiuions,  and  not,  in  any 
degree,  by  their  fruits  or  their  character.  Love,  mercy, 
faith,  a pure  and  holy  life,  was  still  left  a subordinate 
thing — important,  of  course,  but  not  the  chief  thing. 
Christianity  remained  in  the  hands  of  schools  and 
doctors,  and  that  was  called  the  faith,  here  and  there, 
which,  here  and  there,  was  reasoned  out  as  the  veri- 
table theologic  dogma.”  ^ 

In  accordance  with  this  view,  it  may  be  safely  as- 
serted, that,  as  the  ministration  of  the  Spirit  was  not 
restored,  so  the  fruits  of  the  Spirit  were  not  generally 
manifested.  Although  there  were  doubtless  many 
pious  individuals  who  had  attained  to  purity  of  life, 
there  was  no  visible  church  that  came  up  to  the 
standard  of  primitive  Christianity. 

Instead  of  that  pure  spiritual  worship,  and  free 
gospel  ministry  instituted  by  the  Messiah,  a pompous 
ceremonial,  and  a ministry  deriving  its  call,  qualifica- 
tion, and  reward  from  man,  too  generally  prevailed. 

Religious  liberty  was  scarcely  known,  even  aixtong 
the  Reformers,  for  all  parties  who  attained  to  power 
evinced  a disposition  to  enforce  their  own  opinions 
upon  others,  and  mostly  q>roceeded  to  the  infiiction 
of  fines,  imprisonment,  and  death. 

So  far  from  bearing,  like  the  primitive  church,  a 
testimony  against  war,  the  sword  was  unsheathed 
throughout  Christendoni,  and  many  who  professed  to 


Dogma  and  Spirit,  290. 


r 


INTRODUCTION.  61 

\ 

be  ministers  of  the  gospel  were  actors  or  abettors  in 
tlie  deadly  conflict. 

Swearing,  tliougli  forbidden  by  Christ,  was  almost 
universally  practised,  and  amid  all  the  fluctuations  in 
church  and  state,  oaths  were  imposed  upon  the  peo- 
ple at  every  change  of  government,  which,  being  in- 
consistent with  each  other,  often  involved  the  crime 
of  perjury. 

And  lastly,  there  was,  throughout  Christendom,  a 
general  declension  from  that  purity  of  life  and  sim- 
plicity of  manners  which  characterized  the  primitive 
Christians. 

Notwithstanding  these  deflciencies,  it  must  be  ac- 
knowledged that  the  Protestant  reformers  were  emi- 
nent instruments  of  Divine  Goodness,  in  promoting 
the  cause  of  truth,  by  throwing  off  the-  chains  of  the 
Roman  hierarchy,  and  introducing  greater  freedom 
of  thought  and  expression.  There  were  many  pious 
and  enlightened  persons  who  lamented  that  the  Re- 
formation had  not  been  perfectyd,  and  who  looked 
forward  to  the  dawning  of  a brighter  day.  Among 
these  was  William  Dell,  Master  of  Gonvil  and  Caius 
College,  Cambridge,  who  lived  during  the  protectorate 
of  Cromwell.  In  the  Preface  to  a discourse  showins: 

• o 

the  spirituality  of  Christian  baptism,  he  writes  as  fol- 
lows : — “I  appeal  to  the  next  generation,  which  will 
be  further  removed  from  those  evils,  and  will  be 
brought  nearer  to  the  word;  but  especially  to  that 
people  whom  God  hath  and  shall  form  by  his  spirit, 
for  himself;  for  these  only  will  be  able  to  make  just 
and  righteous  judgment  in  this  matter,  seeing  they 
have  the  Anointing  to  be  their  teacher  and  the  Lamb 
to  be  their  light.” 

L — 6 


62 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1624. 


CHAPTER  I. 

KISE  OF  THE  SOCIETY  IN  THE  MIDLAND  COUNTIES 
OF  ENGLAND. 

1624-1651. 

It  was  during  the  time  of  the  civil  war,  when  the 
Long  Parliament  was  contending  with  the  king,  and 
the  whole  nation  was  convulsed  with  the  sanguinary 
conflict,  that  it  pleased  the  Most  High  to  raise  up 
from  the  walks  of  humble  life  an  instrument  to  preach 
and  exemplify  the  gospel  of  peace. 

George  Fox  was  born  in  the  }^ear  1624  at  Drayton, 
Leicestershire,  England.  His  father’s  name  was  Chris- 
topher Fox,  a weaver  by  trade,  exemplary  in  his 
character,  and  highly  esteemed  among  his  neighbors. 
Llis  mother’s  maiden  name  was  Mary  Lago,  a pious 
woman  of  the  stock  of  the  martyrs,  and  ‘‘  accomplished 
above  most  of  her  degree  in  the  place  where  she 
lived.”  ^ From  his  earliest  years,  George  manifested 
some  traits  of  a remarkable  character,  being  “ reli- 
gious, still,  solid,  and  observing,”  beyond  his  years, 
“ as  was  manifested  by  the  answers  he  would  give, 
and  the  questions  he  would  put,  especially  in  relation 
to  divine  things.”  ^ 

His  school  education  was  very  limited,  but  it  appears 
that  in  his  youth  he  learned  to  read  pretty  well,  and. 
to  write  sutficiently  to  convey  his  meaning  to  others.^ 
Some  of  his  relatives  wished  him  to  be  educated  for 


* William  Penn's  Rise  and  Progress. 
® Sewel's  History  of  the  Quakers. 


2 Ibid. 


1643.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


63 


a minister  in  tlie  Cliurcli  of  England,  of  wliicli  his 
parents  were  members ; but  others  objected,  and  be 
was  placed  with  a shoemaker,  who  also  dealt  in  wool, 
and  kept  sheep.  Here  be  was  employed  as  a shep- 
herd, a business  well  suited  to  bis  quiet  and  contem- 
plative spirit. 

TTben  George  Fox  was  about  nineteen  years  of  age, 
Deing  in  company  with  two  of  bis  acquaintance,  who 
were  professors  of  religion,  be  was  led,  by  their  con- 
duct and  conversation,  to  conclude  that  they  were 
destitute  of  vital  piety,  which  so  deeply  distressed 
him,  that  be  slept  none  during  the  night,  but  “ walked 
up  and  down,  and  sometimes  prayed  to  the  Lord.”  ^ 

In  the  year  1643,  being  led  by  an  impression  of 
religious  duGq  be  left  bis  relatives,  and  withdrew  from 
the  companionship  of  men,  in  order  to  devote  him- 
self to  reading,  and  religious  meditation.  Like  Wick- 
liffe,  Luther,  and  other  eminent  reformers,  he  spent 
much  of  his  time  in  reading  the  Scriptures,  and 
watching  unto  prayer ; for  his  reliance  was  not  upon 
himself,  but  upon  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  give  him  an 
understanding  of  the  heavenly  truths  recorded  in  the 
sacred  volume. 

While  thus  retired  from  the  world,  his  mind  under- 
went a most  painful  conflict  of  religious  exercise. 
He  says  in  his  Journal:  “A  strong  temptation  to 
despair  came  upon  me ; I then  saw  how  Christ  was 
tempted,  and  mighty  troubles  I was  in.  Sometimes  I 
kept  myself  retired  in  my  chamber,  and  often  walked 
solitary  in  the  cbase  to  wait  upon  the  Lord.”  . . . . 
‘‘  I was  about  twenty  years  of  age  when  these  exer- 
cises came  upon  me,  and  some  years  I continued  in 


Journal,  I.  68. 


64 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1644. 


tliat  condition  in  great  trouble;  and  fain  I would 
have  put  it  from  me.  I went  to  many  a priest  to  look 
for  comfort,  but  found  no  comfort  from  them.”  After 
travelling  for  some  time  in  the  country,  he  went  to 
London  and  took  lodgings,  but  was  still  in  great 
trouble  ; for  when  he  looked  upon  the  high  professors 
in  the  city,  he  saw  ‘‘all  was  dark,  and  under  the 
chain  of  darkness.”  Having  understood  that  his 
relatives  were  grieved  at  his  absence,  he  returned  to 
Leicestershire,  and  went  among  his  kindred ; but  con- 
tinued about  a year  in  great  sorrow  and  trouble,  walk- 
ing many  nights  by  himself. 

While  passing  through  this  stage  of  religious  ex- 
perience, he  was  asked  by  the  priest  of  Drayton, 
Hathaniel  Stevens,  “Why  Christ  cried  out  upon  the 
cross,  ‘My  God,  my  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken 
me?’  ” And  why  he  said,  “If  it  be  possible,  let  this 
cup  pass  from  me  yet  not  my  will,  but  thine  be 
done!”  “I  told  him,”  says  George  Fox,  “at  that 
time  the  sins  of  the  whole. world  were  upon  him,  and 
their  iniquities  and  transgressions,  with  which  he 
was  wounded,  which  he  was  to  bear  and  be  an  ofter- 
ing  for,  as  he  was  man,  but  died  not  as  he  was  God ; 
so  in  that  he  died  for  all  men,  tasting  death  for  every 
man,  he  was  an  offering  for  th'e  sins  of  the  whole 
world.  This  I spoke  being  at  that  lime  in  a measure 
sensible  of  Christ's  sufferings,  and  what  he  went 
through.” 

Thus  was  George  Fox  led  to  distinguish  between 
the  manhood  that  suffered  and  the  Divinity  by  which 
it  was  sanctified ; for  although  the  son  of  God  was 
baptized  into  a state  of  suffering  for  the  whole  world, 
on  account  of  “their  iniquities  and  transgressions 
with  which  he  was  wounded;”  yet  it  is  imnossible 


1646.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


65 


tliat  Deity  should  suffer  agony  or  death ; he  is  the 
same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  forever.  In  infinite  con- 
descension, he  manifested  himself  through  the  son  as 
the  Eedeemer  of  mankind,  for  “ God  was  in  Christ 
reconcilino;  the  world  unto  Himself.” 

The  experienced  apostle,  in  addressing  the  Colos- 
sians  concerning  the  gospel  of  Christ,  says,  “ Where- 
of I,  Paul,  am  made  a minister,  who  now  rejoice  in 
ihy  sufferings  for  you,  and  fill  up  that  which  is  behind 
of  the  afiiictions  of  Christ  for  his  body’s  sake,  which 
is  the  church:”  and  to  the  Corinthians  he  writes, 
concerning  the  ministers  of  Christ,  as  “ always  bear- 
ing about  in  the  body  the  dying  of  the  Lord  Jesus, 
that  the  life  also  of  Jesus  might  be  made  manifest  in 
our  body.”  In  like  manner,  George  Fox,  being  sub- 
jected to  the  discipline  of  the  cross,  was  in  a measure 
sensible  of  Christ’s  sufferings,”  being  made  to  drink 
of  the  cup  that  he  drank  of,  and  to  be  baptized  with 
the  baptism  th^it  he  was  baptized  with.”  ^ 

Such  has  been,  in  every  age,  the  lot  of  those  faith- 
ful servants  of  God,  who  have  been  chosen  to  occupy 
an  advanced  post  in  the  Lamb’s  warfare.  Luther,  in 
writing  to  Melanchthon  concerning  certain  pretended 
prophets  in  Germany,  tells  him  to  ‘L\sk  them  if  they 
have  k^^own  those  spiritual  heavings,  those  pangs  of 
God’s  new  creation,  those  deaths  and  hells,  which 
accompany  a real  regeneration.”^ 

About  the  year  1646,  George  Fox,  being  still  under 
deep  religious  exercise,  had  many  precious  truths 
opened  to  him  through  the  immediate  operation  of 
divine  grace.  He  was  led  to  understand  that  none 
are  true  believers  but  such  as  are  “born  of  God, 
and  passed  from  death  to  life that  the  temple  of 

2 D’Aubigne  III.  64. 


> Mark,  X.  38. 
6* 


66 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[164G. 


the  Lord  is  not  an  outward  building,  made  with  hands, 
for  he  dwells  in  the  hearts  of  his  people  ; and  that  an 
education  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge  was  not  enough  to 
qualify  a man  as  a minister  of  Christ.  These  truths 
were  at  first  strange  to  him,  for  it  was  common  in 
that  day  to  regard  all  professors  as  believers;  they 
called  their  places  of  worship  holy-ground  and  temples 
of  God ; and  they  relied  upon  human  learning  and 
ordination  as  sufifcient  qualifications  for  the  gospel 
ministry.  These  discoveries  struck  at  the  ministry  of 
the  parish  priests,  and  George  Fox  discontinued  his 
attendance  on  their  services.  Taking  his  Bible,  he 
retired  to  the  orchard  or  the  fields,  to  meditate  in 
solitude  and  silence.  His  relatives  being  troubled  at 
his  withdrawal  from  the  church,  he  referred  them  to 
the  language  of  the  apostle,  ‘‘The  anointing  which 
ye  have  received  of  Him  abideth  in  you,  and  ye  need 
not  that  any  man  teach  you.” 

As  he  passed  through  Leicestershire  and  Notting- 
hamshire, he  met  with  a tender,  pious  people,  with 
whom  he  had  some  meetings  and  religious  confer- 
ences. Among  them  was  Elizabeth  Hootton,  who 
embraced  his  views,  and  subsequently  received  a gift 
in  the  gospel  ministry. 

During  this  time,  he  says,  “ I fasted  much,  walked 
abroad  in  solitary  places  many  days,  and  often  took 
my  Bible,  and  sat  in  hollow  trees  and  lonesome 
places  till  night  came  on  ; and  frequently  in  the  night 
walked  mournfully  about  by  myself;  for  I was  a man 
of  sorrows  in  the  time  of  the  first  workings  of  the 
Lord  in  me.”  ....  “ Though  my  exercises  and  trou- 
bles were  very  great,  yet  were  they  not  so  continual 
but  that  I had  some  intermissions,  and  was  sometimes 
brought  into  such  an  heavenly  joy,  that  I thought  I 


1647.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


67 


had  been  iu  Abraham’s  bosom.  As  I cannot  declare 
the  misery  I was  in,  it  was  so  great  and  heavy  upon 
me,  so  neither  can  I set  forth  the  mercies  of  God  unto 
me  iu  all  my  misery.  Oh  ! the  everlasting  love  of  God 
to  my  soul,  when  I was  in  great  distress ! when  my 
troubles  and  torments  were  great,  then  was  his  love 
exceeding  great.  Thou,  Lord,  makest  a fruitful  field 
a barren  wilderness,  and  a barren  wilderness  a fruit- 
ful field ; thou  bringest  down  and  settest  up ; thou 
killest  and  makest  alive,  all  honor  and  glory  be  to 
thee,  0 Lord  of  glory.  The  knowledge  of  thee  in  the 
spirit  is  life ; but  that  knowledge  which  is  fleshly 
works  death.”  ....  “ The  knowledge  which  the 

wmrld  hath,  of  wdiat  the  prophets  and  apostles  spake, 
is  a fleshly  knowledge ; and  the  apostates  from. the  life 
in  which  the  prophets  and  apostles  were,  have  got 
their  words,,  the  hol}^  scriptures,  in  a form,  but  not  in 
the  life  nor  spirit  that  gave  them  forth.” 

After  he  had  forsaken  the  priests  of  the  English 
church,  he  began  to  look  more  towards  the  Dissenters, 
and  he  found  amous:  them  some  tenderness  of  feelins; 
and  religious  knowledge ; but  the  most  experienced 
of  their  ministers  could  not  speak  to  his  condition, 
and  he  was  forced  to  relinquish  all  reliance  upon 
man.  It  was  then,  while  under  deep  prostration  of 
soul,  he  heard  a voice  which  said,  There  is  one,  even 
Christ  Jesus,  that  can  speak  to  thy  condition.”  His 
heart  leaped  for  joy  ; he  saw  that  the  design  of  Infinite 
Goodness  was  to  draw  him  to  himself,  and  his  desires 
after  the  Lord  grew  stronger.  Thus  he  grew  in  the 
‘‘knowledge  of  God  and  of  Christ  alone  without  the 
help  of  any  man,  book,  orwuiting.”  “For  though,” 
he  says,  “ I read  the  scriptures  that  spake  of  Christ 
and  of  God,  yet  I knew  him  not  but  by  revelation,  as 


68 


GEOEGE  FOX. 


[1647 


he  who  hath  the  key  did  open,  and  as  the  Father  of 
Life  drew  me  to  his  Son  by  his  spirit.  Then  the  Lord 
gently  led  me  along  and  let  me  see  his  love,  which 
was  endless  and  eternal,  surpassing  all  the  knowledge 
that  men  have  in  the  natural  state,  or  can  get  by  his- 
tory or  books.  That  love  let  me  see  myself,  as  I was 
without  him  ; and  I was  afraid  of  all  company  : for  I 
saw  them  perfectly  where  they  were,  through  the  love 
of  God  which  let  me  see  myself.  I had  not  fellowship 
with  any  people,  priests,  nor  professors,  nor  any  sort 
of  separated  people,  but  with  Christ  who  hath  the  key 
and  opened  the  door  of  light  and  life  to  me.  I 'was 
afraid  of  all  carnal  talk  and  talkers,  for  I could  see 
nothing  but  corruptions,  and  the  life  lay  under  the 
burden  of  corruptions.  When  I was  in  the  deep, 
under  all  shut  up,  I could  not  believe  that  I should 
ever  overcome;  my  troubles,  my  sorrows,  and  my 
temptations  were  so  great,  that  I often  thought  I 
should  have  despaired,  I was  so  tempted.  But  when 
Christ  opened  to  me  how  he  was  tempted  by  the  same 
devil,  and  had  overcome  him,  and  had  bruised  his 
head,  and  that  through  him  and  his  power,  light, 
grace,  and  spirit,  I should  overcome  also,  I had  con- 
tidence  in  him.”  ....  ‘‘I  found  two  thirsts  in  me; 
the  one  after  the  creatures,  to  have  got  help  and 
strength  there ; and  the  other  after  the  Lord,  the  crea- 
tor, and  his  Son  Jesus  Christ ; and  I saw  all  the  world 
could  do  me  no  good.  If  I had  had  a king’s  diet, 
palace  and  attendance,  all  would  have  been  as  no- 
thing, for  nothing  gave  me  comfort  but  the  Lord  by 
his  power.  I saw  professors,  priests,  and  people,  were 
whole  and  at  ease  in  that  condition  which  was  my 
misery,  and  they  loved  that  which  I would  have  been 
rid  of.  But  the  Lord  did  stay  my  desires  upon  him- 


1647.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


69 


self,  from  whom  my  help  came,  and  my  care  was  cast 
upon  him  alone.  Therefore  all  wait  patiently  upon 
the  Lord,  whatsoever  condition  ye  be  in ; wait  in  the 
grace  and  truth  that  comes  by  Jesus ; for  if  ye  do  so, 
there  is  a promise  to  you,  and  the  Lord  God  will  fulfil 
it  in  you.” 

Having  heard  of  a woman  in  Lancashire  who  had 
fasted  two  and  twenty  days,  he  went  to  see  her,  but 
perceived  that  she  was  under  a temptation.  He 
spoke  to  her  condition,  and  then  passed  on  to  Huck- 
enfield  and  Manchester,  where  he  met  with  some  pro- 
fessors of  religion  and  preached  among  them  the 
doctrine  of  Christ  as  an  inward  and  spiritual  teacher. 
Some  of  them  being  convinced  were  brought  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  ‘^Lord’s  teaching  by  which  they 
were  confirmed  and  stood  in  the  truth.”  Others 
among  them  were  enraged,  and  could  not  endure  to 
hear  preached  the  doctrine  of  Christian  “ perfection 
or  of  a holy  and  sinless  life.”  This  is  regarded  by 
the  historian  Sewel  as  the  beginning  of  George  Fox’s 
public  ministry,  though  there  is  no  doubt  he  had 
previously  been  instrumental  in  convincing  many  by 
his  conversation  and  consistent  example.  In  a paper 
he  drew  up  “ Concerning  the  first  spreading  of  the 
Truth,”  he  states  that  it  ‘‘first  sprang  up  (to  us,  as  to 
be  a people  to  the  Lord)  in  Leicestershire  in  1644,  in 
Warwickshire  in  1645,  in  Nottinghamshire  in  1646, 
in  Derbyshire  in  1647,  and  in  the  adjacent  counties  in 
1648,  1649,  and  1650,  in  Yorkshire  in  1651,  in  Lan- 
cashire and  Westmoreland  in  1652,  in  Cumberland, 
Bishoprick^  and  Northumberland  1653,  in  London 
and  most  parts  of  the  nation  of  England,  Scotland 


* Durham. 


70 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1648. 


and  Ireland  in  1654.  In  1655  many  went  beyond  seas, 
where  truth  also  sprung  up.  And  in  1656  truth  brake 
forth  in  America  and  many  other  places.”^ 

There  were  at  that  time  in  England  many  earnest 
and  devout  souls,  who,  being  dissatisfied  with  the 
formality  of  the  Anglican  Church  and  the  sanctimo- 
nious professions  of  the  Puritans,  both  of  which  were 
too  often  destitute  of  the  pure  life  of  the  gospel,  with- 
drew from  all  visible  churches,  and  sought  for  conso- 
lation in  reading  the  Scriptures,  with  meditation  and 
prayer.  These  serious  and  retired  people  were  known 
by  the  name  of  Seekers ; and  by  some  w^ere  called  the 
Family  of  Love.  They  often  met  to  worship  God  in 
silence,  and  sometimes  they  spoke  a few  words  of  ex- 
hortation under  a sense  of  religious  duty.  It  was 
among  these  that  Geo.  Fox  gathered  some  of  his 
earliest  proselytes;  for  they  had  passed  through  a 
preparatory  stage  of  religious  experience,  and  when 
he  spoke  to  them  of  that  inward  spiritual  law  by 
which  Jesus  Christ  teaches  his  people  himself,  their 
hearts  responded  to  his  call.  In  this  early  stage  of 
his  ministry,  his  preaching  chiefl}-  consisted  of  some 
few  but  powerful  and  piercing  words  ^ which  being 
adapted  to  the  states  of  his  auditors,  sank  deep  into 
their  hearts,  and  like  seed  sowm  in  good  ground 
brought  forth  fruit  abundantly. 

In  the  year  1648,  being  at  a great  meeting  held 
by  religious  professors,  George  Fox  heard  them 
speaking  of  the  blood  of  Christ.  ‘^And  as  they  were 
discoursing  of  it,”  he  sa^^s,  ‘‘I  saw  through  the  im- 
mediate opening  of  the  invisible  spirit,  the  blood  of 
Christ,  and  I cried  out  among  them  ^ Do  ye  not  see 


» G.  Fox’s  Works,  A"II.  10. 


2 Sewel,  I.  28. 


1648.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


71 


the  blood  of  Christ?  See  it  in  your  hearts  to  sprinkle 
your  hearts  aud  consciences  from  dead  works  to 
serve  the  living  God.’  For  I saw  it,  the  blood  of  the 
new  covenant  how  it  comes  into  the  heart.  This 
startled  the  professors,  who  would  have  the  blood  only 
without  them,  and  not  in  them.  But  Captain  Stod- 
dard was  reached  and  said,  ‘Let  the  youth  speak,  hear 
the  youth  speak,’  when  he  saw  they  endeavored  to 
bear  me  down  with  many  words.” 

This  Captain  Amos  Stoddard,  afterwards  becoming 
better  acquainted  with  George  Fox,  embraced  his 
principles  and  faithfully  maintained  them. 

Several  passages  in  the  Journal  of  Geo.  Fox  about 
this  time,  show  that  there  was  throughout  the  land  a 
remarkable  state  of  religious  excitement,  which  ex- 
tended to  all  classes,  and  was  manifested  by  meetings 
in  the  fields,  and  by  public  discussions  among  the 
difierent  sects,  all  zealously  contending  for  their  pe- 
culiar views. 

He  met  with  a great  company  in  ^Warwickshire 
who  were  praying  and  expounding  the  Scriptures  in 
the  fields.  “ They  gave  the  Bible  to  me,  he  says,  and 
I opened  it  on  the  fifth  of  Matthew,  where  Christ  ex- 
pounded the  law,  and  I opened  the  inward  state  to 
them,  and  outward  state ; upon  which  they  fell  into 
a fierce  contention  and  parted  : but  the  Lord’s  power 
got  ground.” 

He  attended  another  great  meeting  for  public  dis- 
cussion, in  which  Presbyterians,  Independents,  Bap- 
tists and  Episcopalians  participated.  It  was  held  in 
the  parish  house  of  worship  ; the  priest  occupied  the 
pulpit,  and  all  persons  w^ere  oftered  liberty  to  speak. 
A woman,  availing  herself  of  this  privilege,  asked 
“what  that  birth  was  of  which  Peter  speaks;  viz., 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1648. 


being  ^ born  again  of  incorruptible  seed  by  the  word 
of  God  that  liveth  and  abideth  forever.’  The  priest 
said  to  her,  ‘ I permit  not  a woman  to  speak  in  the 
church.’  George  Fox  stepped  forward  and  asked, 
‘Dost  thou  call  this  place  a Church,  or  dost  thou 
call  this  mixed  multitude  a Church?’  Instead  of 
answering  this  question,  the  priest  asked  him  what  a 
Church  was  ? George  replied  ‘ The  Church  is  the 
pillar  and  ground  of  truth,  made  up  of  living  stones, 
living  members,  a spiritual  household,  which  Christ 
is  the  head  of,  but  he  is  not  the  head  of  a mixed  mul- 
titude, or  of  an  old  house  made  up  of  lime,  stones  and 
wood.’  -This  produced  much  excitement  among  them 
and  the  meeting  was  broken  up. 

Thus  George  Fox  continued  to  travel  from  a sense 
of  religious  duty,  visiting,  not  only  houses  of  worship, 
but  markets,  fairs  and  other  places  of  public  resort, 
preaching  repentance  and  amendment  of  life,  and 
directing  the  attention  of  all  to  that  inward  monitor 
which  reproves  for  sin  and  leads  the  true  believer 
into  purity  of  life.  Multitudes  flocked  to  hear  him, 
and  his  ministry  being  in  “the  demonstration  of  the 
spirit  and  of  power,”  had  a wonderful  effect  in  arrest- 
ing attention  and  producing  conviction  in  the  minds 
of  his  auditors.  The  main  object  and  stress  (^f  his 
ministry,  was  to  call  attention  to  that  great  funda- 
mental doctrine  of  Christianity,  ‘the  immediate  and 
perceptible  teaching  of  divine  grace,  which  “ brings 
salvation  and  hath  appeared  to  all  men.”  This  holy 
and  redeeming  power,  he  usually  called  by  the  scrip- 
tural term,  ‘the  light  of  Christ,’  for  he  is  “the  true 
light  that  lighteth  every  man  that  cometh  into  the 
world.”  “The  Lord  opened  to  me,”  he  says,  “by 
his  invisible  power,  how  ‘ every  man  was  enlightened 


1648.J 


GEORaE  FOX. 


73 


by  the  divine  light  of  Christ,’  I saw  it  shine  through 
all,  and  that  they  that  believed  in  it  came  out  of  con- 
demnation to  the  light  of  life,  and  became  the  children 
of  it ; but  they  that  hated  it,  and  did  not  believe  in 
it,  were  condemned  by  it,  though  the}’  made  a pro- 
fession of  Christ.”  ...  ‘I  was  sent  to  turn  people  from 
darkness  to  light,  that  they  might  receive  Christ 
Jesus ; for  to  as  many  as  should  receive  him  in  his 
light,  I saw  he  would  give  power  to  become  the  sons 
of  God,  which  I had  obtained  by  receiving  Christ. 
I was  to  direct  people  to  the  spirit  which  gave  forth 
the  scriptures  by  which  they  might  be  led  into  all 
truth,  and  so  up  to  Christ  and  God,  as  those  had  been 
who  gave  them  forth.”  ....  ‘‘Yet  I had  no  slight 
esteem  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  they  were  very  precious 
to  me  ; for  I was  in  that  spirit  which  gave  them  forth  ; 
and  what  the  Lord  opened  in  me,  I afterwards  found 
was  agreeable  to  them.” 

He  rejoiced  in  being  sent  forth  to  call  others  to  tbe 
knowledge  of  that  heavenly  power  revealed  in  the 
soul,  which  had  brought  him  up  from  the  brink  of 
despair,  set  his  feet  upon  a rock,  and  put  a new  song 
into  his  mouth,  even  praises  to  our  God.  By  this 
divine  power,  “the  light  of  Jesus,”  he  was  sent  to 
bring  people  otf  from  all  tlieir  own  ways  to  Christ 
the  new  and  living  way  ; “ from  their  churches,  set  up 
by  men,  to  the  Church  in  God,  the  general  assembly 
written  in  heaven,  of  which  Christ  is  the  head ; from 
the  world’s  teachers,  made  by  men,  to  learn  of  Christ, 
who  is  the  way,  the  truth,  and  the  life;  from  the 
world’s  religions,  which  are  vain,  that  they  might 
know  the  pure  religion  which  leads  to  visit  the  widows 
and  the  fatherless,  and  to  keep  themselves  unspotted 
from  the  world ; from  the  world’s  praying  and  sing- 
I.— 7 


74 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1648. 


ing,  which  stood  in  forms  without  power,  that  they 
might  pray  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  sing  in  the  spirit,  and 
make  melody  in  their  hearts  to  the  Lord.” 

He  was  moreover  required  to  hear  a faithful  testi- 
mony against  deceitful  or  unmeaning  salutations. 
Tokens  of  reverence  adopted  from  custom  and  not 
derived  from  the  genuine  emotions  of  the  heart,  being 
destitute  of  sincerity,  were,  in  his  view,  calculated  to 
keep  alive  that  vanity  and  pride  from  which  they  had 
their  origin.  He  could  not  put  off  his  hat  to  any 
man,  how  exalted  soever  his  station ; he  was  not  per- 
mitted to  bend  the  knee,  to  bow,  or  to  give  flattering 
titles  to  any ; and  he  "was  required,  in  addressing  a 
single  individual,  to  adhere  to  the  ancient  scriptural 
language,  thee  and  thou. 

This  plain  and  unflattering  mode  of  address, 
adopted  from  a sense  of  dutjq  although  accompanied 
by  the  most  amiable  demeanor,  gave  great  ofience, 
and  was  the  occasion  of  much  sufiering  to  the  early 
Friends.  ‘‘  Thee  and  thou,”  says  William  Penn, 
‘‘  proved  a sore  cut  to  proud  flesh,”  and  it  is  remarked 
by  the  same  author  that  the  use  of  a plural  pronoun 
to  a single  person  was  first  applied  to  proud  popes 
and  emperors,  imitating  the  heathen’s  vain  homage 
to  their  gods,  ‘‘  as  if  one  pope  had  been  made  up  of 
many  gods,  and  one  emperor  of  many  men.”  The 
uncovering  of  the  head  being  a mode  of  manifesting 
reverence  for  the  divine  majesty,  and  recommended 
by  the  apostle  Paul  to  be  observed  in  public  prayer 
and  gospel  ministry,  may  be  considered  as  a species 
of  homage  not  appropriate  to  be  employed  in  address- 
ing a human  being. 

It  was  a characteristic  of  the  hypocritical  Pharisees 
that  they  loved  the  uppermost  places  at  feasts  and 


1649.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


75 


greetings  in  the  markets,  and  to  be  called  of  men 
Eabbi.  A similar  disposition  was  manifested  by  the 
clergy  and  other  professors  of  religion  in  the  days  of 
George  Fox.  When  they  saw  that  he  and  bis  fellow- 
believers  denied  them  the  usual  tokens  of  reverence 
or  adulation,  they  fell  upon  them  with  violence,  sub- 
jecting them  to  fines,  imprisonment,  and  personal 
abuse.  But  there  was  another  testimony  of  the 
Early  Friends  that  rendered  them  still  more  obnoxious 
to  obloquy  and  persecution.  The}’  paid  no  tithes  and 
gave  no  countenance  to  a mercenary  priesthood.  They 
believed  that  the  gospel  of  Christ  could  not  be  learned 
in  the  schools  of  men,  that  it  was  given  freely  by  the 
Head  of  the  Church,  and  should  be  preached  freely 
as  it  was  in  the  apostles’  days  without  fee  or  reward 
from  man. 

For  their  faithful  maintenance  of  this  testimony, 
they  were  subjected  to  heavy  fines  and  long  imprison- 
ments. The  clergy  of  every  class,  although  at  variance 
among  themselves,  united  in  their  exertions  to  put 
down  these  bold  and  uncompromising  reformers ; — 
representing  them  as  deceivers  and  blasphemers,  they 
instigated  the  magistrates  to  punish  them  severely, 
and  the  rude  populace  were  encouraged  to  treat  them 
with  contumely  and  violence. 

The  first  imprisonment  of  George  Fox  was  at  Not- 
tingham, in  the  year  1649.  Under  an  apprehension 
of  religious  duty,  he  went  to  the  parish  house  of 
worship,  where  he  heard  the  priest  take  for  his  text 
these  words  of  Peter:  ‘‘We  have  also  a more  sure 
word  of  prophecy,  whereunto  ye  do  well  that  ye  take 
heed  as  unto  a light  that  shineth  in  a dark  place, 
until  tke  day  dawn,  and  the  day-star  arise  in  your 
hearts.”  This,  he  told  the  people,  was  the  Scriptures 


76 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1650. 


by  which  they  were  to  try  all  doctrines,  religions,  and 
opinions.  George  Fox  being  under  deep  religious 
exercise,  felt  constrained  to  cry  out : “ Oh  ! no,  it  is 
not  the  Scriptures,  but  the  holy  spirit  by  which  the 
holy  men  of  God  gave  forth  the  Scriptures,  whereby 
opinions,  religions,  and  judgments,  are  to  be  tried; 
for  it  leads  into  all  truth,  and  gives  the  knowledge  of 
all  truth.  For  the  J ews  had  the  Scriptures,  yet  re- 
sisted the  Holy  Ghost,  and  rejected  Christ,  the  bright 
morning  star,  and  persecuted  Christ  and  his  apostles, 
and  took  upon  them  to  try  their  doctrines  by  the 
Scriptures,  but  erred  in  judgment,  and  did  not  try 
them  aright,  because  they  tried  them  without  the 
Holy  Ghost.”  For  speaking  thus,  the  officers  came 
and  took  him  away,  and  cast  him  into  a foul  and 
noisome  prison. 

Some  time  after,  the  high  sheriff,  whose  name  was 
John  Feckless,  sent  for  him  to  his  house.  The  sheriffs 
wife  met  him  in  the  hall,  and  taking  him  by  the 
hand,  said : Salvation  is  come  to  our  house.”  Being 

lodged,  and  courteously  entertained  at  the  sheriff’s 
house,  he  had  great  meetings  there,  and  many  were 
convinced  of  his  doctrines.  But  the  magistrates, 
being  incensed  against  him,  committed  him  to  the 
common  prison,  where  he  remained  a considerable 
time. 

After  his  release,  in  1650,  he  resumed  his  travels, 
visiting  fairs,  markets,  and  other  places  where  the 
people  were  collected,  and  as  he  felt  himself  em- 
powered by  the  heavenly  gift,  exhorting  them  to 
repentance  and  amendment  of  life.  On  coming  to 
Derby,  he  was  lodged  and  entertained  at  the  house 
of  a doctor,  whose  wife  had  been  convinced  of  the 
principles  of  Friends.  While  walking  in  his  chamber, 


1650.] 


GEOKGE  FOX. 


77 


he  heard  the  hell  ring,  the  sound  of  which,  he  says, 
‘‘struck  at  his  life.”  He  asked  his  hostess,  “what 
the  bell  rang  for?”  She  answered,  for  a lecture,  and 
that  many  officers  of  the  army,  priests,  and  preachers, 
were  to  be  there,  and  among  them  a Colonel,  who 
was  a preacher.  Being  moved  by  a sense  of  duty, 
he  attended ; and,  after  waiting  till  they  had  done,  he 
spoke  to  them  what  he  believed  the  Lord  required. 
But  an  officer  came,  and  taking  him  by  the  hand,  told 
him  he  must  go  before  the  magistrates. 

On  his  appearance  before  the  justices,  Gervas  Ben- 
net  and  Hathaniel  Barton,  they  spent  eight  hours  in 
his  examination,  sometimes  deriding  him,  and  then 
endeavoring  by  questions  to  ensnare  him.  At  length 
they  asked  him  “whether  he -was  sanctified?”  He 
answered:  “Yes,  I am  in  the  paradise  of  God.”  The 
justices  inquired : “ Have  you  no  sin  ?”  He  answered, 
“ Christ,  my  Saviour,  hath  taken  away  my  sin,  and 
in  him  there  is  no  sin.”  They  said : “How  do  you 
know  that  Christ  abides  in  you  ?”  He  replied  : “By 
his  spirit  that  he  hath  given  us.”  They  then  queried: 
“Are  any  of  jmu  Christ?”  “Hay,”  said  George  Fox, 
“ we  are  nothing,  Christ  is  all.”  “If  a man  steal,” 
said  the  justices,  “is  it  no  sin?”  He  answered  in  the 
language  of  Scripture : “All  unrighteousness  is  sin.” 

Although  he  was  guiltless  of  any  offence  against 
the  laws,  these  two  persecuting  justices  committed 
him  to  the  House  of  Correction  for  six  months,  by  a 
mittimus  dated  the  30th  of  October,  1650. 

The  ostensible  ground  of  his  commitment  was,  for 
“ broaching  divers  blasphemous  opinions  contrary  to 
the  late  act  of  Parliament,”  which  they  alleged  he  had 
confessed  in  his  examination.  The  act  of  Parliament 
«alluded  to,  was  only  applicable  to  such  as  “shall 
7* 


78 


GEORaE  FOX. 


[1651. 


maintain  any  mere  creature  to  be  God,  or  shall  deny 
the  holiness  of  God,  or  maintain  that  all  acts  of 
wickedness  or  unrighteousness  are  not  forbidden  in 
holy  scripture,  or  that  God  approves  them.” 

These  blasphemous  sentiments,  attributed  to  the 
Eanters,  were  abhorrent  to  the  mind  of  George  Fox ; 
he  had  expressly  disavowed  them,  acknowledging  his 
own  nothingness  and  the  all-sufficiency  of  Christ,  who 
had  taken  away  his  sin. 

The  commitment  was  not  only  without  warrant  in 
law,  but  inconsistent  with  the  religious  profession  of 
the  justices,  who  were  of  the  sect  called  Independents : 
and,  one  of  them.  Colonel  Barton,  was  a preacher. 
The  tenets  of  their  church  admitted  of  no  interference 
by  the  civil  power  in  ecclesiastical  concerns,  and  yet 
they  did  interfere  for  the  punishment  of  what  they 
called  heresy,  not  only  in  this  case,  but  in  many 
others. 

During  the  imprisonment  of  George  Fox  at  Derby, 
his  relations  came  to  see  him,  and  offered  to  be  bound 
as  sureties,  “ that  he  should  come  no  more  thither  to 
declare  against  the  priests but  he  declined  entering 
into  a recognisance,  or  having  others  bound  for  him, 
because  he  believed  it  “ would  be  a blemish  on  his 
innocency.” 

1651.  When  the  time  of  his  commitment  to  the 
House  of  Correction  had  nearly  'expired,  the  Com- 
missioners offered  him  the  captaincy  over  a new 
company  of  troops  then  being  raised  for  the  Parlia- 
ment’s army.  Being  brought  before  them,  he  was 
asked  whether  he  would  not  take  up  arms  for  the 
commonwealth  against  Charles  Stuart?  He  answered 
that  he  knew  “ from  whence  all  wars  arose,  even 
from  the  lusts,  according  to  James’s  doctrine,  and, 


1651.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


79 


that  he  lived  in  the  virtue  of  that  life  and  power  that 
took  away  the  occasion  of  all  wars.”  Being  still 
further  pressed  to  accept  the  office  tendered  him,  he 
told  them  he  “ was  come  into  the  covenant  of  peace, 
which  was  before  w'ars  and  strifes  w^ere.”  They  pro- 
fessed to  make  him  the  offer  through  kindness  to 
him,  and  on  account  of  his  virtue.  He  replied,  If 
this  is  your  love  and  kindness,  I trample  it  under  my 
feet.”  The  commissioners  being  disappointed  and 
enraged,  said,  Take  him  away,  jailor,  and  put  him 
into  the  dungeon  amongst  the  rogues  and  felons.” 
In  accordance  with  this  order,  he  was  thrust  into  a 
filthy  dungeon  amongst  thirty  felons,  where  he  was 
•kept  nearly  six  months. 

While  he  lay  in  prison,  another  attempt  was  made 
to  force  him  into  the  army.  Just  before  the  battle  of 
Worcester,  Justice  Bennet  sent  constables  to  press 
him  for  a soldier,  and  he  was  repeatedly  offered  the 
press-money,  but  he  steadily  refused.  He  was  again 
taken  before  the  commissioners,  but  he  continued 
steadfast  in  bearing  a testimony  against  all  •wars ; 
being  dead  to  those  lusts  in  which  they  have  their 
origin. 

While  immured  in  a noisome  dungeon,  and  deeply 
grieved  with  the  profane  language  of  the  prisoners, 
his  soul  was  preserved  in  patience,  and  he  was  made 
to  rejoice  in  his  sufierings  for  Christ’s  sake.  Many 
persons  came  to  see  him,  and  some  were  convinced 
by  his  instructive  conversation  and  Christian  meek- 
ness. 

During  his  imprisonment,  he  wrote  several  instruc- 
tive epistles,  some  of  -which  were  addressed  to  his 
persecutors,  pleading  with  them  to  renounce  their 
wickedness,  and  to  turn  to  the  Lord;  others  Tvere 


80 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1051. 


directed  to  his  friends  and  fellow-believers,  exhorting 
them  to  ‘‘take  heed  of  conforming  to  the  world,  oi 
of  reasoning  with  flesh  and  blood;”  and  “to  stand 
fast  in  the  faith  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.” 

He  wrote  to  the  judges  to  set  before  them  “ what  a 
hurtful  thing  it  was  that  prisoners  should  lie  so  long 
in  jail,  showing  how  they  learned  wickedness  one  of 
another,  in  talking  of  their  bad  deeds ; therefore 
speedy  justice  should  be  done.”  His  mind  was  en- 
lightened to  see  that  the  practice  of  putting  men  to 
death  for  larceny  under  the  severe  penal  code  of  Eng- 
land, was  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  Chris- 
tianity. On  this  subject  also,  he  wrote  to  the  judges, 
referring  them  to  the  Scriptures,  and  to -the  spirit  of 
God  that  gave  them  forth,  and  exhorting  them  to 
show  mercy,  in  order  that  they  might  receive  mercy 
from  God  the  judge  of  all.  On  the  subject  of  oaths, 
his  mind  was  painfully  exercised,  and  he  wrote  to  the 
Mayor  of  Derby,  and  to  the  court  which  met  there, 
exhorting  them  “ to  take  heed  of  oppressing  the  poor, 
and  of  imposing  false  oaths  upon  the  people,  or  mak- 
ing them  take  oaths  which  they  could  not  perform.” 
This  admonition  was  needful,  and  pertinent  to  the 
times ; for  in  all  the  sudden  and  violent  changes  in 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  government  of  England 
which  had  recently  taken  place,  it  had  been  usual  to 
impose  upon  the  people  oaths  of  allegiance,  which 
being  often  inconsistent  wflth  each  other,  exposed  the 
nation  at  large  to  the  crime  of  perjury. 

Thus  we  see 'that  George  Fox,  at  this  stage  of  his 
religious  career,  had  already  been  called*  upon  to  bear 
some  of  the  most  important  testimonies  now  held  by 
the  Society  of  Friends.  He  had  been  led  to  renounce 
the  ceremonial  worship  in  which  he  was  educated,  and 


1651.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


81 


to  seek,  in  the  ‘^silence  of  all  flesh,”  for  that  spiritual 
intercourse  with  God  which  enlightens  and  purifies 
the  soul,  delivers  it  from  the  bondage  of  corruption, 
and,  by  the  process  of  regeneration,  makes  it  a par- 
taker of  the  divine  nature.  He  had  been  enlightened 
to  see  that  a ministry  which  relied  upon  human  ordi- 
nation, and  scholastic  acquirements,  was  the  greatest 
obstacle  to  the  progress  of  truth ; for  God  still  con- 
descends to  teach  his  people  himself  by  the  immediate 
influence  of  his  light  or  spirit,  and  the  true  gospel 
ministry  is  that  alone  which  springs  from  the  fountain 
of  divine  love  revealed  in  the  soul.  This  spiritual 
heart-searching  ministry  is  conferred  on  those  only 
who  have  been  washed  in  the  laver  of  regeneration, 
and  are  called  to  go  forth  under  the  guidance  of 
Christ,  who  “putteth  forth  his  own  sheep  and  goeth 
before  them.” 

They  cannot  receive  from  man  a compensation  for 
preaching.  As  their  calling  is  from  the  Spirit,  s-o  is 
their  reward  spiritual ; and  they  cheerfully  comply 
with  the  divine  injunction,  “freely  ye  have  received, 
freely  give.” 

In  bearing  a testimony  against  oaths,  George  Fox 
probably  stood  almost  alone  at  that  time  in  England ; 
and  this  testimony,  together  with  that  against  a mer- 
cenary ministry,  and  that  of  not  putting  ofi*  the  hat 
as  a token  of  respect  to  man,  were  the  chief  causes 
of  the  severe  persecution  to  which  he  and  his  friends 
were  so  long  subjected. 

The  testimony  against  war  which  he  was  called  to 
bear,  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  those  fruits  of 
the  Spirit,  which  denote  the  progress  of  the  Redeemer’s 
kingdom.  There  was  at  that  time  in  Great  Britain  a 
degree  of  religious  excitement  that  has  seldom  been 


82 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1651. 


equalled,  and  it  was  accompanied  with  a profession 
of  sanctity  that  we  cannot  suppose  was  altogether 
hypocritical ; hut  it  must  he  admitted  that  the  warlike 
spirit  of  the  Puritans  was  not  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  the  gospel.  They  fasted  often,  they  prayed 
and  exhorted  with  passionate  zeal,  they  fought  with 
desperate  valor,  and  they  persecuted  with  unrelenting 
severity.  The  most  charitable  construction  we  can 
place  upon  their  conduct  is,  that  a sincere  zeal  for 
religion  had  been  suffered  to  run  into  fanaticism,  and 
they  went  blindly  forward,  in  their  own  wills,  without 
submitting  to  the  cross  of  Christ,  or  being  imbued 
with  that  wisdom  from  above,  which  ‘‘  is  first  pure, 
then  peaceable,  gentle,  and  easy  to  be  entreated,  full 
of  mercy  and  good  fruits,  without  partiality  and 
without  hypocrisy.” 

When  George  Fox  had  been  nearly  a year  in  prison 
at  Derby,  the  magistrates  by  whom  he  had  been  com- 
mitted, being  conscious  of  the  injustice  they  had 
done  him,  became  exceedingly  uneasy. 

At  one  time  they  thought  of  arraigning  him  before 
the  Parliament ; at  another,  they  proposed  his  banish- 
ment to  Ireland ; but  at  length  they  gave  orders  for 
his  release,  which  took  place  about  the  beginning  of 
winter,  in  the  year  1651. 

It  was  one  of  these  persecuting  justices,  Gervas 
Bennet,  who  gave  him  the  name  of  Quaker,  because 
he  bade  them  tremble  at  the  word  of  the  Lord.  This 
appellation,  given  in  derision,  was  eagerly  seized  upon 
by  his  persecutors,  and  generally  applied  to  all  who 
embraced  his  principles.  They  had  previously  been 
called  Professors  of  the  Light,  or  Children  of  the 
Light ; ^ but  the  name  they  adopted  for  their  infant 

‘Sewel  1.42. 


WILLIAM  FARNSWORTH. 


83 


Society  was  that  of  Friends,  being  in  accordance  with 
the  language  of  the  blessed  Jesus  to  his  disciples, 
“Ye  are  my  friends  if  ye  do  whatsoever  I command 
you.”  ....  “I  have  called  yon  friends,  for  all  things 
that  I have  heard  of  my  Father  I have  made  known 
unto  you.” 


CHAPTEK  n. 

CONVIXCEMEXT  IX  THE  XORTH  OF  EXGLAXD. 
1651-2. 

Among  the  proselytes  made  in  the  year  1651, 
through  the  ministiy  of  George  Fox,  were  Richard 
Farnsworth,  William  Dewsbury,  and  James  Yayler, 
who  became  eminent  as  ministers  of  the  gospel. 

Richard  Farnsworth  lived  at  Balby  in  Yorkshire. 
There  appears  to  be  no  account  extant  of  his  early 
life;  but  when  he  heard  George  Fox  preach  the  doc- 
trine of  Christ’s  inward  and  spiritual  appearance,  as 
the  teacher  and  ruler  of  his  .people,  he  embraced  it 
with  zeal,  and  became  an  earnest  laborer  in  the  Lord’s 
vineyard,  as  well  as  a patient  sufterer  for  the  cause 
of  Truth.  A cotemporary  who  knew  him  well,  writes 
concerning  him,  that  although  he  was  highly  respected 
as  a man  of  abilities  and  learning,  “ he  was  content 
to  becom^a  fool  to  the  world,  and  to  be  stripped  and 
emptied  of  his  own  wisdom  and  knowledge,  and  to 
suffer  the  loss  of  all  w^orldly  reputation  and  favor, 
that  he  might  Avin  Christ  Jesus,  and  be  found  his  ser- 
vant, clothed  with  his  righteousness  of  faith.  His 
service  was  very  great  for  the  Lord  in  his  day  ; for  he 


84 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1652. 


was  SO  furnished  with  heavenly  wisdom  and  under- 
standing through  the  grace  of  God,  and  so  seasoned 
thereby,  that  his  patience,  meekness,  and  humility, 
exceeded  many.”^  In  1652,  he  travelled  with  George 
Fox  in  Yorkshire ; and  in  1653,  he  was  engaged  in 
the  gospel  ministry  in  the  same  county,  holding 
crowded  meetings,  at  which  many  ^vere  convinced  of 
the  doctrines  of  Friends.  About  the  year  1658,  he 
was  imprisoned  six  months,  at  Banbuiy,  in  Oxford- 
shire, for  no  other  offence  than  failing  to  take  off*  his 
hat  to  the  mayor  and  a justice  of  the  pe^^ice,  whom  he 
met  in  the  street.^ 

William  Dewsbury  was  horn  at  Allerthorpe,  in  the 
East  Biding  of  Yorkshire,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
seventeenth  centuiy.  The  year  of  his  birth  is  not 
knowm. 

When  he  was  between  eight  and  thirteen  years  of 
age,  he  was  brought  under  the  influence  of  divine 
grace,  by  which  his  understanding  was  enlightened, 
and  his  conscience  bore  witness  against  “ the  light- 
ness and  vanity’’  in  which  he  had  lived.  It  was  then 
the  language  was  intelligibly  addressed  to  his  soul, 
as  from  the  Lord:  “I  created  thee  for  my  glory;  an 
account  thou  must  give  to  me  for  all  thy  words  and 
actions  done  in  the  body.”  Deep  sorrow  seized  upon 
him,  he  ceased  from  his  vain  conversation,  and  began 
to  read  the  Scriptures,  and  to  pray  to  God ; hut  not 
knowing  where  to  find  him,  he  looked  up  “ towards 
the  firmament,”  supposing  him  to  be  ‘^bove  the 
skies.” ^ He  who  fills  all  space,  whom  the  Heaven 
of  heavens  cannot  contain,  condescends  to  manifest 

’ Testimony  of  Josiah  Cole,  in  Barclay’s  Letters  of  Early 
Friends.  ^ Besse,  I.  564. 

® W.  B^wsbury’s  Testimony,  London  Ed.,  1689. 


1G52.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


85 


himself  to  the  contrite  soul  as  a God  nigh  at  hand, 
a very  present  help  in  every  time  of  trouble.” 

Accordingly,  at  that  early  age,  William  Dewsbury 
felt  the  hand  of  the  Lord  within  him,  executing  jus- 
tice upon  the  transgressing  nature,  and  which  way 
soever  he  turned  to.  seek  for  reconciliation  with  God 
in  outward  observances,  thither  he  found  the  flaming 
sword  was  turned  against  him,  “to  keep  the  way  of 
the  tree  of  life.”  Thus  “he  stood  before  the  throne 
of  the  Lamb,  reading  in  his  mournful  state  the  sen- 
tence of  condemnation,”  by  w^hich  man,  in  the  unre- 
generate nature,  is  shut  out  from  the  joys  of  paradise.^ 

While  in  this  disconsolate  condition,  he  was  em- 
ployed by  his  relatives  as  a keeper  of  sheep,  and, 
like  George  Fox,  he  found  in  the  solitude  and  silence 
of  his  occupation,  a full  opportunity  to  seek  for  an 
acquaintance  with  God  in  devout  meditation. 

When  he  was  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  hearing 
of  a people  near  Leeds  who  w^ere  accounted  very  reli- 
gious, he  prevailed  on  his  parents  to  place  him  as  an 
apprentice  with  a clothmaker  wLo  lived  in  that 
vicinity. 

Here  he  found  there  was  much  discourse  about 
religion,  preaching  from  the  letter  of  the  Scriptures, 
and  seeking  the  kingdom  of  God  in  outward  observ- 
ances; but  he  met  with  none  “who  could  tell  him 
what  God  had  done  for  their  souls,  in  redeeming  them 
from  the  body  of  sin,”  which  he  was  then  groaning 
under.  He  walked  strictly  with  them  in  their  cere- 
monial observances,  and  listened  attentively  to  theii 
ministers ; but  he  could  And  no  peace  in  that  way  of 


^ W.  Dewsbury’s  Testimony,  London  Ed.,  1689. 

I.  — 8 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


86 


[1652. 


worship,  nor  in  receiving  the  bread  and  wine,  which 
they  told  him  were  the  seals  of  the  covenant. 

Before  partaking  of  the  eucharist,  he  sought  for 
divine  aid  that  be  might  receive  it  worthily,  but  he 
found  in  it  no  food  for  the  soul ; on  the  contrary, 
much  fear  came  upon  him,  and  the  condition  of  Judas 
was  brought  before  him,  until  at  length  he  was  ena- 
bled to  see  that  the  seal  of  the  covenant  is  the  spirit 
of  Christ,  and  that  the  Lord’s  Supper  is  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ,  which  the  world  knows  not,  neither 
had  he  then  experienced  it ; but  he  was  made  willing 
to  wait  for  its  manifestation. 

He  could  no  longer  join  in  psalm-singing ; for  the 
light  in  his  conscience  enabled  him  to  see  the  evil  of 
his  heart:  he  knew  he  was  not  in  David’s  condition, 
to  sing  the  songs  of  Zion,  and  while  others  sang  he 
mourned  and  wept  for  want  of  that  pure  spirit  and 
clean  heart  to  which  alone  the  promises  belong.  So 
great  was  his  distress  that  it  preyed  upon  his  health, 
and  his  body  wasted  away,  until  his  employer,  think- 
ing he  was  in  a consumption,  purposed  sending  him 
back  to  his  parents.  William  was  fully  aware  that 
the  cause  of  his  affliction  was  not  a malady  of  the 
body,  but  of  the  soul,  and  he  applied  to  those  who 
professed  to  be  ministers  of  Christ,  but  they  could  do 
nothing  for  him.  They  spoke  smooth  things  to  him, 
advising  him  to  believe  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  to  apply  the  promises  to  himself;  but  they  failed 
to  inform  him  that  Jesus  Christ  can  only  be  known 
within  the  soul,  where  he  appears  as  “ a refiner  with 
fire,  and  a fuller  with  soap,”  to  take  away  the  defile- 
ment of  sin. 

At  that  time  the  civil  war  was  raging,  and  the 
Puritan  preachers  exhorted  their  flocks  to  join  the 


1652.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


87 


ranks  of  the  Parliament’s  army,  to  fight,  as  they 
alleofed,  for  the  Protestant  cause.  In  order  to  rouse 
the  indifferent,  and  stimulate  the  lukewarm,  they 
raised  the  cry : ‘‘  Curse  ye  Meroz,  curse  ye  bitterly 
the  inhabitants  thereof,  because  the}"  came  not  to  the 
help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty.”^ 

'William  Dewsbury,  being  deluded  by  his  teachers, 
and  willing  to  give  up  his  body  to  death,  in  order  to 
free  his  soul  from  sin,  enlisted  with  those  who  pro- 
fessed to  fight  for  the  gospel,  but  when  he  came  among 
them,  he  found  them  ignorant  of  the  gospel ; for  they 
applied  this  term  to  the  letter  of  the  Scriptures,  which 
is  only  a declaration  or  record  concerning  that  inward 
law  — the  gospel  of  Christ,  which  is  “the  power  of 
God  unto  salvation.”  Having  heard  that  there  was  a 
Keformed  Church  in  Scotland  which  walked  in  the 
fear  of  the  Lord,  he  took  a journey  into  that  country, 
and  coming  to  Edinburgh,  he  found  there  nothing 
but  formality ; the  teachers  of  religion,  like  those  in 
England,  calling  the  people  to  seek  for  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  in  outward  observances.  Then  he  returned 
to  England,  and  frequented  the  meetings  of  the  Ana- 
baptists and  Independents,  who  professed  to  be  the 
children  of  God,  but  he  did  not  find  among  them  the 
evidence  of  that  divine  love  which  alone  could  satisfy 
the  longings  of  his  soul. 

Being  thus  taught  by  experience,  that  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  cannot  be  attained  through  ceremonial 
observances,  he  was  led  to  seek  for  it  where  alone  it 
can  be  found.  “Then  my  mind,”  he  says,  “was 
turned  within  by  the  power  of  the  Lord,  to  wait  in 
his  counsel  — the  light  in  my  conscience,  to  hear 


^ William  Dewsbury s Works,  p.  48. 


88 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1652, 


what  the  Lord  would  say : and  the  word  of  the  Lord 
came  unto  me  and  said:  ^Put  up  thy  sword  into  thy 
scabbard ; if  my  kingdom  W’ere  of  this  world,  then 
would  my  children  tight ; hnowest  thou  not  that  if  I 
need,  I could  have  twelve  legions  of  angels  from  my 
Father  f which  'SYord  enlightened  my  heart,  and  dis- 
covered the  mystery  of  iniquity,  and  that  the  kingdom 
of  Christ  was  within  and  was  spiritual,  the  power  of 
God.”  After  this  discovery  of  the  peaceable  nature 
of  Christ’s  kingdom,  the  weapons  of  whose  w^arfare 
are  not  carnal,  he  Avithdrew  from  the  army,  and  re- 
turned to  his  home,  Avhere  he  resumed  his  former 
employment.^  While  his  hands  were  engaged  in  his 
outward  vocation,  his  mind  continued  to  be  deeply 
exercised,  which  was  doubtless  permitted  for  the  trial 
of  his  faith  and  the  preparation  of  his  heart  for  the 
important  service  to  which  he  was  appointed. 

pin  that  day  and  hour  of  temptation,”  he  says,  ‘‘I 
witnessed  those  Scriptures  fulfilled  in  me,  of  Paul’s 
condition  Avherein  he  complained  as  I then  did.  I 
found  a laAV  in  my  members  Avarring  against  the  laAV 
in  my  mind,  so  that  Avhen  I would  do  good,  evil  was 
present  Avith  me ; the  sense  of  Avhich  caused  me  to 
cry : ‘ Oh  wretched  man  that  I am  ! aaLo  shall  deliver 
me  from  the  hotly  of  this  death  ? And  as  I Avas  crying 
to  the  Lord  to  free  me  from  the  burden  I groaned 
under,  the  Avord  of  the  Lord  came  to  me,  saying : ‘ My 
grace  is  sufficient  for  thee.’  ” 

About  the  year  1646,  having  experienced  the  saving 
efficacy  of  Christ’s  baptism,  he  began  to  consider 
Avhether  it  A\^as  not  his  religious  duty  to  declare  to 
others  Avhat  the  Lord  had  doimfor  his  soul.  He  felt 


* William  Dewsbury^s  Testij;nony,  London  Edition,  1689. 


1652.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


89 

an  entire  willingness  to  devote  himself  to  the  work 
of  the  ministiw,  but  while  waiting  for  further  evidence 
of  his  call,  it  was  clearly  made  known  to  him,  as  he 
believed,-  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  he  should  not  pro- 
ceed in  the  work  until  the  year  1652,  and  he  was 
enabled  to  foresee  that  there  would  then  be  a greater 
hungering  and  thirsting  after  the  Lord  raised  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people. 

In  obedience  to  these  impressions  of  duty  he  waited 
for  a further  manifestation  of  the  divine  will,  and 
continued  for  some  years  to  follow  his  occupation  as 
a weaver  of  cloth. 

It  was  probably  about  this  time,  he  entered  into  the 
married  state,  though  the  precise  date  has  not  been 
preserved.  The  nuptials  of  William  and  Ann  Dews- 
bury were  solemnized  at  a meeting  of  the  Ana- 
baptists, Avith  whom  the  bride  was  associated  in  re- 
ligious profession.  ‘Ht  is  related  to  have  been  a 
season  of  divine  regard ; their  children,  who  are  the 
historians  in  this  instance,  having  often  heard  their 
father  say  that  the  hearts  of  those  who  attended  the 
ceremony  were  so  overcome  by  a sense  of  the  divine 
presence  that  there  w^ere  hut  few  dry  eyes  iu  the 
room.”^ 

Soon  after  this  event,  he  met  with  a severe  trial  of 
his  faith.  Ilis  wife  was  entitled  to  a considerable 
property  in  land,  of  Avhich  she  Avas  unjustly  deprived 
by  her  brother.  ‘‘Although  everything  is  said  to  have 
been  clear  respecting  the  proceedings,  and  the  case 
was  submitted  to  trial,  yet  the  decision  was  against 
him ; the  judge  would  not  let  him  have  the  property. 
As  he  Avas  going  home,  he  met  Avith  the  buftetings 


* Life  of  W.  Dewsbury  by  Edward  Smith. 


8* 


90 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1652. 


of  the  enemy,  who  insinuated  into  his  mind  some 
misgivings  for  having  married  a well-bred  woman, 
whom  he  was  likely  to  bring  to  poverty.”  ^ In  deep 
humility  he  turned  his  thoughts  towards  the  Most 
High,  desiring  that  He  w’ould  make  him  content  in 
whatever  condition  he  might  be  pleased  to  place  him ; 
and  immediately  his  heart  was  filled  with  an  over 
powering  sense  of  the  Lord’s  presence,  accompanied 
by  an  assurance  of  divine  favor. 

He  was  accustomed  to  hold  religious  meetings  in 
his  own  house,  and  in  the  neighborhood ; but,  it  does 
not  appear  that  at  this  time  he  was  in  the  practice  of 
exercising  any  vocal  gift  in  public  worship. 

It  was  in  the  year  1651,  that  William  Dewsbury, 
accompanied  by  his  wife,  attended  an  evening  meet- 
ing held  by  George  Fox,  at  Lieutenant  Eoper’s,  near 
Synderhill  Green,  Yorkshire.  The  account  given  by 
George  Fox  concerning  this  meeting  is  as  follows, 
viz : ‘‘At  one  evening  meeting  there,  William  Dews- 
bury and  his  wife  came  and  heard  me  declare  the 
truth ; and,  after  the  meeting,  it  being  a moonshine 
night,  I went  out  into  the  field,  and  William  Dews- 
bury and  his  wife  came  to  me  from  the  meeting  into 
the  field,  and  confessed  to  the  truth,  and  received  it, 
and  after  some  time  he  did  testify  to  it.”^ 

It  does  not  appear  that  he  was  then,  for  the  first 
time,  convinced  of  those  spiritual  views  held  forth  by 
George  Fox ; for  he  had,  some  years  before,  come  to 


* Life  of  W.  Dewsbury  by  Edward  Smith. 

2 George  Fox’s  statement  in  “ W.  Dewsbvry’s  Testimony,  1688.’^ 
The  name  of  Dewsbury  is  spelt  differently  in  the  old  London 
edition  of  his  works,  viz.,  Dewsbery ; but  I have  adopted  the  form 
used  in  Edward  Smith’s  life  of  Dewsbury,  being  the  same  as  that 
in  Whiting’s  catalogue. 


1652.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


91 


the  know^ledge  of  them  by  the  immediate  operation 
of  divine  grace,  and  when  he  heard  them  declared  he 
immediately  united  with  them.  In  the  following  year 
he  was  impelled  by  a sense  of  religious  duty  publicly 
to  advocate  the  truths  of  the  gospel.  He  believed 
that  the  time  he  had  foreseen  was  then  come ; and 
when  he  went  forth  on  his  mission,  clothed  with  au- 
thority from  the  Head  of  the  Church  to  call  sinners 
to  repentance  and  amendment  of  life,  he  found  there 
was  indeed  a hungering  and  thirsting  in  the  hearts  of 
the  'people  after  the  Lord.''  He  w^as  made  instrumental 
in  turning  many  to  righteousness ; and  the  following 
interesting  account  of  his  powerful  ministry  was  writ- 
ten by  one  of  his  first  converts,  Thomas  Thompson, 
of  Skipsea  in  Yorkshire : — 

“How  it  came  to  pass,  about  the  sixth  or  seventh 
month  of  the  year  1652,  we  heard  of  a people  raised 
up  at,  or  about,  Malton,  who  were  called  Quakers, 
which  was  the  first  time  I heard  of  that  name  being 
given  to  any  people.  They  were  by  most  people  spo- 
ken against,  but  when  I strictly  inquired  what  they 
had  to  lay  to  their  charge,  that  might  give  cause  for 
such  aspersions  as  were  thrown  upon  them,  I met 
with  none  that  could  justly  accuse  them  of  any 
crime ; only  they  said  they  w'ere  fantastical  and  con- 
ceited, and  burnt  their  lace  and  ribbons,  and  other 
superfluous  things,  which  formerly  they  used  to  wear; 
and  that  they  fell  into  strange  fits  of  quaking  and 
trembling.  These  reports  increased  my  desires  to 
see  and  be  acquainted  with  some  of  them ; and  in  the 
eighth  month  of  the  aforesaid  year  I heard  that  the 
Quakers  were  come  to  Bridlington,  whereat  I greatly 
rejoiced  in  my  spirit,  hoping  that  I should  get  some 
opportunity  to  see  them. 


92 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1652. 


‘‘  This  was  that  faithful  laborer  and  minister  of  the 
gospel,  William  Dewsbury,  who  then  was  ordered 
into  these  parts ; and  on  the  fifth  day  following  I 
heard  that  they  were  come  to  Frodingham.  Being 
on  my  master’s  work  in  Brigham,  I could  not  go  in 
the  day,  but  determined  to  go  in  the  night,  and  would 
gladly  have  had  some  of  my  acquaintance  to  go  with 
me,  but,  the  night  being  very  dark,  none  would  go,  so 
I went  alone.  Coming  into  the  room  where  William 
was,  I found  him  writing,  and  the  rest  of  his  company 
sitting  in  silence,  seeming  to  be  much  retired  in  mind 
and  fixed  towards  God ; their  countenances,  being 
grave  and  solid,  preached  unto  me,  and  confirmed 
w^hat  I had  before  believed  — that  they  were  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Lord.  After  a little  time,  William  ceased 
writing,  and  many  of  the  town’s-people  coming  in,  he 
began,  in  the  power  and  wisdom  of  God,  to  declare 
the  Truth.  And,  oh  how  was  my  soul  refreshed,  and 
the  witness  of  God  reached  in  my  heart ! I cannot 
express  it  with  pen ; I had  never  heard  nor  felt  the 
like  before,  for  he  spake  as  one  having  authority,  and 
not  as  the  Scribes ; so  that  if  all  the  world  said  nay,  I 
could  have  given  my  testimony  that  it  was  the  ever- 
lasting Truth  of  God. 

“In  the  same  month  my  mouth  was  livingly  opened 
to  declare  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  preach  repent- 
ance to  the  people ; and  the  work  of  the  Lord  pros- 
pered in  the  hands  of  his  faithful  servants. 

“ I knew  a bridle  to  my  tongue,  and  was  greatly 
afraid  lest  I should  offend  the  Lord  in  thought,  word, 
or  deed;  and  the  word  of  the  Lord  was  in  me.  ‘Thou 
shalt  not  do  thine  own  works,  nor  think  thy  own 
thoughts,  nor  speak  thy  own  words,  on  this  my  holy 
day.’  And  though  I suffered  and  went  through  many 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


93 


great  exercises,  yet  the  Lord  bore  up  my  spirit  and 
carried  me  on,  while  I abode  faithful  to  him,  to  the 
praise  of  his  own  name. 

But  through  reasoning,  and  looking  too  much  at 
my  own  inabilities  and  unfitness  for  so  weighty  a 
Avork,  the  enemy  sometimes  prevailed  to  keep  me  in 
disobedience,  and  cast  down  my  mind  so  low^  that  my 
growth  was  thereby  hindered  for  a time ; yet  did  the 
Lord,  in  his  endless  love  to  my  poor  soul,  renew  his 
visitations,  and  my  mouth  was  often  opened  in  the 
congregations  of  his  people  to  praise  his  worthy  name. 
In  those  days  I often  accompanied  William  Dewsbury, 
John  W^hitehead,  and  sometiih.es  James  Xayler,  and 
other  early  ministers,  to  and  fro  in  the  East  Riding 
of  Yorkshire;  and  the  glorious  presence  and  power 
of  the  Lord  our  God  was  richly  with  us,  to  the  over- 
coming of  our  souls,  the  comfort  of  his  heritage,  and 
the  praise  of  his  own  name.” 

The  services  and  suflerings  of  William  Dewsbury 
will  again  be  brought  forward  in  the  progress  of  this 
history,  and  in  the  mean  time  another  character,  still 
more  celebrated,  claims  our  attention. 

James  Yayler  was  born  at  Ardsley,  (or  Ardislaw) 
near  Wakefield  in  Yorkshire  in  the  year  1618.  There 
appears  to  be  no  account  extant  concerning  his  early 
life.  On  his  marriage,  about  the  year  1640,  he  re- 
moved to  Wakefield,  hut  the  civil  war  breaking  out 
the  following  }mar  he  became  a soldier  in  the  Parlia- 
ment’s army  commanded  by  Fairfax,  and  was  after- 
wards a quarter-master  under  Lambert.  YRien  he 
had  been  in  the  army  between  eight  and  nine  years, 
being  disabled  by  sickness,  he  left  his  military 
employ  and  returned  to  Wakefield.  At  this  time 


94  JAMES  NAYLER.  [1651. 

he  was  joined  in  religious  profession  with  the  Inde- 
pendents.^ 

His  first  interview  with  George  Fox,  took  place  at 
the  residence  of  Lieutenant  Roper  in  the  year  1651. 
‘‘It  was  here,”  says  George  Fox,  “Janies  hTayler 
came  to  see  me,  when  he  was  convinced  after  I had 
some  discourse  with  him.”  ^ There  is  reason  to  believe 
that  his  mind  had  been  previously  enlightened  in 
regard  to  the  spiritual  nature  of  Christ’s  kingdom, 
and  that  he  was  prepared  by  his  own  experience  to 
unite  with  the  views  he  then  heard  promulgated. 
Hot  long  afterwards,  he  felt  himself  called  by  a strong 
impression  of  duty  to  go  forth  and  publish  to  the 
world  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation  through  Christ,  the 
inward  and  spiritual  Redeemer,  not  only  from  the  guilt 
hut  from  the  dominion  of  sin.  The  extraordinary  power 
of  his  ministry  is  illustrated  by  the  following  anecdote. 
“A  person  of  some  note,  who  had  been  an  officer  under 
Oliver  Cromwell,  related  to  James  Wilson  as  follows: 
viz.,  “After  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  as  I was  riding  in 
Scotland  at  the  head  of  my  troop,  I observed,  at  some 
distance  from  the  road,  a crowd  of  people  and  one 
higher  than  the  rest;  upon  which  I sent  one  of  my  men 
to  see  and  bring  me  word,  what  was  the  meaning  of 
this  gathering.  And  seeing  him  ride  up  and  stay 
there,  without  returning  according  to  my  order,  I sent 
a second,  who  staid  in  like  manner ; and  then  I de- 
termined to  go  myself.  When  I came  thither,  I found 
it  was  James  Hayler  preaching  to  the  people ; but 
with  such  power  and  reaching  energy  as  I had  not 
till  then  been  witness  of.  I could  not  help  staying  a 

* Life  of  J.  Nayler,  by  Jos.  Gurney'Bevan,  London,  1800. 

* G.  Hs  statement  in  W.  Dewsbury’s  Testimony  1688. 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


95 


little,  altlioiigli  I was  afraid  to  stay ; for  I was  made  a 
Quaker,  being  forced  to  tremble  at  the  sight  of  my- 
self. I was  struck  witli  more  terror  by  the  preaching 
of  James  Kayler,  than  I was  at  the  battle  of  Dunbar, 
when  we  had  nothing  else  to  expect,  but  to  fall  a 
prey  to  the  swords  of  our  enemies,  without  being  able 
to  help  ourselves.  I clearly  saw  the  cross  to  be  sub- 
mitted to ; so  I durst  stay  no  longer,  but  got  off,  and 
carried  condemnation  for  it  in  my  own  breast.  The 
people  there,  in  the  clear  and  powerful  opening  of 
their  states,  cried  out  against  themselves  imploring 
mercy,  a thorough  change  and  the  whole  work  of 
salvation  to  be  effected  in  them.”^ 

In  the  year  1652,  James  Xayler  was  engaged  in 
holding  meetings  near  Kendal,  in  Westmoreland, 
where  he  met  with  great  opposition  from  the  clergy. 
After  much  disputing,  one  of  them  began  to  accuse 
him  before  the  magistrates,  saying  that  he  taught 
people  to  burn  their  bibles  and  to  contemn  the  civil 
authority ; that  die  encouraged  children  to  disobey 
their  parents,  and  wives  their  husbands ; to  which 
James  answered,  ‘‘Thou 'art  a false  accuser:  prove 
one  of  these  things  if  thou  canst.”  But  he,  not  being 
able  to  prove  any  of  his  charges,  accused  James  of 
teaching  the  doctrine  that  there  is  a light  which  con- 
vinces all  of  sin,  allesfino^  that  all  men  have  not  such 
a light.  James  replied,  “Point  out  one  in  all  this 
multitude  that  will  dare  to  say  he  has  it  not.’’  “ These 
are  all  Christians,”  he  said;  “ but  if  a Turk  or  Indian 
were  here,  he  would  deny  it.”  James  rejoined,  “Thou 
goest  far  for  a proof,  but  if  a Turk  or  Indian  were 


^ J.  Barclay's  Memoirs  of  Friends  in  Scotland,  295;  and  the 
Life  of  James  Gough,  56  ; Dublin  ed.  1781. 


96 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1652. 


here,  he  would  witness  against  thee.”  The  people 
beginning  to  fight,  the  priest  turned  away,  saying 
there  would  be  a disturbance.  These,”  said  James, 
‘‘are  thy  Christians,  and  this  is  the  fruit  of  thy  min- 
istry.” One  of  the  justices  exerted  his  influence  to 
keep  the  rude  populace  from  pressing  upon  James, 
and  he  preached  to  them  with  freedom  and  aruthority, 
notwithstanding  the  jeers  and  threats  to  which  he 
was  exposed. 

He  was,  soon  after,  desired  by  many  Christian 
friends  to  attend  a meeting  at  Orton  for  divine  wor- 
ship. He  accordingly  went,  but  the  clergy,  having 
intelligence  of  his  purpose,  five  of  them  attended,  and 
there  was  a great  concourse  of  people.  He  went  to 
a friend’s  house,  and  while  there  received  a message 
from  the  priests  to  come  into  the  field  or  town  com- 
mon, which  they  said  was  a more  convenient  place  for 
a great  multitude.  He  answered,  “ It  is  my  desire 
that  all  may  be  edified,”  and  coming  into  the  field, 
the  priests  asked  him  by  what  authority  he  came 
thither?  and  why  he  had  gathered  so  many  people  to 
break  the  peace  ? “ Wilt  thou  be  bound,”  they  asked, 
“that  none  here  shall  break  the  peace?”  He  an- 
swered, “ We  came  not  hither  to  create  ofiences,  but 
if  any  break  the  law  let  him  sufier  by  the  law.”  One 
of  his  opposers  suggested  that  he  should  “ go  into 
the  church,  where  the  people  might  all  sit  and  hear 
better.”  James  said,  all  places  were  alike  to  him,  and 
he  would  stay  in  the  field;  whereupon  they  produced 
an  ordinance  of  parliament  forbidding  any  to  speak 
but  such  as  were  authorized  to  speak,  either  in  church 
or  chapel,  or  any  public  place ; and  bade  him  speak 
at  his  peril.  “ Those  that  are  sent  to  declare  the 
things  of  God,”  he  replied,  “have  not  their  authority 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


9T 


from  men.”  They  bade  him  prove  that  position.  He 
said,  “Paul  received  not  his  commission  from  man 
nor  by  man.”  To  vdiich  one  of  them  answered, 
“ that  was  his  gospel ; but  they  would  prove  that 
Paul  had  a command  from  man  to  preach ;”  and  for 
that  end,  he  named  the  place,  in  Acts  xiii.  2,  where 
the  Holy  Ghost  said,  “ Separate  me  Barnabas  and 
Saul,”  and  the  apostles  laid  their  hands  upon  them: 
“ which,”  said  one  of  them,  “ was  the  laying  on  of 
hands  of  the  Presbytery.”  James  asked  him  if  that 
was  Paul’s  call  to  the  ministry  ? He  made  no  reply. 
The  question  was  repeated,  and  still  he  answered 
nothing.  “Then,”  said  James,  if  that  was  his  call, 
he  had  preached  long  without  a call,  as  may  be  proved 
from  the  first  chapter  of  Galatians.’/  Another  priest 
stood  up  and  said,  “ Thou  oughtest  to  give  an  account 
of  thy  fiiith  to  every  one  that  asketh,”  and  he  pro- 
pounded various  questions  which  James  answered. 
One  of  the  company  cried  out,  “ Answer  not  all, 
but  ask  him  some.”  James  asked  him  “ how  he  would 
prove  himself  a minister  of  the  gospel  while  he  lived 
upon  tithes?”  He  declined  to  answer,  and  James 
said,  “^N’either  will  I answer  thy  questions,  if  thou 
ask  me  twenty  more.”  The  next  question  was, 
“ AVhether  Christ  was  ascended  or  not?”  James 
said,  “ I will  not  answer  thee;”  whereupon  the  priest 
cried  out  to  the  people,  “He  denies  the  humanity  of 
Christ.”  The  people  exclaimed,  “Let  us  hear  him  ; 
you  have  often  told  us  many  things  against  him:  let 
him  speak,  and  then  if  he  speak  not  truth  you  may 
reprove  him.”  James  hearing  the  desire  of  the  peo- 
ple began  to  speak,  and  they  listened  attentivel3^  He 
held  forth  the  doctrine  that  Christ  alone  is  the  teacher 
of  his  people  in  spirit  and  in  truth ; hut  one  of  the 
L — 9 


98 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1652. 


priests  cried  out,  “I  cannot  endure  to  hear  this 
seducer  any  longer.”  Upon  which  James  said, 
“ Prove  me  a seducer  before  all  this  people,  or  else 
thou  art  a false  accuser.”  The  priest  did  not  attempt 
to  prove  his  accusation,  but  said,  “ If  thou  wilt  not 
answer  me  that  question  I asked  thee,  I will  call  thee 
a seducer  as  long  as  I live.”  James  and  his  friends, 
seeing  there  could  be  no  peace  on  the  common,  re- 
tired into  a house ; but  they  were  followed  by  the 
populace,  who  assailed  them  with  blows,  and  sur- 
rounded the  house,  raging  and  shouting  all  the  time 
he  was  speaking. 

On  the  following  week,  the  priests  renewed  their 
opposition  with  greater  success.  Having  excited  the 
populace  by  false , charges,  and  gained  the  assistance 
of  a magistrate,  they  proceeded  with  an  armed  multi- 
tude to  the  house  where  he  was,  and  some  of  their 
company  entering  without  opposition,  seized  him  by 
the  throat,  and  dragged  him  out  to  the  field,  where  a 
justice  of  the  peace  with  a pitchfork  struck  off  his 
hat,  and  commanded  him  to  answer  such  questions 
as  the  priests  should  ask  him.  One  of  the  priests 
then  began  to  interrogate  him  concerning  the  resur- 
rection, the  humanity  of  Christ,  the  Scriptures,  and 
the  Sacraments.  He  answered  their  questions,  and 
confirmed  his  doctrines  by  citations  from  the  Scrip- 
tures. At  length,  being  asked  if  Christ  was  in  him, 
he  replied,  witness  him  in*measure.”  ‘Hs  Christ 
in  you  as  man  ?”  ‘‘  Christ  is  not  divided,”  said  James, 
“ for  if  he  be,  he  is  no  more  Christ : but  I witness, 
in  meMsure,  that  Christ  who  is  God  and  man.”  But, 
said  the  priest,  Christ  is  in  Heaven  with  a carnal 
body.”  To  which  James  replied,  ‘‘  Christ  filleth  hea- 
ven and  earth,  and  is  not  carnal,  but  spiritual : for  if 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


99 


Christ  be  in  Heaven  with  a carnal  body,  and  the  saints 
with  a spiritual  body,  that  is  not  proportionable  or 
agreeable,  neither  was  that  a carnal  body  which  came 
in  among  the  disciples,  the  doors  being  shut:  for 
Christ  is  a mystery,  and  thou  knowest  him  not.” 

After  some  further  discourse,  the  justice  assisted  in 
conducting  James  back  to  the  house ; but  while  the 
latter  was  praising  God  for  his  deliverance  from  the 
violence  of  his  adversaries,  some  of  them  were  heard 
to  say,  “ If  we  let  him  go  thus,  all  people  wull  run 
after  him and  forthwith  they  hauled  him  out  again 
with  violence. 

The  justice  and  the  priest,  mounting  their  horses, 
caused  James  to  run  after  them  to  an  ale-house,  where 
they  went  in,  and  proceeded  to  examine  him. 

James,  having  said  thou  to  the  justice,  he  was  dis- 
pleased, and  in  order  to  show  the  dignity  of  his  sta- 
tion, he  said,  “My  commission  runs.  Ye.”  He  told 
him,  moreover,  that,  if  he  did  not  take  off  his  hat,  he 
w’ould  send  him  to  prison.  James  said,  he  did  not 
keep  it  on  in  contempt,  for  he  owned  the  civil  autho- 
rity, and  respected  it  according  to  the  Scriptures : he 
added,  that  he  found  no  such  honor  commanded  in 
Scripture,  but  forbidden. 

They  determined  to  send  him  to  prison  as  a wan- 
dering person,  alleging  that  none  knew  w^hence  he 
came.  “ Thou  knowest  me,”  said  James,  addressing 
himself  to  Arthur  Scaife,  “ for  I was  in  the  army  with 
thee  eight  or  nine  years.”  “It  is  no  matter,”  said 
the  justice,  “ thou  art  no  soldier  now.”  The  next  day 
James  Yayler  and  some  other  Friends  were  guarded 
to  Appleby,  and  there  committed  to  prison. 

The  priests  prepared  three  petitions,  full  of  false 
accusations  against  the  Friends,  and  exerted  them- 


100 


.JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1652. 


selves  to  obtain  witnesses  against  them.  They  were 
examined  by  four  justices  of  the  peace,  “ upon  an 
indictment  for  blasphemy,  at  the  Sessions  held  at 
Appleby  in  January,  1652.”  The  proceedings  were 
reported  as  follow^s,  viz. 

Justice  Pearson. — Put  off  your  hats. 

J.  Nayler. — I do  it  not  in  contempt  of  authority  ; for 
I honor  the  power  as  it  is  of  God,  without  respecting 
men’s  persons,  it  being  forbidden  in  Scripture.  He 
that  respects  persons,  commits  sin,  and  is  convinced 
of  the  law’  as  a transgressor. 

Just.  P. — That  is  meant  of  respecting  persons  in 
judgment. 

J.  N. — If  I see  one  in  goodly  apparel,  and  a gold 
ring,  and  see  one  in  poor  and  vile  raiment,  and  say 
to  him  in  fine  apparel,  sit  thou  in  a higher  place 
than  the  poor,  I am  partial,  and  judged  of  evil 
thoughts. 

^ * * * 5k 

The  indictment  was  read,  wherein  James  was 
charged  wuth  saying,  that  Christ  W’as  in  him,  and  that 
there  was  but  one  w’ord?  of  God. 

Col.  Brigs. — Where  wast  thou  born  ? 

J.  N. — At  Ardislaw,  two  miles  from  Wakefield. 

Col.  Brigs. — How  long  livedst  thou  there  ? 

J.  N. — Until  I w’as  married ; then  I w’ent  into  Wake- 
field parish. 

Col.  Brigs. — What  profession  wast  thou  of? 

J.  N. — A husbandman. 

Col.  Brigs. — Wast  thou  a soldier? 

J.  N. — Yea ; I was  a soldier  between  eight  and  nine 
years. 

Col.  Brigs. — Wast  thou  not  at  Burford,  among  the 
levellers  ? 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


101 


J.  N. — I was  never  there. 

Col.  Brigs. — I charge  thee  by  the  Lord,  that  thou 
tell  me  whether  thou  wast  or  no. 

J.N. — I was  then  in  the  Xorth,  and  was  never 
taxed  for  any  mutiny,  or  any  other  thing,  while  I 
served  the  Parliament., 

Col.  Brigs. — What  was  the  cause  of  thy  coming  into 
these  parts  ? 

J.  JSf. — If  I may  have  liberty,  I shall  declare  it.  I 
was  at  the  plough,  meditating  on  the  things  of  God, 
and  suddenly  I heard  a voice  saying  unto  me,  ‘‘  Get 
thee  out  from  thy  kindred  and  from  thy  father’s  house.” 
And  I had  a promise  given  with  it.  Whereupon  I 
did  exceedingly  rejoice  that  I had  heard  the  voice  of 
that  God  which  I had  professed  from  a child,  but  had 
never  known  him. 

Hi 

Col.  Brigs. — What  was  the  promise  that  thou  hadst 
given  ? 

J.  N. — That  God  would  he  with  me  : which  promise 
I find  made  good  every  day. 

Col.  Brigs. — I never  heard  such  a case  as  this  is  in 
our  time. 

J.  N. — I believe  thee. 

Justice  Pearson. — Is  Christ  in  thee  ? 

J.  N. — I witness  him  in  me  : and  if  I should  deny 
him  before  men,  he  would  deny  me  before  my  Father 
which  is  in  heaven. 

Justice  Pearson. — Spiritual,  you  mean? 

J.  N. — Yea,  spiritual. 

Justice  Pearson. — By  faith,  or  how  ? 

By  faith. 

Justice  Pearson. — YYat  diflerence  then  between  the 
ministers  and  you  ? 

9* 


102  JAMES  NAYLER.  [1652. 

J.  N, — The  ministers  /affirm  Christ  to  be  in  heaven 
with  a carnal  body,  but  I with  a spiritual. 

Justice  Pearson. — Which  of  the  ministers  say  Christ 
is  in  heaven  with  a carnal  body  ? 

J.  N. — The  minister,  so  called,  of  Kirby-stephen. 

Priest  Higginson  stood  up,  and  affirmed  it  again 
openly  before  all  the  court. 

J.  N. — If  Christ  be  in  heaven  with  a carnal  body, 
and  the  saints  with  a spiritual  body,  it  is  not  propor- 
tionable ; neither  was  that  a carnal  body  which  ap- 
peared among  the  disciples,  the  door  being  shut,  and 
appeared  in  divers  forms. 

Question. — Was  Christ  man  or  no? 

J.  N. — Yea,ffie  was,  and  took  upon  him  the  seed  of 
Abraham,  and  was  real  flesh  and  bone ; but'  is  a 
mystery  not  known  to  the  carnal  man : for  he  is 
begotten  of  the  immortal  seed,  and  those  that  know 
him,  know  him  to  be  spiritual ; for  it  was  the  word 
that  became  flesh,  and  dwelt  amongst  us ; and  if  he 
had  not  been  spiritual,  he  had  not  wrought  my  re- 
demption. 

Justice  Pearson. — Is  Christ  in  thee  as  man? 

J.  N.—  Christ  fllleth  all  places,  and  is  not  divided ; 
separate  God  and  man,  and  he  is  no  more  Christ. 

Justice  Pearson. — If  we  stand  to  dispute  these  things, 
we  should  have  the  ministers. 

Col.  Brigs. — Didst  not  thou  write  a paper,  wherein 
was  mentioned,  that  if  thou  thinkst  to  be  saved  by 
that  Christ  which  died  at  Jerusalem,  thou  art  de- 
ceived ? 

J.  N. — If  I cannot  witness  Christ  nearer  than  Jeru- 
salem, I shall  have  no  beneflt  by  him  ; but  I own  no 
other  Christ,  but  that  who  witnessed  a good  confession 


1652,] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


103 


before  Pontius  Pilate ; wbicb  Christ  I witness  suffering 
in  me  now,  (viz.,  spiritually). 

Col.  Brigs.  — “ Wilt  thou  deny  thy  hand  ? 

J.  K.  — I will  not  deny  my  hand  if  I may  see  it; 
and  I desire  that  I may  have  so  much  favor,  that  that 
paper  may  be  kept  as  an  evidence,  either  with  or 
against  me. 

A large  petition  being  read,  wherein  was  something 
against  quaking  and  trembling : 

Justice  Pearson. — How  comes  it  to  pass  that  people 
quake  and  tremble  ? 

J.  N.  — The  Scriptures  witness  the  same  condition 
in  the  saints  formerly;  as  David,  Daniel,  Habakuk, 
and  divers  others. 

Justice  Pearson. — To  the  word : what  sayst  thou  to 
the  Scriptures  ? are  they  the  word  of  God  ? 

J.  A.  They  are  a true  declaration  of  the  word,  that 
was  in  them  who  spoke  them  forth. 

Higginson.  — Is  there  not  a written  word? 

J.  N.  — AHere  readest  thou  in  the  Scriptures,  that 
they  are  called  the  written  word  ? The  word  is 
spiritual,  not  seen  with  carnal  eyes:  but  as  for  the 
Scriptures,  they  are  true,  and  I witness  them  true,  in 
measure  fulfilled  in  me,  as  far  as  I am  grown  up. 

Justice  Pearson. — Why  dost  thou  disturb  the 
ministers  in  their  public  worships  ? 

J.  N.  — I have  not  disturbed  them  in  their  public 
worship. 

Justice  Pearson. — Why  dost  thou  speak  against 
tithes,  which  are  allowed  by  the  state  ? 

J.  JSf. — I meddle  not  with  the  state ; I speak  against 
them  that  are  hirelings,  as  they  are  hirelings : those 
that  were  sent  of  Christ  never  took  tithes,  nor  ever 
sued  anv  for  wa2:es. 

V O 


104 


JAMES  NAY LEE. 


[1652. 


Justice  Pearson. — Dost  tliou  think  we  are  so  beggarly 
as  the  heathens,  that  we  cannot  atForcl  our  ministers 
maintenance?  We  give  them  it  freely.  ' 

J.  N. — They  are  the  ministers  of  Christ,  who  abide 
in  the  doctrine  of  Christ. 

Justice  Pearson. — But  who  shall  judge  ? How  shall 
w^e  know  them  ? 

J.  N. — By  their  fruits  you  shall  know  them;  they 
that  abide  not  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  make  it 
appear  they  are  not  the  ministers  of  Christ. 

Justice  Pearson.  — That  is  true.”^ 

At  the  close  of  this  examination,  the  members  of 
the  court  conferred  together,  when  justice  Benson 
maintained  that  the  words  spoken  by  James  Hayler, 
‘‘w^ere  neither  within  the  act  against  blasphemy,  nor 
against  any  law.”  Two  of  the  justices  replied,  that 
rather  than  Hayler  should  go  at  liberty,  they  would 
stand  the  hazard  of  being  fined  by  the  judges  of  the 
assize;  another  member  of  the  court  said,  that  they 
committed  him  upon  the  minister’s  petitions,  rather 
_than  upon  the  indictment.^  It  was  finally  concluded 
that  he  should  be  re-committed  to  prison  until  those 
petitions  were  answered,  though  none  of  the  charges 
they  contained  had  been  proved.  He  remained  in 
prison  at  Appleby  twenty  weeks,  during  which  time 
he  .published  jointly  with  George  Fox,  a pamphlet 
entitled,  “ Several  Petitions  answered  that  were  put 
up  by  the  Priests  of  Westmoreland.”  ‘‘  It  is  singular, 


1 J.  Nayler’s  Works,  Cincinnati  Ed.  1829,  pp.  56  to  61.  See  also 
Besse’s  Sufferings,  II.  4.  Besse  makes  no  mention  of  justice 
Benson,  but  it  appears  by  J.  G.  Sevan’s  Life  of  Nayler  that  he  wafi 
present. 

2 J.  Nayler’s  Works  p.  61. 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


105 


if  tins  piece  procured  his  liberty,  seeing  it  abounds 
with  censure,  not  very  gently  expressed,  against  the 
petitioning  priests.”^ 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  Anthony  Pearson,  the 
justice  who  took  so  active  a part  in  the  examination 
of  Janies  Xayler,  received,  at  that  time,  while  on  the 
bench,  religious  impressions  which  had  important 
results  ; for  he  was  led  to  seek  au  acquaintance  with 
George  Fox,  as  will  be  related  hereafter. 

Another  member  of  the  court,  Gervase  Benson  of 
Kendal  in  A^estinoreland,  was  afterwards  convinced 
of  the  principles  of  Friends  through  the  ministry  of 
George  Fox,  and  became  au  efficient  member  of  the 
society. 

The  same  year  that  James  Kayler  was  released  from 
Appleby  jail,  and  probably  during  his  confinement 
there,  he  wrote  a paper  entitled  Truth  cleared  from 
Scandals,”  being  an  answer  to  accusations  against  him 
and  George  Fox,  contained  in  a petition  addressed 
tot- the  Council  of  State,  by  the  clergy  and  others  in 
Lancashire. 

As  the  sentiments  of  James  Kayler,  in  relation  to 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  had  been  called  in  question, 
the  following  extract  is  deemed  important,  viz : 

“ Concerning  Jesus  Christ,  he  is  the  eternal  word 
of  God,  by  whom  all  things  were  made  and  are  up- 
holden,  which  was  before  all  time,  but  manifested  to 
the  world  in  time  for  the  recovery  of  lost  man ; which 
word  became  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  the  saints,  who 
is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for  ever ; who  did, 
and  doth,  dwell  in  the  saints ; who  suffered,  and  rose 
again,  and  ascended  into  heaven,  and  is  set  at  the 


* J.  G.  Be  van’s  Life  of  J.  Najler,  67. 


106 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1652. 


right  hand  of  God ; to  whom  all  power  is  given  in 
heaven  and  in  earth,  who  filleth  all  places,  is  the  light 
of  the  world;  but  known  to  none,  but  to  those  that 
receive  and  follow  him  ; and  those  he  leads  up  to  God, 
put  of  all  the  ways,  works,  and  worships  of  the  world, 
by  his  pure  light  in  them,  whereby  he  reveals  the  man 
of  sin,  and  by  his  power  casts  him  out,  and  so  'pre- 
pares the  bodies  of  the  saints,  a fit  temple  for  the  pure 
God  to  dwell  in,  with  whom  dwells  no  unclean  thing. 
And  thus  he  reconciles  God  and  man,  and  the  image 
of  God,  which  is  in  purity  and  holiness,  is  renewed : 
and  the  image  of  Satan,  which  is  all  sin  and  unclean- 
ness, is  defaced.  And  none  can  witness  redemption, 
further  than  Christ  is  thus  revealed  in  them,  to  set 
them  free  from  sin : which  Christ  I witness  to  be 
revealed  in  me  in  measure”  Gal.  i.  16;  2 Cor.  xiii.  5; 
Col.  i.  27.^  This  declaration,  being  found,  not  only 
in  James  Na^der’s  works,  but  in  a work  written  by 
George  Fox  and  others,  entitled,  Saul’s  Errand  to 
Damascus,”  published  in  London  in  the  year  1654, 
may  be  considered  in  accordance  with  the  doctrine 
on  this  point,  then  generally  held  among  Friends. 

In  the  same  publication,  George  Fox  expresses  his 
own  views  on  the  spiritual  manifestation  of  Christ, 
in  answer  to  objections  urged  against  him  ‘‘by  the 
contrivers  of  the  aforesaid  petition.” 

“ Objection  1.  That  he  did  affirm  that  he  had  the 
divinity  essentially  in  him.” 

Answer.  For  the  word  essential,  it  is  an  expression 
of  their  own : but  that  the  saints  are  the  temples  of 
God,  and  God  doth  dwell  in  them,  that  the  Scriptures 


’ G.  Fox’s  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  598.  J.  Najler’s  Works,  p.  64.  J. 
Gurney  Sevan’s  Life  of  J.  Nayler,  p.  71. 


1651.]  VINDICATION  OF  FRIENDS.  107 

do  witness,  2 Cor.  vi.  1 ; Eph.  iv.  6 ; 2 Pet.  i.  4.  And 
if  God  dwell  in  them,  then  the  divinity  dwells  in 
them  ; and  the  Scripture  saith.  Ye  shall  he  partakers 
of  the  divine  nature,  and  this  I witness : but  where 
this  is  not,  they  cannot  witness  it.”  ^ 


CHAPTER  III. 
YORKSHIRE  AND  WESTMORELAND. 


1651-2. 

Among  the  early  Friends,  many  of  those  who  were 
called  to  the  gospel  ministry  believed  it  was  some- 
times required  of  them,  as  a religious  duty,  to  visit 
the  houses  of  worship  erected  for  the  established 
church,  there  to  proclaim  to  priests  and  people  the 
spiritual  nature  of  Christ’s  kingdom.  This  practice 
has  induced  some  writers  to  stigmatize  them  as  dis- 
turbers of  the  churches,  and  by  many  persons,  who 
have  not  examined  the  subject,  their  conduct  has  been 
regarded  as  an  evidence  of  fanaticism.  It  will  be 
found,  however,  on  due  inquiry,  that  the  practice  was 
not  confined  to  Friends  ; nor  was  it  liable  to  the  ob- 
jections that  might  be  urged  in  ordinary  times. 
Those  edifices  being  the  property  of  the  nation,  all 
]3ersons  had  a right,  and,  indeed,  were  required  by 
law  to  attend  them.  Before  the  subversion  of  the 
Anglican  Church,  her  ministers  alone  were  legally 
authorized  to  officiate  in  them ; but  after  that  event 


'G.  Fox’s  Works,  III.  591. 


108 


VINDICATION  OF  FRIENDS. 


[1651. 


the  attempt  to  establish  by  law  another  form  of  church 
government  was  not  fully  accomplished,  and  in  most 
places,  the  people  exercised  their  own  judgment  in 
the  choice  of  their  religious  teachers. 

Some  of  the  ecclesiastical  benefices  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  Presbyterian  ministers,  others  were 
assigned  to  the  Independents,  and  a few  were  pos- 
sessed by  the  Baptists.  Some  of  the  Anglican  clergy 
veered  round  with  the  changes  of  the  times,  and 
adapted  their  doctrines  to  the  public  taste.  Among 
these  was  ISTathaniel  Stevens,  priest  of  the  parish 
where  George  Fox  was  born.  He  renounced  his  con- 
nection with  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  became  a 
preacher  among  the  Independents.  This  sect  was  then 
becoming  numerous,  and  being  favored  by  Cromwell 
and  the  army,  their  sentiments  were  gaining  the 
ascendency.  They  held  that  any  ^‘‘gifted  brother^'' 
even  without  ordination,  was  at  liberty  to  exercise  his 
gift  by  preaching  in  the  assemblies  of  the  people. 
The  officers  of  the  army  not  only  exhorted  their  troops 
in  the  camp  and  on  the  field  of  battle,  but  assuming 
the  functions  of  the  ministry,  they  entered  the  pulpits 
and  expounded  the  Scriptures,  referring  chiefly  to  the 
Old  Testament  for  precepts  and  examples  to  sustain 
their  principles. 

Cromwell  asserted  the  right  of  those  cajled  laymen 
to  preach  in  the  churches.  In  answer  to  the  Presby- 
terians of  Scotland,  who  complained  of  his  ‘‘opening 
the  pulpit  doors  to  all  intruders,”fiie  wrote,  “We  look 
on  ministers  as  helpers  of,  not  lords  over  the  faith  of 
God’s  people.”  ...  “I  hope  he  that  ascended  up  on 
high  may  give  his  gifts  to  whom  he  pleases,  and  if 
those  gifts  be  the  seal  of  missions,  are  not  you  envi- 
ous, though- Eldad  and  Meded  prophesy  ? You  know 


1650.]  VINDICATION  OF  FKIENDS.  109 

who  has  bid  us  covet  earnestly  the  best  gifts,  but 
chiefly  that  we  may  prophesy ; which  the  apostle  ex- 
plains to  he,  a speaking  to  instruction,  edification, 
and  comfort,  which  the  instructed,  edified,  and  com- 
forted, can  best  tell  the  energy  and  efiect  of.”^ 

In  a Memoir  of  John  Audland,  it  is  stated  that 
while  he  was  a minister  among  the  Independents,  he 
sometimes  went  to  the  chapels  and  parish  houses  of 
worship,  where  there  were  idle  or  dissolute  priests, 
and  preached  to  a large  auditory.  It  was  not  unusual 
for  persons  of  different  religious  opinions  to  meet  for 
conference  or  disputation.  In  3648,  George  Fox  at- 
tended such  a meeting  at  Leicester,  in  which  Presby- 
terians, Independents,  Baptists,  and  Episcopalians 
participated.  It  was  held  in  the  Parish  house  of  wor 
ship,  the  priest  occupied  the  pulpit,  and  all  persons 
were  ofihred  liberty  to  speak.^  From  these  facts,  it 
may  he  concluded  that  members  of  the  various  Pro- 
testant sects  were  in  the  practice  of  speaking  or 
preaching  in  those  edifices  called  parish  churches  ; an 
appellation  which  George  Fox  scrupled  to  give  them, 
because  the  church  is  “made  up  of  living  stones, 
living  members,  a spiritual  household,  which  Christ 
is  the  head  of;  hut  he  is  not  the  head  of  a mixed 
multitude,  or  of  an  old  house  made  up  of  lime,  stones, 
and  wood.”^  - “The  Lord  had  showed  me,”  he  says, 
“ while  I was  in  Derby  prison,  that  I should  speak 
in  steeple-houses  to  gather  people  from  thence;  and 
a concern  sometimes  came  upon  my  mind  about  the 
pulpits  that  the  priests  lolled  in.  For  the  steeple- 
houses  and  pulpits  were  offensive  to  my  mind,  be- 
cause both  priests  and  people  called  them  the  house 


1 Neal,  II.  116. 

L — 10 


2 Journal,  I.  82. 


-3  Ibid. 


110  VINDICATION  OF  FRIENDS.  [1661 

of  God,  and  idolized  them,  reckoning  that  God  dwelt 
in  the  outward  house,  whereas  they  should  have 
looked  for  God  and  Christ  to  dwell  in  their  hearts, 
and  their  bodies  to  be  the  temples  of  God.” 

The  situation  of  the  early  Friends  with  regard  to 
the  established  church,  was  similar  to  that  of  the 
primitive  Christians  in  relation  to  the  Jews ; and  ac- 
cordingly George  Fox  refers  to  apostolic  example  in 
justification  of  his  own  practice.  He  says,  in  a paper 
published  in  1654,  “Whereas  we  are  accused  for 
going  into  steeple-houses,  it  was  the  practice  of  the 
apostles  to  go  into  the  synagogues,  reasoning  and  dis- 
puting about  the  Scriptures,  showing  them  the  sub- 
stance, and  they  told  them  that  God  did  not  dwell  in 
temples  made  with  hands,  neither  was  he  worshipped 
wfith  men’s  hands.”  ^ 

It  appears  by  several  entries  in  his  journal,  that  the 
preaching  of  George  Fox  in  the  parish-houses  of  wor- 
ship was  often  acceptable  to  the  people,  and  some- 
times he  was  invited  by  the  ministers  to  occupy  their 
pulpits.  At  Malton  he  had  great  meetings,  but  it 
being  thought  strange  that  he  should  preach  in  pri- 
vate houses,  he  'svas  much  desired  to  speak  in  the 
“ steeple-houses.”  One  of  the  priests  wrote  to  him  to 
preach  in  his  church,  calling  him  “his  brother.”  He 
accordingly  went,  and  found  only  eleven  hearers  ; but 
when  it  became  known  in  the  town  that  he  was  there, 
the  house  was  soon  filled  with  people.  He  was  in- 
vited to  take  the  pulpit,  but  he  declined  it,  stating 
that  “he  came  not  to  uphold  such  places,  nor  their 
maintenance  and  trade.”  Upon  this  they  were  angry, 
and  said,  “ These  false  prophets  were  to  come  in  the 


J G.  F.^s  Works,  IV.  43. 


1651.]  VINDICATION  OF  FRIENDS.  Ill 

last  times.”  George  then  stepped  upon  a high  seat, 
and  declared  to  them  the  marks  of  the  false  pro- 
phets, showing  that  they  were  already  come  and  he 
“ manifested  these  to  be  out  of  the  steps  of  the  true 
prophets,  of  Christ,  and  of  his  apostles.”  In  this  in- 
stance, having  ‘‘  directed  them  to  the  spirit  of  God  in 
themselves,”  he  had  a satisfactory  meeting,  and  de- 
parted in  peace ; hut  in  many  other  places,  when  he 
exposed  the  abuses  of  a mercenary  priesthood,  he  w^as 
assaulted  with  violence. 

In  going  to  those  places  of  worship,  it  was  seldom, 
if  ever,  his  practice  to  interrupt  the  ministers ; he 
waited  till  they  had  done,  and  then  spoke  in  accord- 
ance with  his  impressions  of  duty.  It  was  not  the 
interruption  of  ministers  which  occasioned  him  and 
his  friends  so  much  persecution,  but  the  pointed  and 
severe  rebukes  they  administered  to  spiritual  wick- 
edness in  high  ;^aces.” 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  that,  after  Friends  had  settled 
meetings  of  their  own,  it  was  not  "unusual  for  priests 
and  dissenting  ministers  to  attend  them,  asking  ques- 
tions, and  making  objections  to  the  doctrines  they 
heard.  While  they  were  thus  taking  a liberty  they 
were  not  willing  always  to  grant  to  others,  they  were 
civilly  treated  by  Friends,  and  their  objections  were 
patiently  heard  and  answered.^ 

At  Pickering,  George  Fox  had  a meeting  in  a 
school-house,  -where  many  were  convinced  of  his  doc- 
trines, among  whom  was  “ a ‘ priest’  that  was  humble 
and  affectionate.”  He  offered  his  house  of  w^orship 
for  George  to  preach  in,  but  he  refused  it,  saying  that 
he  came  “ to  bring  them  oft*  from  such ' things  to 
Christ.” 


' G.  Whitehead’s  Christian  Progress,  London,  1725,  p.  162. 


112 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1651 


This  clergyman,  whose  name  was  Boyes,  accom- 
paiiied  him  for  several  clays.  On  coming  to  a town, 
they  halted  to  bait,  when  the  hells  began  to  ring. 
George  asked  what  they  rang  for  ? He  was  answered, 
that  he  was  expected  to  preach.  He  walked  towards 
the  churchyard,  in  which  he  found  large  numbers  of 
the  people  were  gathered.  Being  asked  to  enter  the 
parish  house  of  worship,  he  declined,  and,  standing 
in  the  yard,  he  preached  to  the  people,  declaring  that 
he  came  not  to  uphold  “ their  idol-temples,  nor  their 
• priests,  nor  their  tithes,  nor  their  augmentations,  nor 
their  priests’  wages,  nor  their  Jewish  and  heathenish 
ceremonies  and  traditions.”  He  told  them,  “that 
piece  of  ground  was  no  more  holy  than  any  other;” 
he  showed  them  that  the  object  of  the  apostles  in  going 
into  the  Jews’  synagogues  and  temple,  which  God 
had  commanded,  was  to  bring  people  off  from  that 
temple  and  those  synagogues,  and  from  the  offerings, 
tithes,  and  covetous  priests  of  that  time ; for  such  as 
were  converted  and  believed  in  Jesus  Christ  in  the 
apostles’  days  met  together  in  dwelling-houses,  and 
all  who  preach  Christ,  the  Word  of  Life,  ought  to 
preach  freely,  as  the  apostles  did,  and  as  he  com- 
manded. He  exhorted  the  people  to  come  off  from 
all  those  things  — to  rely  upon  the  grace  of  God  in 
themselves,  that  they  might  know  Christ  to  be  their 
free  teacher,  to  open  the  Scriptures,  and  to  bring 
them  salvation.  All  were  quiet ; many  received  the 
truth,  and  he  came  away  rejoicing  in  the  goodness  of 
God. 

At  another  place,  a large  crowd  assembled  to  hear 
him,  and  he  sat  upon  a haystack  for  several  hours  in 
silence,  finding  it  his  duty  “ to  famish  them  from 
words.'’  Some  of  the  audience  being  impatient,  said, 


1651.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


113 


‘‘ When  will  lie  begin  ? When  will  be  speak  ?”  The 
friendly  priest,  who  still  accompanied  him,  told  them 
to  wait,  and  remarked  that  the  people  waited  upon 
Christ  a long  while  before  he  spoke.  At  length,  the 
power  of  divine  life  rose  into  dominion,  and  George 
Fox  being  moved  of  the  Lord  to  speak,  there  was  a 
general  convincement  of  the  audience.  This  was  in- 
deed the  secret  of  his  wonderful  success:  he  waited 
for  the  arising  of  that  divine  life  which  is  ‘‘  the  light 
of  men,”  for  the  manifestation  of  the  Spirit  is  given 
to  every  man  to  profit  withal.”  In  the  hurry  of  busi- 
ness and  the  tumult  of  the  passions  this  heavenly 
monitor  is  not  heard,  but  in  an  assembly  gathered 
for  divine  worship,  while  waiting  upon  God  in  the 
silence  of  all  flesh,  its  influence  is  felt  in  the  secret  of 
the  soul;  and  if  there  be  some  present  who  have 
yielded  to  its  dominion,  their  spirits  being  baptized 
by  it  into  sympathy  with  others,  a united  travail  of 
spirit  ensues,  and  a feeling  of  divine  life  overspreads 
the  assembly.  This  may  take  place  without  the  utter- 
ance of  words ; but  if  there  be  one  or  more  present 
called  to  the  gospel  ministry,  a qualiflcation  may  be 
experienced  and  authority  given  to  speak  to  the 
states  of  the  people  in  the  demonstration  of  the  spirit 
and  of  power. 

George  Fox  continued  to  pursue  his  religious  labors 
with  indefatigable  zeal,  travelling  afoot,  inquiring  for 
the  seekers  after  truth,  holding  conferences  with  them, 
and  attending  meetings  for  public  worship.  Some- 
times being  denied  food  and  lodging,  for  which  he 
ofiered  compensation,  he  was  compelled  to  sleep  in 
the  flelds,  and  often  he  was  abused  by  the  rude  popu- 
lace. He  found  many  persons,  however,  that  appre- 
ciated his  blameless  life  and  Christian  doctrines. 

10* 


114 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1652. 


Among  these,  he  mentions  Justice  Hotham,  who  said 
to  him,  ‘‘  If  God  had  not  raised  up  that  principle  of 
light  and  life  which  you  preach,  the  nation  \yould 
have  been  overrun  with  Eanterism,  and  all  the  jus- 
tices in  the  nation  could  not  have  stopped  it,  with  all 
their  laws.”  This  friendly  justice  wished  to  protect 
him  from  violence,  and  asked  him  whether  any  per- 
sons had  meddled  with  him  or  abused  him ; but  he 
declined  giving  evidence  against  his  persecutors,  thus 
manifesting  that  beautiful  trait  in  the  Christian  cha- 
racter, forgiveness  of  injuries. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1652,  George  Fox, 
accompanied  by  Thomas  Aldam,  who  had  been  con- 
vinced of  the  principles  of  Friends,  came  to  Lieuten- 
ant Eoper’s,  at  Synderhill  Green,  Yorkshire,  where 
they  found  James  Nayler,  Thomas  Goodyear,  Wil- 
liam Dewsbury,  and  Eichard  Farnsworth.  There 
they  had  a great  meeting,  in  which  the  truths  of  the 
gospel  were  declared,  the  Scriptures  opened,  the  par- 
ables and  precepts  of  Christ  expounded,  the  state  of 
the  Church  in  the  apostles’  days  was  plainly  set  forth, 
and  the  apostasy  that  ensued  disclosed.  The  power 
of  divine  truth  prevailed  over  all,  and  some  persons 
of  high  rank,  who  were  present,  acknowledged  that 
- ‘‘  they  believed  this  principle  must  go  over  the  whole 
world.” 

After  this  meeting,  George  Fox  proceeded  on  his 
way,  and  passing  through  the  dales  of  Yorkshire,  he 
found  many  serious,  devout  persons,  some  of  whom 
had  separated  from  the  Anglican  Church,  and  were 
looking  for  a more  spiritual  religion,  which  they 
sought  by  meditation  and  secret  prayer.  These  were 
of  the  class  called  ^‘seekers:”  they  joyfully  embraced 
the  doctrine,  that  Christ  is  an  inward  ahd  spiritual 


1652.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


115 


teacher,  and  many  meetings  of  Friends  were  settled 
in  the  dales  of  Yorkshire. 

At  Justice  Benson’s,  near  Sedberg,  George  Fox 
attended  a meeting  of  persons  who  had  separated 
from  the  public  worship.”  Under  his  ministry,  they 
were  generally  convinced,  and  a large  meeting  of 
Friends  was  established.  There  being  a fair  at  Sed- 
berg, he  passed  through  it,  “ declaring  the  day  of  the 
Lord,”  and  then  he  went  into  the  church-yard,  where 
many  of  the  people,  “ with  abundance  of  priests  and 
professors,”  came  to  him,  to  whom  he  preached  for 
several  hours,  declaring  that  Jesus  Christ  would  teach 
his  people  himself,  for  he  is  the  way,  the  truth,  and 
the  life.  At  length  a captain  said : Why  will  you 

not  go  into  the  church  ? This  is  not  a fit  place  to 
preach  in.”  George  told  them  that  he  denied  their 
Church.  Then  Francis  Ilowgill,  a preacher,  who  had 
not  before  met  with  George  Fox,  stood  up  to  answer 
the  captain,  and  soon  put  him  to  silence,  ‘‘for,”  said 
Howgill,  “this  man  speaks  with  authority,  and  not 
as  the  scribes.” 

The  next  First-day,  being  in  the  spring  of  the  year 
1652,  George  Fox  came  to  Firbank  chapel  in  West- 
moreland, where  Francis  Howgill  and  John  Audland 
were  ofiiciating  as  ministers  to  a crowded  auditory. 
Seeing  him  arrive,  they  quickly  ended  their  services, 
and  they,  with  some  of  their  hearers,  went  to  dinuer, 
but  many  remained  at  the  chapel  until  their  return. 
While  they  were  gone,  George  Fox  refreshed  himself 
with  water  from  a brook,  and  then  sat  upon  a rock 
contiguous  to  the  chapel. 

In  the  afternoon  the  people  gathered  around  him 
to  the  number  of  about  a thousand,  among  whom 
were  several  of  their  preachers.  During  about  three 


116 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1652. 


hours  he  preached  the  gospel  to  them  with  freedom 
and  authority,  directing  them  to  the  Spirit  of  God  in 
themselves,  that  they  might  he  turned  from  the  dark- 
ness to  the  light,  and  from  the  power  of  Satan  unto 
God.  He  showed  them  that  by  the  Spirit  of  Truth 
they  might  be  led  into  all  truth,  so  as  to  understand 
the  words  of  the  prophets,  of  Christ,  and  of  the  apos- 
tles, and  might  come  to  know  Christ  to  be  their 
teacher  to  instruct  them,  their  counsellor  to  direct 
them,  their  shepherd  to  feed  them,  their  bishop  to 
oversee  them,  and  their  prophet  to  open  divine  mys- 
teries to  them.  Thus  they  would  know  their  bodies 
to  be  sanctified,  and  made  fit  temples  for  God  and 
Christ  to  dwell  in.  He  opened  to  them  the  figures 
and  shadows  under  the  law,  and  directed  them  to 
Christ  the  substance.  He  told  them  that  those  tem- 
ples which  they  called  the  dreadful  houses  of  God, 
were  no  more  holy  than  that  mountain ; nor  were 
their  priests  called,  as  Aaron’s  priesthood  was;  nor 
were  their  tithes  appointed  by  God,  as  those  amongst 
the  Jews  were;  but  that  Christ  was  come,  who  ended 
both  the  temple  and  its  worship,  and  the  priests  and 
their  tithes,  and  who  said  to  bis  followers,  ‘‘Learn 
of  me.”  His  ministry  being  accompanied  by  the 
Lord’s  power,  reached  home  to  the  hearts  of  the 
people,  and  they  were  generally  brought  under  the 
baptizing  power  of  divine  truth. 

Among  the  large  number  of  persons  convinced  at 
this  meeting,  were  Francis  Howgill,  John  Camm, 
John  Audland  and  Ann  his  wife  (afterwards  known 
as  Ann  Camm),  all  of  whom  became  ministers  in  the 
Society  of  Friends.  As  they  occupied  important 
stations  in  the  Society,  some  account  of  their  livw-s 
and  religious  experience  is  deemed  appropriate. 


1652.] 


FRANCIS  HOTVGILL. 


117 


Francis  Ilowgill,  of  Grajridge,  in  the  county  of 
^\"estmorelancl,  was  eclncated  at  one  of  the  universities 
for  a minister  of  the  Anglican  Church,  hut  afterwards 
becoming  dissatisfied  with  that  profession,  he  with- 
drew from  itd  According  to  his  own  account,^  he 
was  at  the  age  of  twelve  years  brought  under  the 
influence  of  religious  impressions,  seeking  for  the 
knowledge  of  God  by  reading  the  Scriptures,  and  in 
silent  meditation.  He  saw  the  vanity  of  the  sports 
and  pastimes  in  which  youths  of  his  age  were  gene- 
rally engaged,  and  he  resolved  to  abstain  from  them; 
but  these  resolutions  being  made  without  a sufiicient 
reliance  upon  divine  aid,  did  not  stand  in  the  time  of 
temptation,  and  through  transgression  he  was  brought 
into  condemnation  and  deep  sorrow.  In  this  condi- 
tion he  read  much,  prayed  often,  and  sought  retire- 
ment. 

When  about  fifteen  years  of  age  he  frequented 
religious  meetings,  and  often  went  many  miles  to  hear 
those  ministers  who  were  accounted  the  most  emi- 
nent. He  found,  however,  that  corruption  still  pre- 
vailed in  his  heart,  but  “ as  he  kept  within  to  the 
light  in  his  conscience,”  he  was  restrained  from  gross 
evils,  and  condemned  for  sin ; or  when  he  resisted 
temptation,  he  rejoiced  in  spirit.  These  convictions, 
he  was  told  by  the  ministers,  proceeded  from  “a 
natural  conscience,”  and  thus  he  was  induced  to  un- 
dervalue the  light  “ as  too  low  a thing,  being  only  a 
common  grace  that  preserved  out  of  gross  evils, 
whereas  the  saints  had  a peculiar  faith  and  grace,” 
and  to  them  sin  was  not  imputed,  but  believing  in 
Christ,  his  righteousness  was  accounted  to  them.” 

‘ Sewel,  I.  77. 

^ Howgill^s  Works,  “ The  Inheritance  of  Japob  Discovered,^'  39. 


118 


FKANCIS  HOWGILL. 


[1652. 


He  was  advised  to  seek  Christ  by  means  of  prayer 
and  receiving  the  sacrament,  and  he  was  instructed 
to  believe  that  Christ  had  sutfered  the  penalty  of  sin 
for  him ; hut  he  could  not  see  how  his  sins  were  taken 
away,  for  the  witness  in  his  conscience  told  him,  that 
while  he  remained  in  the  practice  of  sinning,  he  was 
the  servant  of  sin.” 

He  fasted,  prayed,  and  walked  mournfully  in  sor- 
row,” being  tempted  on  every  hand ; he  went  from 
one  minister  to  another,  seeking  comfort,  and  they 
applied  the  promises  to  him,  but  it  was  only  in  words, 
for  the  witness  of  Christ  showed  him  that  the  root 
of  iniquity  stood,  and  the  body  of  sin  was  whole.” 
Then  he  was  told  that  although  sin  was  taken  away 
by  Christ,  yet  the  guilt  would  still  remain  during 
life,”  in  proof  of  which  they  adduced  the  warfare  of 
the  saints  ; but  he  thought  this  was  a miserable  salva- 
tion, and  said  within  himself,  Surely  this  is  not  the 
ministry  of  Christ.”  Then  he  kept  much  at  home,  or 
walked  abroad  in  solitary  places,  weeping  much,  and 
finding  most  peace  of  mind  when  most  afiected  with 
sorrow ; yet  he  was  often  made  to  do  many  righteous 
things  by  the  immediate  power  and  word  of  God,” 
for  which  he  felt  the  reward  of  peace  and  joy,  and 
realized  the  promise,  that  ‘‘  the  Lord  himself  would 
teach  him.” 

Having  found  among  the  Independents  some  ten- 
derness of  feeling,  and  believing  them  to  be  more 
separated  from  the  world  than  others,  he  joined  him- 
self to  them  ; but  at  length  he  found  them  in  doctrine 
and  practice  like  those  whom  he  had  forsaken.  He 
next  resorted  to  the  Anabaptists,  who  appeared  to 
walk  more  in  accordance  with  the  Scriptures,  and 
there  was  among  them  something  that  he  loved ; but 


1652.] 


FKANCIS  HOWGILL. 


119 


when  he  heard  them  asserting  that  ‘‘All  who  came 
not  into  their  way  were  out  of  the  fellowship  of  the 
saints  and  the  doctrine  of  Christ,”  he  saw  they  occu- 
pied the  same  ground  as  the  rest  of  the  teachers ; for 
all  maintained  that  “The  letter  was  the  word  and 
rule,  and  that  Christ,  at  a distance  without  them,  had 
done  all.”  They  preached  the  doctrine  that  “all  sin 
was  done  away,  past,  present,  and  to  come,  and  so 
'preached  salvation  to  the  first  nature^  and  to  the  ser- 
pent that  bore  rule,  only  believing  this  and  all  was 
finished  ;”  but  when  he  hearkened  to  this  doctrine  he 
lost  his  spiritual  condition,  and  the  language  was 
spoken  to  him,  “His  servant  thou  art,  whom  thou 
oheyest.” 

At  length,  having  tried  many  teachers  of  religion, 
he  concluded  that  they  all  sought  their  own  advan- 
tage, and  fed  the  people  on  words  without  the  life  of 
the  gospel ; therefore  he  withdrew  from  them,  ^vhich 
caused  them  to  persecute  him.  Being  persuaded  from 
an  inward  evidence,  that  the  day  was  at  hand  -when 
the  Lord  would  teach  his  people  himself,  he  waited, 
and  as  his  mind  was  turned  to  the  light,  he  had  some 
pure  openings  of  gospel  truth ; but  not  abiding  in 
patience,  he  went  forth  in  his  own  strength,  and  at- 
tempted by  his  own  intellectual  powers  to  expound 
these  openings,  preaching  against  the  ministry  of 
others.  Being  sincere  and  zealous  in  his  religious 
efforts,  he  was  admired  and  followed  by  many ; but 
when  he  heard  the  powerful,  heart-searching  ministry 
of  George  Fox,  the  witness  for  truth  in  his  own  con- 
science sealed  it ; he  saw  that  he  had  not  built  on  the 
right  foundation,  and  his  soul  was  humbled  before 
God. 

He  now  acknowledged  that  he  had  been  “ ignorant 


120 


JOHN  CAMM. 


[1652. 


of  the  first  principle  of  true  religion,”  and  as  he 
turned  his  mind  within  to  the  light  of  Jesus  Christ,” 
which  had  formerly  reproved  him  for  vanity,  it  led 
him  into  righteousness,  and  he  saw  this  was  the  true 
and  faithful  witness  that  brought  all  things  to  remem- 
brance that  ever  he  had  done.  He  passed  through 
deep  religious  exercise,  and  as  he  submitted  to  the 
judgments  of  the  Lord  inwardly  revealed,  the  ser- 
pent’s head  was  bruised  by  the  power  of  Christ,  the 
captive  soul  was  set  free,  and  he  was  made  toh^ejoice 
in  the  light  of  the  Lamb.  In  relation  to  this  stage 
of  his  experience  he  writes,  “ It  pleased  the  Father 
to  reveal  his  Son  in  me  through  death,  and  so  I came 
to  witness  cleansing  by  his  blood  which  is  eternal, 
glory  unto  him  for  ever ; and  I am  a minister  of  that 
Word  of  eternal  life  which  endures  for  ever,”  . . . . 
‘‘and  I have  rest  and  peace  in  doing  the  will  of  God, 
and  am  entered  into  the  true  rest,  and  lie  down  in 
the  fold  with  the  Lamb  of  God,  where  the  sons  re 
joice  together,  and  the  saints  keep  holy  days;  Glory 
unto  Him  for  ever!” 

Having  received  a gift  in  the  gospel  ministry,  he 
went  forth  in  the  Lord’s  service ; but  priests  and 
magistrates  being  incensed  against  him,  he  was,  in 
the  year  1652,  cast  into  jail  at  Appleby,  being  at  the 
same  time  that  James  Hayler  fi^as  imprisoned  there. 

John  Camm  was  born  about  the  year  1604,  in  the 
barony  of  Kendal,  in  Westmoreland,  at  a place  called 
Camrn’s-gill,  which  had  long  been  possessed  by  his 
ancestors.^  From  his  childhood  he  was  inclined  to 
piety,  and  when  he  came  to  maturity  he  associated 


* Memory  of  the  Righteous  Reviewed,  i.e.  the  Wntings  of  J. 
Camm  and  J.  Audland,  London,  1689. 


1652.] 


JOHN  AUDLAND. 


121 


with  those  who  were  the  most  strict  and  upright  in 
the  performance  of  their  religious  duties.  Being  dis- 
satisfied with  the  lifeless  formas  of  the  hTational 
Church,  he  withdrew  from  it,  and  still  pressing  for- 
ward with  earnest  desires  for  a clearer  manifestation 
of  gospel  light,  he  joined  himself  with  many  others 
who  had  similar  desires,  and  they  often  met  together 
to  wait  upon  the  Lord. 

He  sometimes  officiated  as  a minister  at  Firbank 
Chapel,  and,  at  the  memorable  meeting  held  there  by 
George  Fox,  he  was  convinced  of  the  principles  of 
Friends. 

He  was  then  about  forty-eight  years  of  age,  in 
prosperous  circumstances,  and  highly  esteemed  for 
his  stability  and  wisdom ; but  through  the  eflectual 
operation  of  divine  grace  he  was  humbled,  and  made 
willing  to  appear  as  a fool  for  Christ’s  sake.  After  a 
season  of  painful  conflict  and  deep  exercise,  in  which 
he  experienced  the  Lord’s  power  to  be  a spirit  of 
judgment  and  of  burning,  whereby  the  old  heavens 
and  the  old  earth  were  destroyed  and  a new  creation 
brought  forth,  he  became  a fit  instrument  for  the 
Master’s  service,  and  received  a gift  in  the  gospel 
ministry.^ 

John  Audland  was  a near  neighbor  and  intimate 
friend  of  John  Camm,  hut  was  a much  3munger  man, 
having  been  born  in  the  3^ear  1630,  and  he  was  at  the 
time  of  his  convincement  twenty-two  3’ears  of  age. 
He  was  then  of  a ruddy  complexion,  a sweet  counte- 
nance, and  a cheerful  spirit.  He  had  been  noted, 
even  in  childhood,  for  his  quick  apprehension  and 
ready  wit,  but  although  led  by  the  buo^^ancy  of  his 


* T.  Camm’s  Testimony  concerning  John  Camm, 

11 


122  JOHN  AUDLAND.  [1652. 

spirits  to  indulge  in  youthful  play,  he  was  never  ad- 
dicted to  any  vice. 

When  about  seventeen  years  of  age  he  was  drawn, 
by  the  influence  of  divine  love,  to  the  frequent  peru- 
sal of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  with  fervent  aspirations 
for  a holy  life.  lie  sought  the  society  of  the  most 
religious  persons,  and  having  a good  understanding 
and  a retentive  memory,  well  furnished  with  scriptu- 
ral knowledge,  he  conversed  fluently  on  religious 
doctrines,  and  became  eminent  as  a minister  among 
the  Independents.  He  preached  frequently  in  cha- 
pels, or  in  houses  of  worship  where  idle  or  dissolute 
priests  ofliciated ; and,  his  ministry  being  acceptable 
to  the  people,  multitudes  flocked  to  hear  him. 

When  about  twenty  years  of  age,  he  married  Ann 
ITewby,  of  Kendal,  a pious  young  woman  attached  to 
the  same  religious  society  of  which  he  was  a member. 
They  were  closely  united  in  religious  communion,  and 
when  they  heard  the  gospel  message  of  George  Fox, 
their  hearts  were  opened  for  its  reception,  and  the 
light  of  divine  truth  disclosed  to  them  the  emptiness 
of  their  former  professions.  Like  Job,  when  hum- 
bled by  affliction,  they  sat  down  in  silence  and  asto- 
nishment, being  stripped  of  their  own  wisdom,  and 
made  to  hunger  and  thirst  for  that  sustaining  food 
which  God  alone  can  give.^  The  wife  of  John  Aud- 
land,  in  relating  this  portion  of  his  religious  experi- 
ence, says  : “ The  word  and  power  of  the  Lord  were 
as  a fire  revealed  within  him,  to  burn  the  great  build- 
ing that  he  had  been  erecting,  together  with  the' hay, 
wood,  and  stubble  ; and  in  this  exercise  I also  had  a 
share  with  him,  and  in  great  lamentation  I have 


• T.  Gammas  Testimony. 


1652.]  RICHAKD  H U B B E R T H 0 R N E.  123 

heard  him  oftea  sorrowfully  say,  ‘Ah ! what  have  we 
been  doing  ? What  have  we  been  laboring  for  ? Or 
what  availeth  our  great  profession  ? All  our  build- 
ing tumbles  down ; our  profession  is  high  as  the 
wind ; the  day  of  the  Lord  is  upon  it,  and  his  fire 
consumes  it  as  dry  stubble,  and  puts  an  end  to  all 
empty  professions  and  high  notions  without  life  or 
substance — to  all  the  wdsdom  of  fallen  man  : we  must 
forsake  the  world  and  all  its  glory ; it  is  all  but  vanity 
and  vexation  of  spirit ; it  is  a Saviour  that  I long  for, 
it  is  Him  that  my  soul  pants  after.’  ” ...  “To  this 
effect  did  his  soul  often  travail  before  the  Lord,  and 
He  who  had  called  him  for  the  purpose  of  his  own 
glory  was  not  unmindful  of  him,  but  had  regard  to 
his  blessed  work  begun,  to  prosper  the  same,  that  so, 
out  of  the  furnace  of  afiliction,  a pure  and  clean  ves- 
sel might  be  brought  forth.  And  then  the  Lord 
plentifully  poured  upon  him  his  holy  spirit,  filling 
him  with  wisdom  and  power  to  publish  his  everlast- 
ing gospel,  to  bring  glad  tidings  to  the  poor,  deliver- 
ance to  the  captivated  soul  — to  say  unto  Sion,  ‘ Thy 
King  reign eth.’  ” 

Richard  Hubberthorne  embraced  the  principles  of 
Friends  in  the  year  1652,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  he  was  one  among  the  many  hundreds  who 
were  convinced  at  the  memorable  meeting  in  Firbank 
chapel.^ 

He  was  born  in  the  north  part  of  Lancashire ; his 
father  was  a yeoman  of  good  repute.  From  his  early 
youth  Richard  w^as  inclined  to  a religious  life,  being 
exemplary  in  his  conduct  and  faithful  according  to 
his  knowledge  in  every  duty.  His  natural  disposition 


^ Piety  Promoted,  articles  John  Camm  and  R.  Hubberthorne. 


124 


KICHARD  HUBBERTHORNE. 


[1652. 


was  meek  and  lowly,  lie  loved  peace  among  men,  and 
“ sometimes  preached  among  his  sincere  and  sober 
companions.”  When  it  pleased  God  to  visit  him 
with  a more  certain  knowledge  of  the  gospel  through 
the  powerful  ministry  of  George  Fox,  he  underwent 
great  afflictions  through  the  dispensation  of  the  grace 
and  spirit  of  Christ  Jesus,  until  the  same  power  that 
had  wounded,  also  healed  and  restored  him. 

A gift  in  the  gospel  ministry  being  committed  to 
him,  he  went  forth  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  was 
instrumental  in  calling  many  to  repentance  and 
amendment  of  life. 

He  was  a man  of  small  stature,  weak  constitution, 
and  slow  of  speech,  being  more  ready  to  hear  than  to 
speak;  yet  he  was  endued  with  true  wisdom,  and 
knew  when  to  speak  and  when  to  be  silent.  His 
judgment  was  sound,  his  experience  deep  in  divine 
things,  and  his  ministry,  being  in  the  authority  of 
truth,  reached  the  witness  for  truth  in  the  minds  of 
others,  and  thus  he  became  a benefactor  to  many.^ 

After  the  meeting  at  Firbank  chapel,  George  Fox 
went  to  the  house  of  John  Audland,  and  thence  to 
Preston  Patrick  chapel,  where  he  preached  to  a large 
congregation.  The  next  meeting  he  attended  was  at 
Kendal,  in  the  Town  Hall,  where  several  were  con- 
vinced of  the  doctrines  he  preached.  At  this  place 
he  writes  in  his  journal,  ‘‘  One  whose  name  was  Cock 
met  me  in  the  street,  and  would  have  given  me  a roll 
of  tobacco.  I accepted  his  love,  but  did  not  receive 
the  tobacco.”  From  this  we  may  infer  that  he  did* 
not  use  that  hurtful  and  disgusting  weed. 

From  Kendal  he  went  to  Underbarrow,  and  several 


^ E.  B.^8  testimony  in  R.  Hubberthorne’s  Works. 


1652.] 


EDWARD  BURROUGH. 


125 


persons  accompanied  him,  with  whom  he  had  much 
reasoning  by  the  way.  Among  these  was  Edward 
Burrough,  who  afterwards  became  an  eminent  min- 
ister in  the  Society  of  Friends.  He  was  born  in  the 
barony  of  Kendal,  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland, 
about  the  year  1635.  His  parents  were  of  respectable 
standing,  and  gave  him  as  good  an  education  as  could 
be  obtained  in  the  country.  He  was  from  early  youth 
remarkable  for  his  precocious  talents  and  religious 
disposition.  It  is  testified  by  one  who  knew  him  from 
his  childhood,  that  he  was  even  then  endued  with 
wisdom  far  beyond  his  years.  He  was  never  known 
to  be  addicted  to  any  vice  or  misconduct,  but  feared 
the  Lord  and  walked  uprightly,  according  to  the  light 
and  knowledge  received.  In  his  natural  disposition 
he  was  bold  and  manly,  dexterous  and  fervent,  and 
whatever  he  undertook  he  did  wfitb-all  his  might. 
He  was  loving,  kind  and  courteous,  merciful  and  easy 
to  be  entreated.  He  had  little  taste  for  sports  or 
pastimes,  but  his  wFole  delight  was  in  the  society  of 
the  good,  to  be  conferring  with  them,  or  reading  the 
Scriptures.  “ His  very  strength,”  says  Francis  How- 
gill,  “ was  bended  after  God,  and  [he]  was  separated 
from  his  mother’s  womb,  and  fitting  for  the  work’s 
sake  whereunto  he  afterwards  was  called.”^  Edward 
Burrough,  at  the  time  of  his  convincement,  was  about 
17  years  of  age.  His  parents  and  near  relatives  being 
displeased  with  him  for  embracing  a faith  then  gene- 
rally despised,  discarded  him,  and  even  expelled  him 
from  his  home ; but  he  cheerfully  endured  the  afflic- 
tions that  attended  him,  counting  nothing  too  dear 
to  be  renounced  for  the  treasures  of  Christ’s  kingdom. 


* F.  Howgilfs  testimony  in  E.  B.^s  Works. 
11* 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


[1652. 


He  was  soon  after  entrusted  with  a precious  gift  in 
the  gospel  ministry,  and  Avas  made  instrumental  in 
turning  many  to  righteousness. 

Many  meetings  of  Friends  were  then  gathered  in 
the  north  of  England,  and  a holy  zeal  for  the  cause 
of  truth  was  manifested  among  them.  “ From  that  day 
for^vard,”  says  F.  Howgill,  ‘‘our  hearts  were  knit 
unto  the  Lord  and  one  unto  another,  in  true  and  fer- 
vent love ; not  by  any  external  covenant  or  external 
form,  but  we  entered  into  the  covenant  of  life  with 
God ; and  that  was  a strong  obligation  or  bond  upon 
all  our  spirits,  which  united  us  one  unto  another; 
and  we  met  together  in  the  unity  of  the  Spirit  and 
the  bond  of  peace.” 


CHAPTER  lY. 

THE  CIVIL  WAR  — CONVINCEMENT  IN  LANCASHIRE. 
1652-3. 

During  the  interval  that  elapsed  between  the  year 
1644,  when  George  Fox  entered  on  his  religious 
labors,  and  the  year  1651,  when  he  was  released  from 
imprisonment  at  Derby,  great  changes  had  taken 
place  in  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  government  of 
England.  In  the  contest  between  Charles  I.  and  the 
Parliament,  the  king’s  troops  being  totally  defeated, 
he  was  induced  to  throw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  the 
Scots,  but  they  delivered  him  up  to  the  Parliamentary 
officers,  by  whom  he  was  held  in  captivity.  In  the 
Parliament  the  Presbyterians  were  in  the  ascendency, 


1649.] 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


127 


and  having  subverted  the  Anglican  Church,  they  en- 
deavored to  establish  on  its  ruins  their  own  form  of 
ecclesiastical  government;  but  the  army,  by  which 
their  victories  were  achieved,  was  composed  chiefly 
of  Independents,  who  were  full  of  religious  zeal  or 
fanaticism,  and  entirely  devoted  to  Cromwell,  their 
subtle  adviser  and  able  commander.  At  his  instiga- 
tion they  seized  the  king’s  person,  and  then  advan- 
cing to  London,  they  reduced  the  Parliament  to 
subjection. 

The  English  Presbyterians  and  the  Scotch  Cove- 
nanters beins:  dissatisfied  with  the  movements  of  the 
army,  and  the  king,  about  the  same  time,  having 
made  his  escape,  the  civil  war  was  renewed,"  and  an 
army  from  Scotland  invaded  England  te  support  the 
royal  cause.  B}’  the  valor  and  activity  of  Cromwell 
and  his  officers  the  Scots  were  defeated,  and  the 
king’s  person  again  secured. 

During  these  confiicts,  the  Parliament  had  resumed 
its  authority,  but  Cromwell  and  his  adherents  deter- 
mined to  make  it  an  instrument  for  their  own  advance- 
ment, and  with  this  view  they  forcibly  excluded  those 
Presbyterian  and  Eepublican  members  who  were  in- 
imical to  their  interests.  The  remnant  that  was  left, 
still  claimed  the  title  and  authority  of  a Parliament, 
and  being  entirely  subservient  to  Cromwell,  they 
appointed  a tribunal  called  a High  Court  of  Justice, 
by  which  the  king  was  condemned  to  death,  and  three 
days  after  sentence,  he  was  publicly  executed. 

This  unprecedented  act,  which  took  place  in  the 
year  1649,  filled  all  Europe  with  astonishment,  and 
paved  the  way  for  Cromwell  to  push  forward  with 
remarkable  success  his  ambitious  designs.  At  the 
head  of  an  army  he  proceeded  to  Ireland,  which  was 


128 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


[1651. 


then  in  a state  of  revolt,  and  by  his  vigorous  and 
sanguinary  measures  he  soon  reduced  it  to  subjection. 
By  his  orders  whole  garrisons  were  put  to  the  sword, 
and  few  conquerors,  even  among  heathen  nations, 
have  exercised  upon  the  vanquished  such  inhuman 
severity. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Scotch  covenanters,  being 
'disgusted  with  the  English  Parliament,  entered  into  a 
treaty  with  the  young  king,  Charles  II.,  who,  to  gain 
a throne,  professed  to  embrace  the  covenant,  and  re- 
turning from  the  continent,  where  he  had  been  an 
exile,  he  appeared  in  Scotland,  and  accompanied  the 
army  raised  for  his  restoration.  Cromwell,  with  his 
victorious  troops,  soon  after  arrived,  and  defeated  the 
Scots  with  great  slaughter  at  the  battle  of  Dunbar ; 
but  the  king,  with  the  remnant  of  his  army,  pushed 
forward  into  England,  hoping  to  meet  with  support 
from  the  royalists  in  that  kingdom.  lie  was  pursued 
by  Cromwell,  and  in  the  year  1651  was  totally  de- 
feated at  Worcester,  after  which  he  wandered  in  dis- 
guise during  forty-one  days,  and  then  escaped  to  the 
continent. 

In  these  sanguinary  wars  and  political  convulsions, 
the  whole  polity  of  the  State,  both  civil  and  eccle-. 
siastical,  was  subverted,  the  hierarchy  was  deposed, 
one  king  beheaded,  and  another  exiled,  desolation 
and  distress  spread  throughout  the  land,  and  one 
hundred  thousand  citizens  found  an  untimely  grave. 

It  is  remarkable  that  a misguided  religious  zeal 
should  have  been  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  these 
national  calamities.  They  bring  to  mind  the  awful 
scenes  liguratively  portrayed  in  the  Apocalypse, 
when,  after  the  opening  of  the  Sixth  Seal,  “there  was 
a great  earthquake,  and  the  sun  became  black  as 


1651.] 


THE  CIVIL  WAR. 


129 


sackcloth  of  hair,  and  the  moon  became  as  blood,  and 
the  stars  of  heaven  fell  unto  the  earth,  even  as  a fig- 
tree  casteth  her  untimely  figs  when  she  is  shaken  of 
a mighty  wind. . . and  the  kings  of  the  earth,  and  the 
great  men,  . . . hid  themselves  in  the  dens  and  in  the 
rocks  of  the  mountains,”  but  the  servants  of  the  living 
God  were  sealed  in  their  foreheads ; ” they  received, 
their  food  from  the  Lamb,  and  were  conducted  to  the 
fountain  of  living  waters.’ 

Amidst  that  scene  of  strife  and  confusion  which 
pervaded  the  land,  a beneficent  Providence  was 
watching  over  the  nation;  “from  seeming  evil  still 
educing  good,”  and  by  the  secret  influence  of  his 
grace  drawing  to  himself  many  devout  souls,  who 
finding  no  rest  in  the  outer-court  of  popular  religion, 
sought  for  a purer  worship  in  the  inner  sanctuary  of 
the  heart. 

It  ^vas  then  George  Fox  and  his  coadjutors  were 
sent  forth  to  proclaim  the  glorious  truth  of  Christ’s 
inward  and  spiritual  appearance.  “ Behold  the  taber- 
nacle of  God  is  with  men,  and  he  will  dwell  with 
them,  and  they  shall  be  his  people,  and  God  himself 
shall  be  with  them  and  be  their  God.”^  It  was  the 
firm  belief  of  the  Early  Friends  that  the  1260  years 
were  then  expired,  which  had  been  assigned  in  the 
Apocalypse  as  the  period  during  which  the  woman 
“clothed  with  the  sun,”  should  be  nourished  in  the 
wilderness.  Accordingly,  they  declared  that  the 
Church  of  Christ  was  then  coming  up  “ leaning  upon 
her  beloved,”  they  saw  her,  “looking  forth  as  the 
morning,  fair  as  the  moon,  clear  as  the  sun,  and  terri- 
ble as  an  army  with  banners.”  We  find  in  their 


* Rev.  vi.  12,  15,  and  vii.  3,  17. 


’ Rev.  xxi.  3. 


130  FULFILMENT  OF  PROPHECY.  [1651. 

writings  many  evidences  of  their  belief  that  the  pro- 
phetic declarations  were  then  being  fulfilled.  Thus 
George  Fox  writes,  “ There  is  a people  come  forth  of 
the  North  that  shall  spoil  Babylon.”  ‘‘Now  is  the 
fulfilling  of  the  word  of  God,  now  is  the  earthquake 
known,  such  an  earthquake,  as  hath  not  been  since  the 
foundation  of  the  world.  And  the  mystery  of  iniquity 
shall  be  discovered  and  the  true  mystery  of  godliness  is 
revealed,  which  doth  discover  it.  Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest,  and  the  Lamb  and  the  Saints  shall  have  the 
victory.”  ^ In  accordance  with  this  view,  Francis  How- 
gill  writes:  “Now,  the  time,,  times,  and  half  a time, 
[the  1260  days],  being  near  an  end  that  John  saw  the 
woman  should  be  retired  in  the  wilderness,  she  is  ap- 
pearing again  in  her  beautiful  garments,  and  her  heir 
and  her  seed  appearing  again  after  the  long  night  of 
darkness.”^  Kobert  Barclay  in  his  “Apology  for  the 
true  Christian  Divinity,”  shows  that  as  the  great  Apos- 
tasy came  not  all  at  once,  but  by  degrees,  until  thick 
darkness  overspread  the  nations,  so  neither  did  that  full 
and  clear  light  and  knowledge  of  the  glorious  dispen- 
sation of  the  gospel  of  Christ  appear  all  at  once,  the  work 
of  the  first  witnesses  being  more  to  testify  against  and 
discover  the  abuses  of  the  Apostasy  than  to  establish 
the  truth  in  purity.  He  that  comes  to  build  a new 
city  must  first  remove  the  old  rubbish  before  he  can 
lay  the  foundation,  and  he  that  comes  to  a house 
greatly  polluted  and  full  of  dirt,  will  first  sweep  away 
and  remove  the  filth,  before  he  put  up  his  own  good 
and  new  furniture.”  . . . “And  we  can  from  a certain 
experience  boldly  affirm,  that  the  not  waiting  for. 
His,  but  building  among,  yea  and  with  the  old  popish 

G.  Works,  IV.  229,  230.  2 y,  IlowgilPs  Works,  p.  219. 

See  Introduction  to  this  Work,  page  38. 


1652.] 


THE  EARLY  FRIENDS. 


131 


rubbish,  and  setting  up  before  a full  purgation  ; hath 
been,  to  most  Protestants,  the  foundation  of  many  a 
mistake,  and  an  occasion  of  unspeakable  hurt.  There- 
fore the  Lord  God  who,  as  he  seeth  meet  doth  com- 
municate and  make  known  to  man  the  more  full, 
evident  and  perfect  knowledge  of  his  everlasting 
truth,  hath  been  pleased  to  reserve  the  more  full  dis- 
covery of  this  glorious  and  evangelical  dispensation 
to  this  our  age ; albeit  divers  testimonies  have  there- 
unto been  borne  by  some  noted  men  in  several  ages.” 
. . . ‘‘And  for  the  greater  augmentation  of  the  glory 
of  his  grace,  that  no  man  might  have  whereof  to 
boast,  he  hath  raised  up  a few  despicable  and  illite- 
rate men,  and,  for  the  most  part,  mechanics,  to  be  the 
dispensators  of  it.”  ^ 

Although,  among  the  Early  Friends,  a large  pro- 
portion were  of  the  class  here  described  as  despised 
and  illiterate,  yet  there  were  many  who  were  well 
versed  in  literature  and  science.  These  relied  not 
upon  their  scholastic  attainments,  having  learned, 
like  the  experienced  apostle,  to  “ count  all  things  but 
loss  for  the  excellency  of  the  knowledge  of  Christ 
Jesus  their  Lord.”  But  whether  learned  or  un- 
learned, the  gospel  messengers  of  that  day  were 
strong  in  faith,  full  of  religious  zeal,  and  unwavering 
in  their  fidelity  to  the  cause  of  truth.  By  their  holy 
living,  their  patient  sufierings,  their  refusal  to  bear 
arms,  and  their  forgiveness  of  injuries,  they  exempli- 
fied in  practice  the  reign  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and 
proved  themselves  to  be  subjects  of  that  spiritual 
kino^dom  that  shall  never  have  an  end. 

The  labors  of  George  Fox  in  the  north  of  England 


‘ Apology,  Prop.  V,  VI.  I X. 


132 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1652. 


up  to  the  year  1652  having  been  signally  blessed 
with  divine  favor,  many  meetings  of  Friends  were 
gathered  in  Yorkshire,  Westmoreland,  and  Lanca- 
shire. At  Underbarrow  a meeting  was  appointed  for 
him  in  the  chapel,  where  he  was  enabled  to  “open 
the  way  of  life  and  salvation,”  and  the  priest,  not 
being  able  to  endure  his  doctrine,  withdrew ; but 
many  “received  the  word  of  life,”  and  stood  fast  in 
it  under  the  “teaching  of  Christ  Jesus.”  After  he 
had  preached  for  some  hours,  and  the  meeting  was 
ended,  some  of  the  congregation  began  to  reason  with 
him  in  the  chapel  yard,  whereupon  he  took  a Bible, 
and  opening  it  he  expounded  to  them  the  Scriptures, 
and  answered  their  objections. 

Proceeding  on  his  way,  he  came  to  Ulverstone,  and 
thence  to  Swarthmore,  the  residence  of  Thomas  Fell, 
a judge  of  high  standing,  and  vice-chancellor  of  the 
county  of  Lancaster.  The  judge  was  then  absent 
from  home,  being  engaged  on  the  Welsh  circuit,  but 
his  house  being  always  open  .for  the  entertainment  of 
ministers  and  religious  people,  one  of  the  friends  of 
George  Fox  brought  him  thither,  and  Lampit,  the 
priest  of  Ulverstone,  being  present,  they  engaged  in 
a dispute  on  doctrines.  The  wife  of  Judge  Fell, 
having  been  abroad  through  the  day,  was  informed 
by  her  children  when  she  came  home  that  Lampit 
and  George  Fox  had  disagreed,  which  somewhat 
troubled  her,  for  she  then  had  confidence  in  her 
pastor. 

In  the  evening  George  Fox  had  much  discourse 
with  Margaret  Fell  and  her  family,  to  whom  he 
opened  the  principles  of  divine  truth.  Uext  day 
Lampit  came  again,  when  the  controversy  was  re- 
newed in  the  presence  of  the  family,  who  now  began 


1652.] 


aEORGE  FOX. 


133 


to  perceive  the  errors  of  the  priest,  and  their  minds 
were  opened  for  the  reception  of  more  spiritual  views. 

It  being  a fast-day,  Margaret  Fell  invited  George 
Fox  to  go  with  them  to  the  parish  house  of  worship 
at  Ulverstone  ; he  answered,  that  ‘‘  he  must  do  as  he 
was  ordered  by  the  Lord.”  He  then  walked  into  the 
fields,  and  soon  after  found  it  his  duty  to  follow  them. 
When  he  came  there,  he  found  the  priest  and  people 
were  singing,  hut  the  sentiments  they  uttered  seemed 
to  him  entirely  unsuited  to  their  states.  When  they 
had  done  singing,  he  stood  upon  a seat  and  asked  for 
liberty  to  speak,  which  being  granted,  he  commenced 
with  these  words : He  is  not  a Jew  that  is  one  out- 

ward, neither  is  that  circumcision  which  is  outward; 
but  he  is  a Jew  that  is  one  inward,  and  that  is  cir- 
cumcision which  is  of  the  heart.”  He  told  them  that 
Christ  was  the  light  of  the  world — that  He  was  come 
to  teach  his  people  by  his  spirit,  and  to  bring  them 
off  from  all  their  old  ways,  religions,  churches,  and 
worships  ; for  they  were  but  talking  of  other  men’s 
words,  while  they  were  out  of  the  life  and  spirit 
which  those  were  in  who  gave  them  forth. ^ 

John  Sawry,  a justice  of  the  peace,  bade  the 
church-warden  take  him  away,  but  Margaret  Fell 
said,  “ Let  him  alone : why  may  he  not  speak  as 
well  as  any  other?”  The  priest  also  said,  ‘‘Let  him 
speak;”  so  he  proceeded  to  speak  for  some  time, 
until  at  length  J ustice  Sawry  caused  the  constable  to 
put  him  out,  and  then  he  spoke  to  the  people  in  the 
graveyard. 

In  the  evening  he  returned  to  Swarthmore,  where 
he  spoke  in  the  family  among  the  servants,  and  they 


* M.  Fell’s  Testimony  and  George  Fox’s  Journal. 


134 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1652. 


were  generally  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends. 
Leaving  Swarthmore,  George  Fox  went  on  his  way, 
'and  came  to  a chapel  at  Eamside,  in  which  Thomas 
Lawson,  an  eminent  clergyman,  otiiciated  as  pastor. 
In  the  morning,  he  had  informed  his  hearers  that 
George  Fox  would  be  there  in  the  afternoon,  by  which 
means  a large  congregation  was  gathered  to  hear  him. 
Finding  no  place  so  convenient  as  the  chapel,  he  went 
into  it,  with  the  minister’s  approbation,  and  pro- 
claimed so  powerfully  the  truths  of  the  gospel,  that 
many  embraced  the  doctrines  he  taught.  Among 
these  was  Thomas  Lawson,  who  resigned  his  benefice, 
and  after  some  time  became  a free  gospel  minister  in 
the  Society  of  Friends.  He  was  the  author  of  several 
religious  works,  and  one  of  the  most  skilful  herbalists 
in  England.^ 

George  Fox,  after  preaching  at  Walney  Island, 
Beclitf,  and  Gleaston,  in  all  of  which  places  some 
embraced  his  doctrines,  returned  again  to  Swarth- 
more, at  the  request  of  Margaret  Fell.  Her  husband 
had  returned  from  his  Welsh  circuit  much  displeased 
with  the  report  he  had  heard  on  his  way ; for  some 
of  his  ofiicious  neighbors  had  gone  forth  to  meet  him 
with  information  that  a great  disaster  had  befallen 
his  family,  — that  the  Quakers  were  witches,  and  had 
turned  them  from  their  religion  ; and  that  he  must 
send  them  away,  or  the  country  would  be  undone.” 

Margaret  Fell,  being  in  great  distress  at  her  hus- 
band’s displeasure,  desired  James  Hayler  and  Eichard 
Farnsworth,  who  were  then  at  Swarthmore,  to  speak 
to  the  judge,  which  they  did  moderately  and  wisely. 
After  he  had  heard  them  speak  awhile,  he  became 


* Sewel  and  Whiting. 


/ 


1652.]  GEORaEFOX.  , 135 

better  satisfied.  At  night,  George  Fox  having  ar- 
rived, he  was  invited  into  the  parlor,  and  the  family 
being  assembled,  he  spoke  to  them  with  so  much 
force  and  propriety,  that  a deep  impression  was  made 
upon  Judge  who,  from  that  time  forward,  treated 
him  and  his  friends  with  kindness  and  respect.  Soon 
after  this  interview,  some  Friends  were  speaking  of 
there  being  many  convinced  of  their  principles  in 
that  vicinity,  and  that  they  knew  not  where  to  hold  a 
meeting.  Judge  Fell,  hearing  them,  said  of  his  own 
accord,  ‘‘You  may  meet  here  if  you  will.”  This  ofier 
was  gladly  accepted,  a large  meeting  was  held  next 
day  in  Swarthmore  Hall,  and  meetings  continued  to 
be  held  there  from  1652  to  1690,  when  a meeting- 
house was  erected  near  the  Hall. 

Although  Judge  Fell  did  not  join  the  Society  of 
Friends,  like  the  other  members  of  his  family,  yet  he 
was  well  affected  towards  them,  used  his  authority 
for  their  protection,  and  when  they  held  meetings  in 
the  Hall,  he  frequently  sat  in  an  adjoining  room,  and 
listened  to  their  ministers.  For  several  years  before 
his  death,  he  ceased  to  attend  the  national  worship. 

Among  the  members  of  his  family,  convinced  of 
the  principles  of  Friends,  were  Thomas  Salthouse, 
William  Caton,  and  Anne  Clayton,  all  of  whom  be- 
came ministers  of  the  gospel. 

Thomas  Salthouse  was  the  author  of  several  reli- 
gious works ; he  labored  much  in  the  cause  of  truth, 
and  sufi*ered  frequent  imprisonments,  which  he  en- 
dured with  Christian  patience. 

William  Caton,  when  fourteen  years  of  age,  had 
been  placed  by  his  father  in  the  family  of  Judge  Fell, 
where  he  had  the  judge’s  son  for  a companion,  en- 
gaging in  the  same  sports,  and  learning  Latin  together 


136 


WILLIAM  CATO  IT. 


[1652. 


under  the  tuition  of  a clergyman.  He  was,  from  his 
early  youth,  inclined  to  piety,  and  when  fifteen  years 
old  he  was  very  diligent  in  writing  down  the  heads 
of  the  lectures  or  sermons  he  heard,  which  was  an 
exercise  'then  highly  esteemed.  Wh^  he  heard 
George  Fox  preach  concerning  the  light  with  which 
Christ  Jesus  has  enlightened  every  man — which  shines 
in  the  heart  and  convinces  of  sin  — his  mind  w’a? 
seriously  impressed,  and  in  due  time  yielding  obe- 
dience to  this  inward  monitor,  he  was  restrained  from 
evil  in  his  conduct  and  conversation.  He  had  no^ 
then  left  school,  though  well  advanced  in  learning, 
and  he  found  the  making  of  Latin  verses  was  become 
a burden  to  him,  for  he  could  not  indulge  his  imagi- 
nation as  others  did,  nor  could  he  any  longer  give  to 
the  master  of  the  school  the  “ compliment  of  the  hat,” 
as  he  had  been  accustomed  to  do.  Being  thus  brought 
into  a strait,  and  desirous  to  leave  the  school,  Margaret 
Fell  obtained  for  him  the  privilege  of  staying  at  home, 
where  he  was  employed  in  writing  for  her,  and  teach- 
ing the  children. 

At  seventeen  years  of  age,  he  was  earnestly  engaged 
in  his  religious  duties,  and  his  heart  was  often  filled 
with  joy  from  a sense  of  the  mercy  and  goodness  of 
God.  He  was  frequently  moved  to  go  to  the  places 
of  public  worship,  and  to  markets  to  warn  people  to 
repentance,  but  his  efforts  to  do  good  were  generally 
requited  with  opprobrium  and  abuse. 

Feeling  it  his  duty  to  travel  in  the  gospel  ministry, 
he  obtained  the  consent  of  Judge  Fell  and  his  wife, 
and  in  the  year  1654,  being  then  eighteen  years  of 
age,  he  quitted  his  home  in  order  to  visit  his  friends 
in  the  northern  counties  of  England.  Afterwards, 
he  went  to  London,  where  he  was  well  received  by 


1652  ] 


THOMAS  TAYLOR. 


137 


Friends  and  others,  his  persuasive  address  and  hea- 
venly gift  making  way  for  him  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people.^ 

George  Fox,  while  travelling  in  Lancashire,  fre- 
quently visited  Swarthmore  Hall,  where  he  sometimes 
met  with  a number  of  clergymen,  with  whom  he  en- 
gaged in  religious  discourse.  On  one  occasion,  he 
met  there  Thomas  Taylor,  a clergyman,  who  had  a 
benefice  at  Richmond,  in  Yorkshire.  He  was  horn 
near  Skipton,  in  the  same  county,  educated  at  the 
L^niversity  of  Oxford,  and  being  ordained  a priest  in 
the  Xational  ’Church,  he  attained  to  eminence  in  his 
profession.  It  appears  that  “ he  was  a man  of  a tender 
spirit,  seeking  after  a further  attainment  in  the  know- 
ledge of  God.”^  His  ministry  was  more  spiritual  than 
that  of  the  other  priests  in  his  neighborhood,  and 
many  of  his  hearers  being  serious,  religious  people, 
were  called  Roundheads  and  Puritans.  He  allowed 
John  Audland  and  Francis  Howgill,  before  they  be- 
came Friends,  to  preach  in  his  pulpit,  and  he  had 
come  to  see  the  insufiiciency  of  infant  baptism,  con- 
cerning which  he  had  a public  controversy  with  some 
of  the  priests. 

Prior  to  his  interview  with  George  Fox  at  Swarth- 
more Hall,  many  of  his  hearers  had  left  him,  being 
convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends.^  In  that 
interview  he,  and  other  clergymen  present,  were 
asked,  ‘‘  Whether  he,  or  any  of  them,  could  say  that 
they  ever  heard  the  voice  of  God  or  Christ  that  bid 
them  go  to  speak  to  any  people.”  Thomas  answered 
frankly  that  he  had  never  heard  any  such  voice  or 


* Sewel.  ^ Testimony  of  his  son,  T.  Taylor. 

® Testimony  of  Robert  Barrow. 

12* 


138 


THOMAS  TAYLOR. 


[1652. 


command,  and  being  further  questioned,  What  he 
preached  to  the  people,”  he  said,  ^‘His  experiences.” 
George  Fox  then  told  him  that  “his  experiences 
might  not  reach  to  every  condition ; but  he  that  had 
the  word  of  the  Lord  might  preach  it,  whom  God 
sent,  and  that  would  reach  all  conditions.”^ 

Thomas  Taylor,  being  reached  by  the  power  and 
grace  of  God,  remained  silent,  and  appeared  that 
night  sad  and  thoughtful,  sometimes  evincing  his 
distress  by  groans.  The  next  day  he  accompanied 
George  Fox  into  Westmoreland,  where  they  met  a 
congregation  in  a churchyard,  being  denied  admit- 
tance into  the  house  of  worship.  After  sitting  some 
time  in  silence,  Thomas  Taylor  was  visited  with  a 
“ tender  spring  of  divine  life,”  and  he  spoke  very  well 
to  the  people,  both  of  his  own  condition  and  theirs ; 
showing  where  they  had  been,  and  how  they  must 
turn  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Continuing  faithful, 
he  grew  in  grace,  and  improved  in  his  gift  in  the 
gospel  ministry,  being  made  willing  to  appear  as  a 
fool  for  Christ’s  sake.  Although  he  had  a wife  and 
five  small  children  dependent  upon  him,  he  resigned 
his  benefice,  preached  the  gospel  freely,  and  travelled 
and  sufiered  much  for  the  cause  of  truth.  His  wife 
was  shortly  afterwards  convinced  of  the  principles  of 
Friends,  and  lived  in  conformity  to  them.  It  is  re- 
lated by  George  Fox  that  Thomas  Taylor,  “having 
been  a lecturer  at  Kichmond,  in  Yorkshire,  was  made 
to  go  there,  and  turn  his  back  on  the  priest,  and  put 
his  hands  to  both  his  ears,  and  stop  them,  as  a sign, 
how  God  had  stopped  his  ears  unto  their  sacrifice  and 
service  and  oftering.”^  His  brother,  Christopher 


^ Testimony  of  George  Fox  in  T.  Taylor’s  Works. 


2 Ibid. 


1652.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


139 


Taylor,  who  had  been  a clergyman,  was  also  con- 
vinced of  Friends’  principles,  and  became  a free 
minister  of  the  gospel.  He  afterwards  emigrated  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  will  be  mentioned  in  a subsequent 
part  of  this  work. 

The  numerous  proselytes  made  by  George  Fox  and 
his  co-laborers  in  the  gospel  of  Christ,  caused  great 
exasperation  among  the  clergy,  and  through  their 
instigation  the  rude  populace  became  exceedingly 
abusive  to  Friends.  At  T\^alne3q  ^ small  island,  in 
the  Irish  Sea,  near  the  coast  of  Lancashire,  George 
Fox  and  James  Hayler  were  attacked  by  an  infuriated 
mob,  armed  with  clubs,  staves  and  fishing  poles. 
George,  being  stunned  with  their  blows,  fell  into  a 
swoon,  and  when  he  recovered  he  saw  James. Lan- 
caster’s wife  throwing  stones  at  his  face,  while  her 
husband  was  lying  over  him  to  protect  him.  James 
had  become  a proselyte  to  the  doctrines  of  Friends, 
and  his  wife  had  been  persuaded  that  he  was  be- 
witched by  the  influence  of  George  Fox.  She  was 
afterwards  convinced  of  the  same  principles,  and  re- 
pented of  the  evil  she  had  done.  James  Hayler  was 
scarcely  less  abused  than  George  Fox,  and  both  of 
them  were  conveyed  back  to  the  main  land  by  James 
Lancaster,  where  their  wounds  were  dressed  by  sym- 
pathizing friends.  Margaret  Fell  sent  a horse  for 
George  Fox,  and  brought  him  to  Swarthmore  Hall. 
Two  persecuting  justices,  Sawry  and  Thompson,  had 
issued  a warrant  against  him,  but  Judge  Fell,  on 
learning  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  prevented  its 
execution,  and  sent  warrants  into  the  Isle  of  Walney 
to  apprehend  the  rioters.  The  judge  desired  George 
Fox  to  give  him  a relation  of  the  persecution,  but  he 
declined  to  do  so,  saying  they  could  not  do  otherwise 


140 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1652. 


in  the  spirit  wherein  they  were,  and  that  they  mani- 
fested the  fruits  of  their  priests’  ministry.  Judge 
Fell  afterwards  remarked  to  his  wife,  that  “ George 
spoke  of  it  as  a man  that  was  not  concerned.” 

The  warrant  issued  by  justices  Sawry  and  Thomp- 
son against  George  Fox,  being  still  in  force,  though 
not  served  upon  him,  he  determined  to  meet  his 
accusers  at  the  Lancaster  sessions,  to  which  he  went 
with  Judge  Fell.  He  found  there  about  forty  priests, 
who  had  chosen  for  their  orator  one  of  their  own 
order  named  Marshal,  and  the  witnesses  they  had 
provided  were  a young  priest  and  two  sons  of  cler- 
gymen. The  accusation  was  that  George  Fox  had 
said  that  God  taught  deceit,  and  that  the  Scriptures 
contained  but  a parcel  of  lies.^  The  witnesses,  being 
examined  on  oath,  were  so  confounded  that  one  of 
them,  not  being  able  to  answer  a question,  referred 
to  the  other,  saying,  “ He  can  say  it.”  What,”  said 
the  judge,  “ have  you  sworn  it  and  given  it  in  already 
upcn  oath,  and  now  say  that  he  can  say  it?  It  seems 
that  you  did  not  hear  those  words  spoken  yourself, 
though  you  have  sworn  it.”  There  were  present  in 
court  several  men  of  reputation  for  integrity,  who 
were  at  the  meeting  where  the  blasphemous  expres- 
sions were  alleged  to  have  been  spoken,  and  they 
testified  that  the  accusation  was  altogether  false. 
Then  Colonel  West,  a justice  of  the  peace,  who  was 
on  the  bench,  turned  to  George  Fox  and  said,  George, 
if  thou  hast  anything  to  say,  thou  mayst  freely  de- 
clare it.” 

Being  thus  permitted  to  speak  for  himself,  he  de- 
clared That  the  Holy  Scriptures  were  given  forth 


* Sewel  and  George  Fox’s  Journal. 


1652.]  VINDICATION  OF  FRIENDS.  141 

by  tlie  Spirit  of  God,  and  all  people  must  first  come 
to  the  Spirit  of  God  in  themselves,  by  which  they 
might  know  God  and  Christ,  of  whom  the  prophets 
and  apostles  learnt,  and  by  the  same  spirit  know  the 
Holy  Scriptures;  for,  as  the  Spirit  of  God  was  in 
them  that  gave  forth  the  Scriptures,  so  the  same 
spirit  must  be  in  all  them  that  came  to  understand, 
the  Scriptures.  By  which  spirit  they  might  have  fel- 
lowship with  the  Father,  with  the  Son,  with  the 
Scriptures,  and  one  with  another;  and  without  this 
spirit  they  can  know  neither  God,  Christ,  nor  the 
Scriptures,  nor  have  a right  fellowship  one  with  ano- 
ther.” When  he  began  to  speak.  Marshal,  the  clerical 
orator,  left  the  court,  and  when  he  had  concluded  his 
defence,  some  of  the  priests  expressed  their  anger  in 
unbecoming  language.  One  of  them,  named  Jackus, 
said  “the  spirit  and  the  letter  were  inseparable.” 
George  Fox  replied,  “ Then  every  man  that  hath  the 
letter  hath  the  spirit,  and  they  might  buy  the  spirit 
with  the  letter  of  the  Scriptures.”  To  which  Judge 
Fell  and  Colonel  West  added,  “ that  according  to  that 
position  they  might  carry  the  Spirit  in  their  pockets 
as  they  did  the  Scriptures.” 

The  court,  seeing  that  the  witnesses  did  not  agree, 
and  being  sensible  that  the  accusation  was  ground-  • 
less,  granted  a supersedeas  to  stop  the  execution  of 
the  warrant,  and  George  Fox  was  cleared  in  open 
sessions.  This  result  was  regarded  as  a triumph  over 
the  priests,  and  was  hailed  with  joy  by  great  numbers 
of  the  most  serious  people.  It  afforded  an  opportunity 
to  proclaim  the  doctrines  of  Truth,  and  many  were 
convinced;  among  whom  were  Justice  Benson  of 
Westmoreland,  Major  Ripan,  Mayor  of  the  town  of 
Lancaster,  and  Thomas  Briggs. 


142 


THOMAS  BRIGGS. 


[1652. 


1652.  The  earnest  labors  and  Christian  patience  of 
Thomas  Briggs  evinced  the  sincerity  of  his  motives 
and  the  depth  of  his  religious  convictions.^  Being 
called  to  the  gospel  ministry,  he  went  through  many 
cities,  towns,  and  villages,  exhorting  the  people  to 
repentance  and  amendment  of  life.  Sometimes  in 
markets  and  other  public  places,  his  Christian  admo- 
nitions were  requited  with  obloquy  and  abuse.  At 
'Warrington  in  Lancashire,  for  speaking  a few  words 
in  a place  of  worship  after  the  priest  had  done,  he  was 
violently  assaulted,  and  a man  taking  him  by  the  hair 
of  his  head,  pulled  out  a handful  of  it.  He  endured 
this  cruel  treatment  with  much  patience,  and  taking 
up  the  hair,  he  mildly  said,  Hot  one  hair  of  my  head 
shall  fall  without  my  Father’s  permission.”  At  Salis- 
bury, the  oath  of  allegiance  was  tendered  to  him, 
under  pretence  that  he  was  a Jesuit;  and  he,  being 
conscientiously  opposed  to  taking  it,  was  committed 
to  prison.  After  his  release  he  continued  his  travels, 
laboring  zealously  for  the  promotion  of  vital  religion, 
and  his  testimony  being  under  the  influence  of  divine 
grace,  was  effectual  in  the  conversion  of  many.^ 
Among  those  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends 
about  this  time,  the  name  of  Eobert  Widders  must 
, not  be  omitted.  He  was  born  in  the  year  1618,  at 
Upper  Kellet,  in  Lancashire,  anyl  before  his  acquaint- 
ance with  Friends  was  ‘a  seeker  of  heavenly  truth.^ 
In  the  year  1652,  George  Fox  held  a great  meeting  at 
his  house,  at  which  many  were  convinced,  and  it  is' 
supposed  he  was  one  of  that  number.  Lie  frequently 
travelled  with  George  Fox,  who  speaks  of  him  ‘‘  as  a 
thundering  man  against  hypocrisy,  deceit,  and  the 


^ Besse,  I.  300. 


^ Sewel,  I.  95. 


® Piety  Promoted. 


1652.] 


JOHN  WHITEHEAD. 


148 


rottenness  of  the  priests.”^  Being  zealous  in  his  reli- 
gious efforts,  and  a severe  reprover  of  ‘‘  spiritual  wick- 
edness in  high  places,”  he  suffered  much,  and  his  life 
was  often  in  peril  from  the  rude  assaults  of  his  adver- 
saries. On  account  of  his  faithful  testimony  against 
tithes  he  suffered  great  loss  of  property,  but  was  not 
the  least  dejected  or  disheartened  by  it,  knowing  well 
that  the  cause  for  which  he  suffered  was  the  promo- 
tion of  Christian  truth.  In  a testimony  concerning 
him,  it  is  said,  “Though  he  was  not  large  in  decla- 
mation, yet  he  was  large  in  integrity  and  zeal,  and 
was  endowed  with  a word  of  wisdom,  and  in  discern- 
ing and  sound  judgment,  and  gave  good  advice  and 
admonition  to  Friends,  for  establishing  them  in  the 
faith  wherever  he  came ; and  the  Lord  prospered  his 
work  in  his  hand.”^ 

In  the  year  1652,  at  a meeting  for  worship,  held  at 
Malton  in  Yorkshire,  John  Whitehead,  a soldier  in 
the  army  then  stationed  at  Scarborough,  became  a 
proselyte  to  the  doctrines  of  Friends.  It  appears  by 
his  own  account  that  he  was  educated  in  the  strictest 
profession  of  Puritanism,  but  “ lived  wdthout  any  true- 
sense  of  his  fallen  and  lost  estate  until  he  was  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,”  when  it  pleased  the  Most  High 
to  visit  him,  causing  the  light  of  divine  grace  to  shine 
in  the  darkness  of  his  heart,  and  enabling  him  to  see 
tHI  moral  pollution  by  which  he  was  separated  from 
God.  In  this  condition  the  fear  of  the  Lord  so  far 
prevailed  that  his  life  and  conversation  became  blame- 
less before  men  ; but  he  was  not  yet  acquainted  with 
that  true  waiting  upon  God,  and  reliance  upon  him, 


* G.  F.^s  Journal 


2 Piety  Promoted,  I.  98. 


144  JOHN  WHITEHEAD.  [1652. 

by  which  redemption  may  be  experienced  from  the 
evil  that  is  lodged  in  the  heart. 

Being  instructed  by  his  parents  to  use  what  are 
considered  the  means  of  grace,  he  w^as  diligent  in 
frequenting  meetings,  hearing  sermons,  and  reading 
the  Scriptures,  so  that  he  grew  in  knowledge,  but  had 
little  acquaintance  with  the  life  and  power  of  religion 
in  the  soul.  His  affections  and  lusts  not  being  cruci- 
fied, nor  his  will  subjected  to  the  divine  will,  he  still 
groaned  under  the  burden  of  sin,  and  at  times  longed 
for  deliverance.  At  eighteen  years  of  age  he  entered 
ihe  army,  which  at  that  time  contained  many  zealous 
professors  of  religion,  who  were,  however,  but  little 
acquainted  with  the  spiritual,  and  peaceable  nature 
of  Christ’s  kingdom.  While  employed  as  a soldier, 
John  Whitehead  continued  to  seek  for  religious 
knowledge,  and  having  experienced  the  joy  that  at- 
tends the  first  victory  over  sin,  he  was  unhappily 
seduced  into  the  belief  that  the  whole  work  of  his 
redemption  was  accomplished.  “ The  serpent  be- 
guiled me  under  fair  pretences,”  he  writes,  “and  said 
unto  me,  that  I was  now  made  partaker  of  the  love 
of  God,  and  that  there  was  a perfect  reconciliation  to 
God,  brought  forth  in  the  blood  of  Jesus,  and  whom 
he  loved  once  ’he  loved  to  the  end.  And  when  the 
pure  Light  that  wutnessed  for  God  called  for  purity 
and  holiness,  the  serpent  laid  before  me  the  failii%s 
of  the  saints,  and  said,  the  best  of  saints  did  commit 
sin,  and  that  1 could  not  be  set  free  from  it  wdiile  I 
was  here  on  earth,  for  in  the  flesh  dwelt  no  good 
thing ; but,  said  he,  that  is  no  matter,  for  all  is  re- 
conciled in  Christ,  and  none  can  pluck  thee  out  of 
his  hand.  And  I,  lending  an  ear  to  him  in  these 
plausible  temptations,  was  drawn  from  the  counsel 


1652.] 


JOHN  WHITEHEAD. 


145 


of  Christ  in  carelessness,  and  forgot  the  loving  kind- 
ness of  God.  My  will  then  got  strength,  and  ran 
forth- again  into  pleasures* and  wantonness,  so  I was 
carried  captive  into  spiritual  Egypt,  where  our  Lord 
was  crucified,  and  the  witnesses  slain.” 

From  this  perilous  condition  he  was  awakened  by 
the  powerful  ministry  of  William  Dewsbury,  and  his 
understanding  being  opened  by  divine  grace,  he  saw 
himself,  in  the  prodigal  state,  treading  under  foot  the 
cross  of  Christ,  like  the  servant  who  had  known  his 
master’s  will  and  had  not  done  it.  Being  made  will- 
ing to  return  to  the  Father’s  house  in  deep  humilia- 
tion, he  experienced  forgiveness,  and  was  enabled  to 
rejoice  in  an  assurance  of  salvation  through  the  love 
and  mercy  of  God.  By  the  power  of  Christ  revealed 
, in  his  soul,  he  was  enabled  to  overcome  his  spiritual 
' enemies,  to  separate  himself  from  his  former  com- 
, panions,  and  to  dedicate  his  heart  to  the  divine  ser- 
vice. Having  left  the  army,  he  engaged  in  agricul- 
! tural  employments,  and  when  he  was  called  to  preach 
’ the  gospel,  he  went  forth  cheerfully  to  labor  and  to 
sutler  tor  the  cause  of  truth. 

j It  is  stated,  by  a contemporary  who  knew  him  well, 
that  “while  he  was  a young  man  he  travelled  much 

I and  labored  in  the  work  of  the  Lord,  and  many  were 
turned  to  God  through  his  ministry.”  . . . . “ He 

II  sutiered  much  for  the  Truth’s  sake  in  butletings, 
beatings,  reproaches,  cruel  mockings,  and  many  long 
imprisonments,  in  which  the  Lord  preserved  him  in 

1 faithfulness  and  dominion  overall.”  ....  “When 
. I at  any  time  he  returned  to  his  home,  and  had  respite 
from  travel,  his  manner  was  to  appoint  meetings 
*1  where  there  had  not  been  any  before,  that  so  the 
sound  of  Truth  might  go  forth  unto  all,  and  if  poS" 
13 


146  MILES  HALHEAD.  [1653. 

sible  some  might  be  gained  and  brought  from  the 
evil  of  their  ways  and  turned  to  the  Lord.”^ 

The  number  of  proselytes  to  the  doctrines  of 
Friends  had,  in  the  year  1653,  greatly  increased;  and 
it  is  known,  from  authentic  records,  that  among  them 
were  not  less  than  twenty-five  who  had  appeared  in 
the  gospel  ministry.  In  addition  to  those  already 
mentioned,  the  name  of  Miles  Halhead  claims  espe- 
cial attention. 

He  lived  at  Underbarrow,  in  Westmoreland,  and  in 
the  year  1652  began  to  preach  the  doctrines  of 
Friends.^  In  the  following  year  he  went  to  Swarth- 
more,  to  visit  his  friends  and  attend  their  meeting. 
On  the  way  he  met  the  wife  of  the  justice,  Thomas 
Preston,  and  because  he  passed  her  quietly,  without 
the  usual  form  of  greeting,  she  ordered  the  man  who 
waited  on  her  to  go  back  and  beat  him,  which  he 
did.  Miles  then  said  to  her,  0 thou  Jezebel ! thou 
proud  Jezebel ! canst  thou  not  permit  the  servant  of 
the  Lord  to  pass  thee  quietly?”  At  this  reproof  she 
put  forth  her  hand,  as  though  she  wo  aid  strike  him, 
and  spit  in  his  face,  saying,  I scorn  to  fall  down  at 
thy  words.”  Three  years  after  this  occurrence,  as 
Miles  was  riding  from  Swarthmore,  near  Houlker- 
Hall,  the  seat  of  Justice  Preston,  he  met  a person 
who  said  to  him,  “Friend,  I have  something  to  say 
to  you,  which  hath  lain  upon  me  this  long  time.  I 
am  the  man  that,  about  three  years  ago,  at  the  com- 
mand of  my  mistress,  did  beat  you  very  sore,  for 
which  I have  been  very  much  troubled,  more  than 
for  any  thing  I ever  did  in  all  my  life;  for  truly 

’ T.  Thompson’s  Testimony,  and  John  Whitehead’s  Works,  Lon- 
don, 1704. 

* Sewel,  I.,  83,  98. 


1653.] 


MILES  HALHEAD. 


147 


night  and  day  it  hath  been  often  in  my  heart  that  I did 
not  well  in  heating  an  innocent  man  that  never  did 
me  aii}^  harm.  I pray  you  forgive  me,  that  I may  he 
at  peace  and  quiet  in  my  mind.”  To  this  Miles  an- 
swered: ‘‘Truly,  friend,  from  that  time  to  this  day 
I never  had  any  thing  in  my  heart  against  thee  or 
thy  mistress,  hut  love.  The  Lord  forgive  you  both ; 
I desire  that  it  may  never  be  laid  to  your  charge,  for 
ye  knew  not  what  ye  did.” 

Miles  Halhead,  being  zealous  and  fearless  in  the 
discharge  of  what  he  believed  to  be  his  religious  duty, 
sometimes  went  to  the  houses  of  worship  where  priests 
officiated,  and  after  waiting  till  they  had  done,  he 
bore  testimony  to  the  truths  of  the  gospel;  hut  in 
many  cases  he  was  thrust  forth  with  violence,  and 
sometimes  severely  injured.  On  one  occasion,  he  went 
to  the  house  of  Captain  Adam  Sands,  in  Lancashire, 
where  a large  congregation  being  gathered.  Priest 
Lampit  was  preaching  to  them.  As  soon  as  Miles 
entered,  Lampit  was  silent,  which  continuing  some 
time,  Captain  Sands  said  to  him,  “ Sir,  what  is  the 
matter? — are  you  not  well?”  The  priest  answered, 
“ I am  well,  hut  I shall  speak  no  more  as  long  as  this 
dumb  devil  is  in  the  house.”  “A  dumb  devil !”  said 
the  captain;  “where  is  he?”  “This  is  he,”  said 
Lampit,  pointing  to  Miles.  The  captain  replied: 
“This  man  is  quiet,  and  saith  nothing  to  you.  I 
pray  you,  sir,  go  on  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  ; and  if 
he  trouble  or  molest  you  in  my  house,  I will  send 
him  to  Lancaster  Castle.”  But  the  priest  again  said: 
“ I shall  not  preach  as  long  as  this  dumb  devil  is  in 
the  house.”  Then  the  captain  said  to  another  priest, 
named  Camelford,  “ I pray  you,  sir,  stand  up  and  ex- 
ercise your  gift,  and  I will  see  that  you  are  not  dis- 


148 


MILES  HALHEAD. 


[1653. 


turbed.”  But  this  priest  answered,  as  tbe  other:  “I 
shall  not  speak  as  long  as  this  dumb  devil  is  in  the 
house.”  Then  the  people  cried : “Lord  rebuke  thee, 
Satan  ! Lord  rebuke  thee,  Satan  ! What  manner  of 
spirit  is  this,  which  stops  our  ministers’  mouths  ?” 
Then  the  captain  came  to  Miles,  and,  taking  him  by 
the  hand,  led  him  out  of  the  house.  In  all  that  time 
he  had  said  nothing,  and  saw  now  the  accomplish- 
ment of  what  the  Lord  had  before  shown  him,  that 
an  invisible  power  would  confound  by  him  the  wis- 
dom of  the  priests,  without  his  speaking  a word.^ 

The  wife  of  Miles  Halhead,  before  she  became  a 
proselyte  to  the  same  views,  was  much  dissatisfied 
with  his  being  so  frequently  from  home  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  gospel ; and  she  would  sometimes  say, 
“Would  to  God  I had  married  a drunkard!  then  I 
might  have  found  him  at  the  ale-house ; but  now  I 
cannot  tell  where  to  find  my  husband.”  About  a year 
afterwards,  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  visit  her  with 
affliction. 

She  had  a little  son,  about  five  years  of  age,  that 
she  loved  very  dearly,  and  considered  him  her  only 
delight  and  comfort.  This  darling  child  was  removed 
by  death.  Some  time  afterwards  she  spoke  thus  to 
her  husband : “ Truly,  husband,  I have  something  to 
tell  thee:  one  night  being  in  bed,  mourning  and 
lamenting  with  tears  in  my  eyes,  I heard  a voice 
saying,  ‘ Why  art  thou  discontented  concerning  thy 
husband  ? I have  called  and  chosen  him  to  my  work, 
my  right  hand  shall  uphold  him.  Therefore  be  thou 
content  and  pleased  that  he  serve  me,  and  I will  bless 
thee  and  thy  children  for  his  sake,  and  all  things  shall 


» Sewel,  I.  99. 


1654.] 


MILES  HALHEAD. 


149 


prosper  that  thou  shalt  take  in  hand.  But  if  thou 
wilt  not  be  content,  but  grudge,  and  murmur,  and 
repine  against  me  and  my  servant,  whom  I have 
chosen  to  do  my  work,  I will  bring  a greater  cross 
upon  thee.’  These  words  being  fresh  in  my  mind 
night  and  day,  I often  said  within  myself,  What  cross 
can  this  be,  that  would  be  greater  than  the  want  of 
my  husband  ? But  for  all  this  I could  not  be  content : 
all  the  joy  I had  or  could  find  was  in  our  little  hoy, 
who  would  often,  when  he  saw'  me  weeping  and 
mourning,  take  me  about  my  neck,  and  say,  ‘ My  dear 
mother,  pray  be  content,  for  my  father  will  come  home 
in  a little  time.’  This  child  would  often  comfort  me 
in  this  manner,  but  for  all  that  I could  not  be  content. 
Xot  long  after,  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  from  me 
this  my  only  son,  my  chiefest  joy.  Then  the  voice 
which  I had  heard  came  into  my  mind,  and  I,  per- 
ceiving that  this  was  the  cross  which  the  Lord  would 
bring  upon  me,  smote  my  breast,  and  said  wdthin 
myself,  that  I was  the  cause  why  the  Lord  had  taken 
aw'ay  my  little  son.  A great  fear  then  seizing  upon 
me,  I said,  O Lord,  my  God,  give  me  power  to  be 
content  to  give  up  my  husband  freely  to  do  thy  will, 
lest,  0 Lord,  thou  take  away  from  me  all  my  children.” 

From  that  time  forward,  she  no  longer  opposed  her 
husband  when  he  was  called  forth  to  labor  in  the 
gospel,  and,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  she  afterw'ards 
came  to  be  united  with  him  and  his  friends  in  religious 
fellowship. 

In  the  year  1654,  Miles  Halhead,  being  at  Berwick 
in  FTorthumberland,  went  to  the  mayor  at  his  place 
of  business,  and  said  to  him : ‘‘Friend,  hear  w'hat  the 
servant  of  the  Lord  hath  to  say  unto  thee ; Give  over 
13* 


150 


MILES  HALHEAD. 


[1654. 


persecuting  tlie  Lord’s  servants,  whom  he  doth  send 
to  this  town  of  Berwick,  to  show  you  the  way  that 
leads  to  life  eternal.” For  this  hold  admoni- 

tion, the  mayor,  who  was  greatly  offended,  sent  him 
to  prison,  where  he  remained  ten  weeks,  and  was  then 
arraio;ned  before  the  court.  The  charge  ao^ainst  him 
being  read.  Miles  related  what  he  had  said  to  the 
mayor,  upon  which  the  recorder  said : Sirs,  as  I 

understand  by  his  own  words,  if  he  cannot  prove  the 
mayor  of  this  town  a persecutor,  in  my  judgment  he 
hath  wronged  him.”  Miles  replied:  ‘Mf  the  mayor 
dare  say  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  whose  presence 
is  here,  that  he  is  no  persecutor,  but  the  persecuting 
nature  is  slain  in  him,  I will  be  willing  to  abide  the 
judgment  of  the  court.”  The  clerk  of  the  court 
appealed  to  the  mayor  for  an  answer ; but  he,  being 
conscience-stricken,  said : I know  not  what  to  do,  I 

would  I had  never  seen  him  ; I pray  you  let  him  go, 
and  let  us  be  no  more  troubled  with  him.”  Then 
Miles  asserted  that  he  would  prove  the  mayor  of  Ber- 
wick the  greatest  persecutor  in  town  or  country : “ I 
was  once,”  he  said,  ‘‘  committed  to  prison  in  this  town 
before,  by  some  of  the  justices  that  are  now  in  this 
court;  but  thou,  0 man,  hast  exceeded  them  all ; thou 
hast  committed  me,  and  kept  me  in  close  prison  for 
about  ten  weeks,  for  speaking  to  thy  own  person  in 
thy  own  shop.  JSTow  I make  my  appeal  to  the  re- 
corder, as  I am  a free-born  Englishman,  whether  my 
imprisonment  be  legal,  or  not?”  The  recorder  an- 
swered : ‘‘  It  is  not  very  legal  for  any  minister  of  the 
law  to  imprison  any  man  in  his  own  case.”  The  court 
then  cried:  “Take  him  away.” 

At  this  juncture,  a clergyman  rose,  and  desired  of 


1654.] 


MILES  HALHEAD. 


151 


the  court  that  he  might  ask  the  prisoner  one  question. 
Miles  Halhead,  addressing  him,  said : “ The  Lord 
knows  thy  heart,  O man,  and  at  this  present  has  re- 
vealed thy  thoughts  to  his  servant;”  ...  “if  thou 
wilt  promise  me  before  the  court,  that  if  I tell  thee 
the  question  thou  wouldst  ask  me,  thou  wilt  deal 
plainly  with  me,  I will  not  only  tell  thee  thy  query, 
but  I will  answer  it.”  The  priest  said  he  would,  and 
Miles  proceeded : “ Thy  question  is  this  ; thou  wouldst 
know  whether  I own  that  Josus  Christ  that  died  at 
Jerusalem,  or  not.”  “Truly,”  said  the  priest,  “that 
is  the  question.”  Miles  then  proceeded : “According 
to  my  promise,  I will  answer  it  before  this  court ; in 
the  presence  of  the  Lord  God  of  heaven  I own  no 
other  Christ  than  him  that  died  at  Jerusalem,  and 
made  a good  confession  before  Pontius  Pilate,  to  be 
the  light  and  way  that  leads  fallen  man  out  of  sin  and 
evil,  up  to  God  eternal,  blessed  for  evermore.”  ]STo 
other  questions  were  asked  him,  but  the  jailor  was 
directed  to  take  him  away.  A few  days  afterwards, 
he  was  released  by  order  of  the  court,  and  returned 
to  his  home.^ 


* Sewel’s  History,  1. 126. 


152 


JOHN  BURNYEAT. 


[1653. 


CHAPTEE  V. 

CUMBERLAND,  WESTMORELAND,  NORFOLK,  SUFFOLK, 
AND  ESSEX. 

1653-5. 

In  one  of  fhe  most  secluded  and  picturesque  regions 
of  Cumberland,  there  is  a rocky  eminence  called 
Pardshaw  Crag,  which  overlooks  a natural  amphi* 
theatre.  Tradition  still  preserves  among  the  neigh- 
boring inhabitants  an  account  of  the  immense  con- 
course of  people  who,  in  the  days  of  George  Fox,  met 
in  the  open  air  to  worship  at  this  place. ^ Taking  his 
stand  upon  the  crag,  that  great  minister  of  the  gospel 
would  lift  his  clear  and  powerful  voice  so  as  to  be 
heard  throughout  the  vast  assembly ; and  wonderful 
were  the  efiects  produced  by  his  persuasive  and  heart- 
searching ministry. 

At  these  meetings  many  hundreds  were  convinced 
of  the  principles  of  Friends,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  among  them  was  John  Burnyeat,  who 
became  an  eminent  minister  of  the  gospel.  He  was 
born  in  the  parish  of  Loweswater,  in  the  county  of 
Cumberland,  about  the  year  1631.  In  his  early  years, 
being  brought  under  the  influence  of  divine  grace, 
his  heart  was  inclined  to  goodness,  and  he  read  dili- 
gently the  Sacred  Scriptures,  in  order  to  obtain  the 
knowledge  of  heavenly  things.  Being  earnestly  de- 
sirous of  advancing  in  the  spiritual  life,  he  went  from 


‘ London  Friend,  7th  Month,  1853. 


1653.] 


JOHN  BURNYEAT. 


153 


teacher  to  teacher,  hut  found  no  true  satisfaction, 
until  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  send  his  ministers  to  turn 
his  mind  to  the  invisible  word  of  life,  which  he  gladly 
received,  and  waited  in  humiliation  to  feel  its  opera- 
tion in  the  secret  of  the  sould 

In  relating  his  religious  experience,  he  states  that 
in  the  year  1653  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  send  his  servant 
George  Fox  into  the  county  of  Cumberland,  as  a 
messenger  of  the  gospel  of  peace;  and  through  his 
ministry  thousands  were  directed  “ unto  the  light  and 
appearance  of  Christ  Jesus  their  Saviour,  in  their  own 
hearts,  that  they  might  come  to  know  him  and  the 
glory  of  the  Father  through  him,  in  his  appearance, 
and  so  come  to  believe  in  him  with  the  heart,  and 
with  the  mouth  to.  confess  him  unto  salvation.”^ 
"W^hile  listening  to  these  spiritual  truths,  John 
Burnyeat  felt  the  judgment  of  the  Lord  upon  the 
transgressing  nature  in  his  owm  soul ; he  was  brought 
into  deep  affliction  and  sorrow  of  heart ; and  he  per- 
ceived that  all  his  profession  of  an  imputative  righte- 
ousness would  not  avail  him  while  he  lived  in  the 
practice  of  sin.  It  was  then  that  the  spiritual  warfare 
began,  and  the  state  described  by  Paul  was  known : 
“ To  will  is  present  with  me,  but  how  to  perform  that 
which  is  good,  I find  not.”  . . . “O  wretched  man 
that  I am  ! who  shall  deliver  me  from  the  body  of  this 
death?”  He  found  a law  in  his  members,  warring 
against  the  law  in  his  mind,  and  bringing  him  into 
captivity  to  sin.  Then  all, his  ‘‘high  conceit,”  and 
his  “notional  faith,”  and  “his  hopes  of  justification 
thereby,  were  overthrown.’ 


^ Testimony  of  Friends  of  Cnmberland. 
* J.  Bumyeat^s  Works,  London,  1691 


154 


JOHN  BURNTEAT. 


[1653. 


"When  the  light  of  divine  truth  broke  in  upon  him, 
he  found  that  he,  and  others  professing  with  him,  had 
been  feeding  upon  the  tree  of  knowledge,  endeavoring 
to  sustain  the  soul  by  merely  talking  of  that  which 
the  holy  men  of  old  possessed  and  enjoyed.  "While 
in  this  state  they  could  not  have  access  to  the  tree  of 
life,  so  as  to  be  healed  by  its  leaves  and  sustained  by 
its  fruit ; but  as  there  was  a coming  under  the  sword 
of  the  spirit,  which  Christ  brings  to  slay  the  carnal 
nature  in  man,  there  was  an  arising  of  the  soul  in 
newness  of  life.  They  who  would  reign  with  Christ 
must  first  suffer  with  him;  “for,”  says  the  apostle, 
“ if  we  have  been  planted  together  in  the  likeness  of 
his  death,  we  shall  be  also  in  the  likeness  of  his 
resurrection.” 

John  Burnyeat  being,  through  suffering,  made 
willing  to  bear  the  cross,  was  brought  into  a state  of 
humble  obedience  and  entire  reliance  upon  that  in- 
speaking Word  which  redeems  from  sin,  and  gives 
assurance  of  eternal  life.  Being  associated  with  others 
who  were  passing  through  the  same  fiery  baptism, 
they  found  it  their  duty  to  withdraw  from  that  formal 
and  lifeless  worship  in  which  they  had  been  engaged, 
and  to  meet  together  in  silence  to  hear  the  voice  of 
the  true  shepherd  of  souls.  Sometimes  not  a word 
was  heard  in  their  meetings  for  months,  but  all  who 
wxre  faithful  waited  upon  the  living  Word  in  their 
hearts  to  know  sanctification  thereby,  and  great  was 
the  joy  they  experienced  when  partaking  of  that 
heavenly  food  which  sustains  the  soul.^ 

During  four  years  from  the  time  of  his  convince- 
ment,  he  remained  mostly  at  home  attending  to  his 


* J.  Bumveat's  Works,  London,  1691,  p.  16. 


1657.] 


JOHN  BURNYEAT. 


155 


temporal  affairs ; but  lie  diligently  attended  meetings 
for  divine  worship,  and  occasionally  visited  Friends 
who  were  imprisoned  for  their  religious  testimonies. 
So  great  was  the  satisfaction  he  derived  from  the 
public  worship  of  God,  that  when  meeting  was  over, 
he  longed  for  the  coming  of  the  next  meeting-day,  in 
order  that  he  might,  in  company  with  his  friends,  par- 
take of  that  spiritual  communion  which  is  the  highest 
and  purest  of  all  enjoyments. 

In  this  serene  and  peaceful  state  of  mind,  he  was 
content  and  willing  to  abide ; but  the  Lord,  who  had 
dealt  so  mercifully  with  him,  began  to  show  him  that 
he  must  go  forth  in  the  power  of  his  Spirit  to  bear 
testimony  against  the  hireling  shepherds,  who  fed 
themselves  and  not  the  flock.  Accompanied  by  a 
Friend,  he  went,  under  a sense  of  religious  duty,  to  a 
house  of  worship  at  Aspetry,  wLere  a clergyman  named 
Warwick  was  preaching.  On  seeing  the  Friends 
come  in,  Warwick  put  forth  some  questions  to  pro- 
voke them  to  speak,  but  they  held  their  peace  ; then 
he  called  on  the  constable  to  put  them  out,  but  that 
officer  bade  him  go  on  with  his  sermon,  saying, 
“They  do  not  disturb  us.”  When  the  service  was 
ended,  John  Burnyeat  began  to  speak  to  the  people, 
during  which  the  priest  got  away  without  allowing 
him  a full  opportunity  to  discharge  what  he  con- 
sidered his  religious  duty.  The  Friends  then  retired, 
and  proceeded  homewards,  but  John  Burnyeat  be- 
came greatly  distressed  under  an  apprehension  that 
he  had  failed  in  his  duty  by  sparing  the  priest  whom 
he  was  sent  to  reprove. 

Being  greatly  humbled  and  contrited  before  the 
Lord,  he  arose  with  boldness,  and  went  back  with 
speed  till  he  came  to  the  same  house  of  worship. 


156 


JOHN  BANKS. 


[1654. 


during  the  time  of  service  in  the  afternoon.  Having 
stood  in  silence  till  the  service  was  ended,  he  spoke 
to  the  priest  what  he  believed  the  Lord  required  of 
him,  and  then,  after  speaking  to  the  people  and 
clearing  his  conscience  fully,  he  returned  home  with 
great  peace  of  mind.  In  the  year  1657,  he  went  to 
Brigham,  to  speak  to  a priest  who  had  brought  many 
false  accusations  against  Friends;  and  after  waiting, 
as  usual,  until  the  service  was  ended,  he  fulfilled  what 
he  believed  to  be  his  duty,  but  immediately  some  of 
the  congregation  fell  upon  and  beat  him  severely, 
after  which  he  was  taken  before  Launcelot  Fletcher, 
who  committed  him  to  prison  in  Carlisle,  where  he 
remained  twenty-three  weeks. 

In  Cumberland,  the  meetings  of  Friends  continued 
to  increase,  and  among  those  added  to  their  number 
in  the  year  1654  was  John  Banks,  who  has  left  on 
record  some  account  of  his  religious  experience. 

He  was  born  at  Sunderland,  in  the  county  of  Cum- 
berland, in  the  year  1638,  and  in  early  life  removed 
with  his  parents  to  the  neighborhood  of  Pardshaw. 
Through  the  judicious  care  and  counsel  of  his  pious 
mother,  he  was  preserved  from  the  corrupting  influ- 
ence of  bad  examples,  and  being  sent  to  school  early, 
he  became  a diligent  and  exemplary  student.  At 
fourteen  years  of  age  his  father  put  him  to  teach 
school  at  Dessington,  and  the  following  year  he 
taught  at  Mosser  Chapel,  near  Pardshaw,  where  he 
read  the  Scriptures  and  the  homilies  of  the  Church 
of  England  to  those  who  attended  the  chapel  on  First 
days.  He  also  joined  with  them  in  singing  psalms 
and  public  prayer.  ‘‘For  this  service,”  he  says,  “my 
wages  from  the  people  was  to  be  twelve  pence  a year 
from  every  house  of  those  who  came  to  hear  me,  and 


1654.]  JOHN  BANKS.  157 

a fleece  of  wool,  and  my  table  free ; besides  twelve 
pence  a quarter  for  every  scholar  I bad,  being  twenty- 
four.”  Among  those  who  attended  the  chapel  was 
John  Fletcher,  a good  scholar,  but  a drunkard.  He 
took  John  Banks  aside  and  told  him  he  read  very 
well  for  a youth,  but  did  not  pray  in  proper  form, 
oflering  at  the  same  time  to  teach  him.  His  instruc- 
tions for  praying  were  sent  in  a letter,  which,  coming 
to  John  while  at  the  chapel,  he  went  out  to  read.  Xo 
sooner  had  he  read  it,  than  his  mind  became  con- 
vinced, through  the  immediate  operation  of  divine 
grace,  that  a qualification  for  gospel  ministry  and 
acceptable  prayer  can  only  come  by  “ the  revelation 
of  Jesus  Christ;”  and  the  language  arose  in  his 
heart,  in  relation  to  the  written  instructions  he  had 
just  been  reading,  Thou  hast  this  prayer  from  man, 
and  art  taught  it  by  man,  and  he  one  of  the  worst  of 
many.”  Under  the  solemn  feelings  then  experienced, 
he  determined  never  more  to  pray  in  that  formal  man- 
ner; and  an  impression  at  the  same  time  attended  his 
mind,  saying,  ‘‘  Go  to  the  meeting  of  the  people  in 
scorn  called  Quakers,  for  they  are  the  people  of  God.” 
Being  at  Pardshaw  meeting  the  next  First-day,  “ the 
Lord’s  power,”  he  says,  “ so  seized  upon  me  in  the 
meeting,  that  I was  made  to  cry  out  in  the  bitterness 
of  my  soul,  in  the  true  sight  and  sense  of  my  sins, 
which  appeared  exceeding  sinful;  ‘and  the  same 
evening,  as  I was  going  to  an  evening  meeting  of 
God’s  people,  scornfully  called  Quakers,  by  the  way 
I was  smitten  to  the  ground  with  the  weight  of  God’s 
judgment  for  sin  and  iniquity,  which  fell  heavy  upon 
me,  and  I was  taken  up  by  two  Friends.  Oh,  the 
godly  sorrow  that  took  hold  of  me  that  night  in  the 
meeting,  so  that  I thought  in  myself  every  one’s  con- 
14 


158 


JOHN  BANKS. 


[1654. 


N 


dition  was  better  than  mine!  A Friend,  who  was 
touched  with  a sense  of  mj  condition,  and  greatly 
pitied  me,  was  made  willing  to  read  a paper  in  the 
meeting,  which  was  so  suitable  to  my  condition  that 
it  helped  me  a little,  and  gave  some  ease  to  my 
spirit.” 

He  was  then  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  year  when  he  was  to  receive  compensation 
for  reading  at  the  chapel,  he  could  not  accept  it,  nor 
did  he  ever  again  read  prayers  to  the  congregation. 
For  some  years  he  continued  under  deep  religious 
exercise,  which  so  affected  him,  both  in  body  and 
mind,  that  he  had  to  relinquish  his  school.  He  then 
engaged  in  husbandry,  and  assisted  his  father  in 
business,  being  doubtless  convinced  that  useful  in- 
dustry promotes  physical  health  and  serenity  of 
mind.  At  length,  he  says,  ‘‘  I overcame  the  wicked 
one,  through  a diligent  waiting  in  the  light  and 
keeping  close  to  the  power  of  God  — waiting  upon 
him  in  silence  among  his  people,  in  which  exercise 
my  soul  delighted.”  Oh,  the  comfort  and  divine 
consolation  we  were  made  partakers  of  in  those  days ! 
and  in  the  inward  sense  and  feeling  of  the  Lord’s 
power  and  presence  with  us,  we  enjoyed  one  another, 
and  were  near  and  dear  one  unto  another.  But  it 
was  through  various  trials  and  deep  exercises,  with 
fear  and  trembling,  that  thus  we  were  made  par- 
takers. Blessed  and  happy  are  they  who  know  what 
the  truth  hath  cost  them,  and  hold  it  in  righteous- 
ness My  prosperity  in  the  truth  I always 

found  was  by  being  faithful  to  the  Lord  in  what  he 
manifested,  though  but  in  small  things,  unfaithful- 
ness in  which  is  the  cause  of  loss  and  hurt  to  many 
in  their  growth  in  the  truth.” 


1660.] 


JOHN  BANKS. 


159 


About  six  years  after  bis  convincement,  being  in 
the  year  1660,  be  appeared  in  tbe  gospel  ministry. 
“Tbe  Lord,”  be  says,  “ opened  my  month  with  a tes- 
timony in  tbe  fresb  spring  of  life,  that  I was  to  give 
forth  to  bis  children  and  people.”  “ Ob ! then  a great 
combat  I bad  tbroiigb  reasoning  that  I was  but  a 
child,  and  others  were  more  fit  and  able  to  speak  than 
I.  But  the  Lord  by  bis  power  brought  me  into  will- 
ingness, and  with  fear  and  trembling  I spoke  in  our 
blessed  meetings.” 

At  one  time,  as  be  was  sitting  in  silence  at  a meet- 
ing on  Pardsbaw  Crag,  bis  mind  was  deeply  exercised 
under  an  apprehension  of  religious  duty,  to  go  to  tbe 
parish  bouse  of  worship  at  Cockermoutb.  Although 
much  in  tbe  cross  to  bis  own  will,  be  yielded,  and 
went,  ^ben  be  entered  tbe  bouse,  tbe  minister  was 
preaching ; who  cried  out,  “ There  is  one  come  into 
tbe  church  like  a madman,  with  bis  bat  on  bis  bead. 
Churchwardens,  put  him  out.”  They  immediately 
thrust  him  out ; but  after  awhile  be  went  in  again, 
and  waited  till  tbe  service  was  ended.  Then  be  said 
to  tbe  priest,  ‘‘If  thou  be  a minister  of  Christ,  stand 
to  prove  thy  practice,  and  if  it  be  tbe  same  as  tbe 
apostles  and  ministers  of  Christ,  in  doctrine  and  prac- 
tice, I will  own  thee ; but  if  not,  I am  sent  of  God 
this  day  to  testify  against  thee.’  Tbe  priest  immedi- 
ately departed,  and  a great  uproar  ensued,  some  of 
tbe  people  being  disposed  to  maltreat  John  Banks, 
and  others  endeavoring  to  protect  him.  At  length 
be  was  hauled  out  of  tbe  bouse,  but  found  an  oppor- 
tunity in  tbe  yard  to  address  tbe  congregation,  open- 
ing to  them  tbe  truths  of  tbe  gospel  of  Christ,  after 
which  be  came  away  in  tbe  enjoyment  of  “sweet 
peace  and  spiritual  comfort.” 


160 


JOHN  BANKS. 


' [1660. 


It  was  not  long  before  be  experienced  the  common 
lot  of  nearly  all  the  Friends  of  that  day ; being  taken 
in  a religious  meeting  held  on  a common  at  a place 
called  Howhill,  in  Cumberland,  he  and  three  other 
Friends  were  committed  to  prison  at  Carlisle.  Being 
unwilling  to  pay  the  prison  fees  demanded  by  the 
jailer,  they  were  kept  in  the  common  jail  for  several 
days  and  nights  without  food,  drink,  or  bedding,  and 
their  friends  were  denied  the  privilege  of  supplying 
their  wants.  The  jailer,  finding  that  he  could  not 
efiect  his  purpose  by  this  means,  removed  them  into 
a room  in  his  own  house,  where  several  Friends  were 
imprisoned,  for  the  non-payment  of  tithes.  After 
about  two  weeks’  confinement  they  were  tried  at  the 
quarter  sessions,  and  set  at  liberty ; but  a considerable 
amount  was  taken  from  them  by  distraint  of  their 
goods  for  the  payment  of  fines.^ 

John  Banks  was  a devoted  and  efficient  minister 
of  the  gospel,  whose  labors  and  sufferings  will  again 
claim  our  notice. 

After  the  examination  of  George  Fox  at  Lancaster 
and  his  triumph  over  the  priests,  as  related  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  he  continued  his  religious  labors,  and 
about  the  beginning  of  the  year  1653  came  to  Swarth- 
more.  "While  there  he  heard  that  great  threats  had 
been  made  in  Cumberland,  that  if  ever  he  came  into 
that  county,  they  would  take  his  life.  Feeling  a con- 
cern to  go  into  the  very  parish  where  these  threats 
had  been  made,  he  went  accordingly,  and  found  that 
his  adversaries  had  no  power  to  touch  him.  On  his 
return  he  came  to  Colonel  West’s,  where  he  received 
a message  from  Swarthmore,  to  meet,  at  that  place, 


Journal  of  J.  Banks. 


1653.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


161 


Anthony  Pearson,  a justice  of  the  peace,  who  had 
been  an  opposer  of  Friends.  In  compliance  with  the 
request  he  went,  and  was  instrumental  in  confirming 
the  good  impressions  made  on  the  mind  of  Justice 
Pearson  the  preceding  year  at  Appleby  sessions.  He 
was  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends,  and 
became  a valuable  member  of  the  Society.  He  wrote 
a work  against  the  tithe  system  of  England,  in  which 
he  evinced  much  ability  and  research. 

George  Fox,  in  the  prosecution  of  his  religious 
labors,  came  to  Carlisle,  in  Cumberland,  where  he 
had  a meeting  in  the  Abbey,  with  a congregation 
who  were  chiefiy  Baptists,  another  in  the  Castle 
among  the  soldiers,  and  a third  at  the  Market-cross. 
In  these  meetings  he  gained  many  proselytes,  and, 
though  threatened  with  violence,  received  no  injury. 
On  the  following  First-day  he  went  to  the  parish 
house  of  worship,  where,  after  the  minister  had  done, 
he  began  to  preach.  The  magistrates  desired  him  to 
depart,  but  he  told  them  he  came  to  declare  the  way 
of  the  Lord  to  them,  and  so  powerful  was  his  minis- 
try, that  the  people  began  to  tremble,  and  some  of 
them  thought  the  house  itself  was  shaken.  At  length 
the  rude  populace  raised  a riot,  which  was  quelled  by 
the  soldiers,  some  of  whom  took  George  by  the  hand 
and  conducted  him  away.  The  next  day,  the  magis- 
trates being  assembled  in  the  Town  Hall,  issued  a 
warrant  for  his  apprehension,  and  he,  hearing  of  it, 
went  up  to  the  Hall,  where  he  found  many  false  accu- 
sations had  been  made  against  him.  He  had  much 
discourse  with  the  magistrates,  and  pointed  out  to 
them  the  fruits  of  their  priests’  ministry.  After  a 
long  examination,  they  committed  him  to  Carlisle 
prison,  as  a “blasphemer,  a heretic,  and  seducer. 
14* 


162 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1653. 


While  he  lay  in  jail  a report  went  abroad  that  he  was 
to  be  hanged,  which  caused  many  persons  to  visit 
him,  among  whom  were  some  ladies  of  rank,  and 
many  priests. 

When  the  assizes  came,  the  judges  refused  to  bring 
him  to  trial,  whereupon  Anthony  Pearson,  on  his 
behalf,  wrote  them  a letter,  remonstrating  against  his 
illegal  imprisonment,  and  claiming  for  him  a lawful 
trial,  a copy  of  his  charge,  and  the  privilege  of  an- 
swering for  himself.  In  this  letter  he  says,  To  my 
knowledge  he  utterly  abhors  and  detests  every  parti- 
cular, which  by  the  act  against  blasphemous  opinions 
is  appointed  to  be  punished,  and  differs  as  much 
from  those  people  against  whom  the  law  was  made, 
as  light  from  darkness.  Though  he  be  committed, 
judgment  is  not  given  him,  nor  have  his  accusers 
been  face  to  face,  to  afhrm  before  him  what  they  have 
informed  against  him ; nor  was  he  heard  as  to  the 
particulars  of  their  accusation,  nor  doth  it  appear  that 
any  word  they  charge  against  him  is  within  the  act.” 

This  remonstrance  was  unavailing;  the  judges  re- 
fused to  try  or  liberate  the  prisoner,  leaving  him  to 
be  dealt  with  by  the  magistrates,  who  ordered  the 
jailer  to  put  him  down  among  the  felons,  which  he 
did  accordingly.  In  this  noisome  prison  he  was  com- 
pelled to  associate  with  the  most  depraved  characters 
of  both  sexes,  but  such  was  the  influence  of  his  pure 
spirit  and  Christian  demeanor,  that  even  these  ne- 
glected and  hardened  criminals  evinced  their  love  and 
respect  for  him,  and  some  of  them,  being  convinced 
of  sin,  embraced  the  offers  of  redeeming  love. 

The  under-jailer  was  exceedingly  abusive,  and 
sometimes  beat  with  a great  cudgel  both  George  Fox 
and  the  Friends  who  came  to  see  him.  He  says  in 


1653.] 


GEOEGE  FOX. 


163 


his  journal,  While  he  struck  me  I was  moved  to 
sing  in  the  Lord’s  power,  which  made  him  rage  the 
more.  Then  he  fetched  a fiddler  and  set  him  to  play-, 
thinking  to  vex  me  ; but  while  he  played  I was  moved 
in  the  everlasting  power  of  the  Lord  God  to  sing,  and 
my  voice  drowned  the  noise  of  the  fiddle,  struck  and 
confounded  them,  and  made  them  give  over  fiddling, 
and  go  their  way. 

At  length  Anthony  Pearson  prevailed  on  the  go- 
vernor of  the  castle  to  go  with  him  and  inspect  the 
prison.  They  found  it  so  exceedingly  filthy  that 
“ they  cried  shame  upon  the  magistrates  for  suffering 
the  jailer  to  do  such  things.”  Calling  the  jailers  be- 
fore them  they  made  them  give  surety  for  their  good 
behavior;  and  the  under-jailer  who  had  been  so  cruel 
they  cast  into  the  dungeon  among  the  felons. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1653,  Oliver  Cromwell, 
having  found  the  Long  Parliament  inimical  to  his 
ambitious  designs,  dissolved  it  by  military  force,  and 
a few  months  afterwards,  he  summoned  a legislative 
body  consisting  of  a hundred  and  thirty-nine  of  his 
own  partisans,  nominated  by  himself  and  his  council 
of  officers.  This  assembly  was  popularly  known  by 
the  appellation  of  Barebones’  Parliament,  on  account 
of  one  of  its  members,  a leather-seller  of  London, 
whose  name  was  Praise  God  Barebones.^ 

^ It  appears  to  have  been  usual  among  the  most  fanatical  of  the 
Puritans  of  that  age  to  adopt  none  but  Scriptural  names,  and  some 
of  them  received  Baptismal  names  consisting  of  several  words  of  a 
favorite  text.  Here  are  the  names  of  a jury  said  to  have  been  im- 
panelled in  Sussex. 

Accepted  Trevor,  of  Norsham, 

Redeemed  Compton,  of  Battle, 

Faint  not  Hewit,  of  Heathfield, 


164  JAMES  PARNEL.  [1655. 

This  Parliament  on  hearing  a report  that  a young 
man,  imprisoned  at  Carlisle,  was  to  die  for  religion, 
caused  a letter  to  he  written  to  the  sheriff  and  magis- 
trates concerning  him.  It  was  probably  this  inquiry 
that  caused  the  justices  to  liberate  George  Fox,  for 
they  must  have  been  conscious  that  his  detention  was 
illegal. 

His  imprisonment,  which  continued  seven  months, 
had  the  usual  effect  of  promoting  the  cause  it  was  in- 
tended to  obstruct.  Among  the  proselytes  he  then 
made  were  James  Parnel  and  John  Stubbs,  both  of 
whom  became  valuable  ministers  in  the  Society  of 
Friends. 

James  Parnel  was  born  at  Eetford  in  Nottingham- 
shire,^ and  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  a good  education. 
From  his  own  account  of  his  religious  experience,^  it 
appears  that,  in  his  early  youth,  he  came  under  con- 


Make  Peace  Heaton,  of  Hare, 

God  Reward  Smart,  of  Fivehurst, 

^ Stand  fast  on  High  Stringer,  of  Crowhurst, 

Earth  Adams,  of  Warbleton, 

Called  Lower,  of  the  same. 

Kill  Sin  Pimple,  of  Witham, 

Return  Spelman,  of  Wabling, 

Be  Faithful  Joiner,  of  Britling, 

Fly  Debate  Roberts,  of  the  same. 

Fight  the  good  Fight  of  Faith  White,  of  Emer, 
More  Fruit  Fowler,  of  E.  Hadley, 

Hope  for  Bending,  of  the  same, 

Graceful  Harding,  of  Lewes, 

Weep  not  Billing,  of  the  same, 

Meek  Brewer,  of  Oakeham.' 

* Piety  Promoted,  I.  29. 

2 Fruits  of  a Fast,  ParneFs  Works,  English  Edition,  1675. 


* Broome’s  Travels  in  England,  p.  279;  quoted  in  Hume’s  England,  IV.  93. 


1653.] 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


165 


demnation  for  sin,  but  was  not  then  aware  of  the 
heavenly  nature  of  that  pure  light  which  in  secret 
reproved  him.  Being  brought  into  a serious  conside- 
ration of  his  sinful  condition,  he  resolved  to  amend, 
and  sin  no  more ; but  this  resolution  being  made  in 
his  own  will,  without  a reliance  upon  divine  aid,  did 
not  stand  in  the  hour  of  temptation,  and  he  was  again, 
through  unwatchfulness  and  disobedience,  brought 
under  suffering.  The  judgments  of  tlie  Lord  being 
experienced,  he  was  led  to  sincere  repentance,  and 
through  divine  grace,  an  effectual  change  was  wrought 
in  his  heart,  by  which  he  became  a vessel  of  honor, 
sanctified  for  the  Master’s  use.  In  this  condition, 
being  no  longer  able  to  conform  to  the  vain  customs 
and  formal  worship  prevailing  around  him,  he  became 
a subject  of  wonder  and  offence  to  his  acquaintance, 
and  even  his  relatives  became  his  enemies.  For  his 
testimony  to  the  truth,  he  encountered  obloquy  and 
reproach,  but  even  at  the  early  age  of  fifteen  years, 
through  divine  aid,  he  was  strengthened  to  bear  the 
cross,  and  despise  the  shame. 

A few  miles  distant  from  the  town  where  he  lived, 
he  met  with  a people  “ whom  the  Lord  was  gathering 
out  of  the  dark  world  to  sit  down  together  to  wait 
upon  his  name,”  and  with  them  he  felt  unity  of  spirit; 
but  they  soon  found  themselves  the  objects  of  reproach 
and  persecution.  Afterwards,  he  felt  himself  called 
to  visit  some  Friends  in  the  north  of  England,  with 
whom  he  says  “ he  had  union  in  spirit  before  he  saw 
their  faces.”  It  is  probable  that,  during  this  visit  in 
the  year  1653,  he  met  with  George  Fox,  then  in  prison 
at  Carlisle,  who  says  in  his  Journal:  ‘‘James  Parnel, 
a little  lad  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  came  to  see 
me,  and  was  convinced.”  From  this  visit  James 


166 


JOHN  STUBBS. 


[1654. 


returned  to  his  home,  and  pursued  his  temporal  voca- 
tion. In  his  eighteenth  year  he  was  impelled,  by  a 
sense  of  religious  duty,  to  visit  Cambridge,  not  know- 
ing the  service  that  might  be  required  of  him,  but 
fully  aware  of  the  danger  that  awaited  him,  for  he 
had  heard  before  of  the  cruelty  exercised  upon  two 
of  his  friends. 

When  he  arrived  there,  he  found  a Friend  in  prison 
for  bearing  a testimony  against  the  wickedness  which 
prevailed  in  that  seat  of  learning  and  licentiousness. 
When  James  Parnel  had  remained  in  Cambridge 
fourteen  days,  he  was  committed  to  prison  by  the 
mayor  for  publishing  two  papers  against  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  magistrates  and  of  the  priests.  He  was 
kept  in  prison  during  two  sessions,  and  then  he  was 
tried  on  a charge  of  publishing  scandalous  and  sedi- 
tious papers;  but  being  acquitted  by  a jury,  the 
magistrates  again  sent  him  to  prison  for  three  days, 
and  then  banished  him  from  the  city. 

It  was  not  long  until  he  again  came  to  the  city, 
where  he  preached  the  gospel  freely,  as  also  in  the 
counties  adjacent,  during  the  space  of  six  months, 
and  many  embraced  the  principles  he  taught,  for  his 
ministry  was  accompanied  by  that  unction  and  powei 
which  the  spirit  of  Christ  confers  upon  his  dedicated 
servants. 

John  Stubbs  was  a soldier  in  Cromwell’s  army,  and 
being  in  garrison  at  Carlisle  while  George  Fox  was 
imprisoned  there  in  the  year  1653,  became  acquainted 
with  him,  and  through  his  ministry  was  convinced  of 
the  doctrines  held  by  Friends.  He  had  received  a 
liberal  education,  and  was  skilled  not  only  in  Latin, 
Greek,  and  Hebrew,  but  in  the  Oriental  languages. 

In  the  year  1654,  when  Oliver  Cromwell  took  the 


1654.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


167 


government  into  liis  own  liands,  and  required  of  the 
soldiers  an  oath  of  fidelity,  John  Stubbs,  not  being 
willing  to  take  it,  retired  from  the  army.  As  he  con- 
tinued to  follow  the  leadings  of  Divine  Truth,  he  grew 
in  religious  experience,  and  having  received  a gift  in 
the  gospel  ministry,  he  became  instrumental  in  the 
conversion  of  many. 

Among  those  who,  about  this  time,  embraced  the 
principles  of  Friends,  George  Whitehead  claims  par- 
ticular notice,  on  account  of  the  conspicuous  place  he 
long  occupied  in  the  Society.  Tie  was  born  about  the 
year  1636,  in  the  parish  of  Orton,  and  county  of  West- 
moreland, of  reputable  parents,  who  gave  him  a good 
education.  From  his  own  narrative,  it  appears  that 
in  his  youth  he  attended  divine  worship  among  the 
Presbyterians  ; but  when  about  fourteen  years  of  age 
he  became  dissatisfied,  under  an  impression  that  in 
religious  experience  and  practice  they  did  not  come 
up  to  their  professions,  and  he  was  induced  to  seek 
among  others  a more  refined,  spiritual  religion. 

After  a short  time,  he  heard  of  the  “people  called 
Quakers,  who  trembled  at  the  w'ord  of  God,”  and 
observing  how  they  were  reviled  and  reproached  by 
loose  and  wicked  people,  he  felt  his  heart  drawn  to- 
wards them  before  he  had  been  at  any  of  their  meet- 
ings, or  heard  any  of  their  ministers.  At  that  time, 
good  desires  were  raised  in  his  mind  by  the  secret 
touches  of  divine  grace ; but  he  was  often  led  away 
through  levity  of  disposition  and  a fondness  for  music 
and  mirth.  After  these  deviations,  the  Lord  was 
graciously  pleased  to  follow  him  with  judgment  and 
reproof,  exciting  renewed  desires  for  holiness  ; but  he 
knew  not  then  that  it  was  the  light  of  Christ  wLich 
shone  in  his  heart  to  manifest  the  sins  of  his  youth. 


168 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1654. 


As,  in  the  beginning,  darkness  was  upon  the  face 
of  the  deep,  and  the  spirit  of  God  moved  upon  the 
waters,  saying,  ‘‘Let  there  be  light,  and  there  was 
light,”  so  in  that  great  work  of  divine  power  by  which 
man  is  created  anew  in  Christ  Jesus,  the  Spirit  of  God 
moves  upon  his  heart,  and  the  light  of  heavenly  truth 
shines  there,  to  manifest  the  formless  void,  and  by 
successive  steps  of  creative  power,  to  bring  it  into 
order  and  beauty. 

The  first  meeting  of  Friends  which  George  White- 
head  attended,  was  at  Sunny-Bank  near  Grayrig  cha- 
pel, in  Westmoreland.  After  a short  time  of  silence, 
a Friend  named  Thomas  Arey  spoke  of  the  spiritual 
deliverances,  travels,  and  progress  of  the  Lord’s  peo- 
ple, alluding  to  Israel’s  deliverance  out  of  Egypt  from 
under  Pharaoh  and  his  task-masters.  All  this  was 
understood  by  George  Whitehead,  as  spiritualized  by 
the  speaker,  but  that  which  most  struck  his  attention 
was  the  appearance  of  “ a great  power  of  the  Lord  in 
the  meeting  breaking  the  hearts  of  some  into  great 
sorrow,  weeping,  and  contrition,”  which  he  believed 
was  a godly  sorrow  for  sin,  in  order  to  unfeigned  re- 
pentance. He  particularly  noticed  a young  woman, 
who,  on  leaving  the  meeting,  sat  down  upon  the 
ground,  with  her  face  towards  the  earth,  as  though 
she  regarded  no  one  present,  and  moaning  bitterly, 
she  cried  out,  “ Lord,,niake  me  clean  ! O Lord  ! make 
me  clean  ! ” This  evidence  of  deep  emotion  had  more 
eftect  upon  his  feelings  than  all  the  ministry  he  had 
ever  heard,  and  was  to  him  a certain  evidence  that 
her  contrition,  as  well  as  the  trembling  and  sorrow 
he  beheld  in  others,  arose  from  a real  work  of  divine 
power. 

Believing  that  the  Lord  was  about  to  raise  up  a 


1654.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


169 


people  to  worship  him  in  spirit  and  in  truth,  George 
Whitehead  ceased  to  attend  on  the  ministry  of  the 
priests,  and  resorted  to  the  meetings  of  Friends,  which 
brought  upon  him  reproach  and  opposition  from  his 
relatives  and  others.  In  his  account  of  his  “ Christian 
Progress,”  he  says,  “ Some  time  after  I was  fully  con- 
vinced, and  my  mind  turned  to  the  light,  I was  per- 
suaded and  resolved  to  persevere  among  Friends, 
before  I heard  our  dear  Friend,  George  Fox.  The 
first  time  I heard  him  minister  was  at  an  evening 
meeting  at  Siinny-bank,  at  Captain  Henry  Ward’s 
house.  I was  then  very  low,  serious,  and  intent  in 
my  mind,  willing  to  see  and  taste  for  myself,  for  my 
own  inward  satisfaction ; and  I saw  and  felt  his  testi- 
mony was  weighty  and  deep,  and  that  it  proceeded 
from  life  and  experience,  and  did  bespeak  divine  re- 
velation, and  tended  to  bring  to  an  inward  feeling 
and  sense  of  the  life  and  power  of  Christ,  and  sanc- 
tifying operation  thereof  in  the  heart.  His  speech 
was  not  with  attecting  eloquence,  or  oratory,  or  human 
wisdom,  but  in  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel,  to  turn 
the  mind  to  the  light  and  life  of  Chriat,  and  the  Lord 
abundantly  blessed  his  ministry  to  many.”  . . . . 
‘‘After  some  time  that  I was  conversant  among  our 
Friends,  and  frequented  the  meetings  to  which  I be- 
longed, both  in  Westmoreland  and  Yorkshire,  chiefly 
between  the  years  1652  and  1654,  being  much  in- 
W’ardly  exercised  in  waiting  upon  the  Lord  among 
them,  where  we  had  little  preaching,  but  our  meet- 
ings kept  much  and  often  in  silence,  or  but  few  words 
declared.  The  Lord  was  pleased  sometimes,  by  his 
power  and  word  of  life,  both  to  tender  and  open  my 
heart  and  understanding,  so  that  he  gave  me,  (among 
some  others,)  now  and  then  a few  words  livingly  to 

I. -15 


170 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1654 


utter  in  some  meetings,  to  tlieir  and  my  comfort  in 
Him  who  opened  our  hearts,  in  great  love  one  to  an- 
other, which  then  increased  and  grew  among  us; 
blessed  be  the  Lord  our  God  for  ever.” 

“ It  was  out  of  these,  and  such  our  frequently  silent 
meetings^  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  raise  up  and  bring 
forth  living  witnesses,  faithful  ministers  and  true  pro- 
phets, in  early  days  in  Westmoreland  and  other 
northern  parts,  in  the  years  1654  and  1655 

“ The  Lord  gradually  brought  us  to  experience  what 
he  said  of  old  to  his  holy  prophet,  ‘Keep  silence  be- 
fore me,  0 Islands,  and  let  the  people  renew  their 
strength ; let  them  come  near,  then  let  them  speak ; 
let  us  come  together  in  judgment.’  Isaiah,  xli.  Oh  ! 
thus  keeping  silence  before  the  Lord,  and  thus  draw- 
ing near  to  him  in  a true  silent  frame  of  spirit,  to 
hear  first  what  the  Lord  speaks  to  us  before  we  speak 
to  others,  whether  it  be  of  judgment  or  mercy,  is  the 
way  for  renewing  our  strength,  and  to  be  his  minis- 
ters to  speak  to  others  only  what  he  first  speaks  to 
us.  Oh  ! that  the  people  truly  minded  this  ; Oh  ! that 
they  would  seriously  consider  hereof,  then  would  they 
not  run  after  or  follow  such  as  their  ministers,' priests 
or  prophets,  who  run,  and  God  never  sent  them,  who 
say,  ‘ Thus  saith  the  Lord,’  when  God  hath  not  spoken 
to  them,  and  who  shall  not  profit  the  people  at  all.”^ 
Jer.  xxiii. 

In  thC'Carly  part  of  his  religious  experience,  George 
Whitehead  was  convinced  that  tithes  ought  not  to  be 
required  nor  paid  under  the  gospel  dispensation  ; be- 
cause Christ’s  ministry  is  free;  he  said  to  his  disci- 
ples: “Freely  ye  have  received,  freely  give;”  and 


* Whitehead’s  Christian  Progress,  p.  11. 


1654.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


171 


moreover,  ‘^because  Jesus  Christ,  the  one  offering, 
and  great  apostle  and  high-priest  of  our  Christiati 
profession,  hath  by  the  one  offering  and  sacrifice  of 
himself,  put  an  end  to  tithes,  and  oblations,  or  offer- 
ings, and  the  priest’s  revenues,  together  with  that 
priesthood  and  first  covenant,  under  w^hich  they  were 
upheld  and  maintained.” 

From  his  youth  George  Whitehead  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  reading  the  Scriptures,  and  though  he  did 
not  then  understand  the  spiritual  nature  of  Christ’s 
kingdom,  yet  he  acknowledged  that  he  derived  benefit 
from  the  sacred  volume,  and,  when  further  advanced 
in  religious  experience,  as  the  Lord  opened  to  him, 
through  the  operations  of  his  grace,  the  truths  re- 
corded by  holy  men  of  old,  the  passages  treasured  in 
his  memory  were  sweetl}^  revived  in  his  secret  medi- 
tations, and  became  a source  of  comfort  and  encour- 
agement. 

Being  fully  persuaded  that  God  would  reveal  to  all 
his  dedicated  servants  that  which  Paul  said  was  a 
‘‘  mystery  among  the  Gentiles,”  but  made  known  to 
the  saints : even  Christ  in  them  the  hope  of  glory,^  he 
waited  in  humility  for  that  divine  visitation  which 
sanctifies  the  heart  and  enlightens  the  conscience.  As 
he  thus  waited,  he  received  ability,  and  was  called  to 
go  forth  on  a gospel  mission,  although  he  was  then 
less  than  eighteen  years  of  age. 

Having  acquainted  some  Friends  with  his  prospect 
of  visiting  some  counties  to  the  south  of  his  residence, 
he  left  Westmoreland  in  the  summer  of  1654,  havins: 
for  his  companion  Edward  Edwards,  a young  man 
who  afterwards  appeared  in  the  gospel  ministry. 


‘ Col.  1. 27. 


172  GEORGE  WHITEHEAD.  [1654. 

Travelling  on  foot,  they  first  went  to  York,  and 
attended  Friends’  meeting;  thence  to  the  southern 
part  of  that  county,  where  they  met  with  George  Fox 
and  other  Friends,  and  “were  comforted  together.” 
George  Whitehead  had  a testimony  to  bear  in  two 
“ steeple-houses,”  and  he  writes  that  “ he  met  with  no 
hard  usage  except  haling  out.''  Having  parted  with 
Edward  Edwards,  he  was  joined  by  Thomas  Ealison, 
and  they  went  into  Lincolnshire,  where  a burden 
came  upon  George  Whitehead  to  go  and  bear  testi- 
mony for  the  truth  in  two  “ steeple-houses,”  and  he 
says : “ I had  no  harm  nor  violence  at  either  except 
pulling  or  pushing  out,”  but  Thomas  Ealison  was 
much  abused  and  beaten. 

George  Whitehead  having  again  parted  with  his 
companion,  travelled  alone,  on  foot,  to  Cambridge, 
where  he  was  kindly  received  by  Alderman  Blake- 
ling  and  his  wife,  and  the  few  Friends  living  in  that 
city. 

From  Cambridge,  being  accompanied  by  Thomas 
Lightfoot,  he  went  to  Horwich  and  visited  Eichard 
Hubberthorne,  who  was  there  in  prison.  Several  per- 
sons having  been  convinced  of  Friends’  principles, 
through  his  testimony  and  sufferings,  they  came  to 
the  prison,  and  were  much  affected  under  the  tender- 
ing infiuence  of  Divine  Truth. 

The  most  noted  and  serviceable  man  in  that  city 
was  Thomas  Symonds,  a master  weaver,  who  enter- 
tained travelling  Friends.  He  was  an  honest,  exem- 
plary man  ; received  a gift  in  the  gospel  ministry,  and 
having  been  faithful  in  life,  he  died  the  death  of  the 
righteous. 

At  his  house  George  Whitehead  had  several  meet- 
ings, in  which  the  gospel  was  preached  with  authority 


1654.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


173 


and  success.  At  one  of  them,  an  Antinomian  preacher, 
named  Scarfe,  attended,  who  maintained  that  sin 
must  continue  through  life,  even  in  the  best  of  saints; 
and,  ‘‘yet,  though  they  continue  sinners  in  them- 
selves, they  are  not  under  the  law,  but  under  grace, 
and  reckoned  righteous  in  Christ.”  George  with- 
stood and  confuted  this  dark,  sin-pleasing  doctrine, 
showing  that  the  work  of  Christ  was  “ to  destroy  sin, 
and  save  his  people  from  transgression.” 

At  another  meeting,  a company  of  Eanters  attended, 
to  whom  sound  doctrine  was  preached  against  “ the 
lust  of  the  flesh,  the  lust  of  the  eye,  and  the  pride  of 
life;”  showing  that  they  who  lived  in  .such  things, 
professing,  at  the  same  time,  to  make  the  righteous- 
ness of  Christ  a cloak  for  their  sins,  must  sufler  con- 
demnation. Some  of  them  were  reached  by  the  word 
of  life,  and  being  convinced  of  their  danger,  expe- 
rienced repentance  and  reformation. 

Among  those  convinced  by  the  ministry  of  George 
"Whitehead,  in  the  year  1654,  were  John  Lawrence 
and  his  family,  Joseph  Lawrence  and  his  wife,  and 
William  Barber  and  wife,  who  became  useful  and 
exemplary  Friends.  William  Barber  afterwards  suf- 
fered imprisonment  in  FTorwich  castle  twenty  years 
for  the  non-payment  of  tithes,  which  he  bore  with 
patience  and  resignation.^ 

At  Mendlesham,  in  Suffolk,  a meeting  of  Dissenters 
had  been  kept  for  some  time  at  the  house  of  Robert 
Duncan,  and  several  preachers  usually  attended.  To 
this  meeting  George  Whitehead  came  on  the  first  dav 
of  the  week,  and  they  sat  together  for  a while  in 
silence;  but  the  preachers  becoming  uneasy,  mani- 


^ WhiteheaTs  Christian  Progress,  30. 

15  * 


174 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1654. 


fested  a desire  for  vocal  service ; whereupon  Eobert 
Duncan  spoke  a few  words  to  this  purpose : That 

peradventure  the}^  had  been  too  much  in  wmrds,  or 
depending  on  men’s  teaching;  therefore  God  now  might 
see  it  meet  to  bring  them  into  silence,  that  the}^  might 
come  more  to  depend  upon  him  for  teaching.”  Some 
of  the  preachers  were  for  putting  forward  one  or 
another  of  them  to  prayer,  during  which  George 
Whitehead  bore  patiently  with  their  voluntary  de- 
votions,” until  at  length  the  Lord  opened  in  his  heart 
the  spring  of  life,  and  he  was  enabled  to  speak  in  the 
authority  of  truth,  “ To  turn  their  minds  to  the  true 
light,  that  they  might  know  the  immortal  seed  and 
birth  which  is  from  above.”  His  ministry  w^as  eflec- 
tual  in  bringing  many  of  them  to  a state  of  silent 
waiting  upon  Christ,  and  a Friends’  meeting  was 
established  there.  Some  of  their  teachers  left  them 
for  a time,  hut  afterwards  returned ; among  whom 
was  Edward  Plumstead,  sen.,  who  became  a minister 
among  Friends. 

George  Whitehead  having  returned  to  Hor^uch, 
went  on  a lecture  day  to  a place  of  worship  ‘‘  called 
Peter’s  church,”  where,  after  the  sermon  was  ended, 
he  began  to  speak,  hut  was  violently  hauled  out  and 
abused.  He  was  taken  before  the  mayor,  wdio  exa- 
mined him,  chiefly  on  the  subject  of  water  baptism, 
and  then  committed  him  to  the  city  jail,  where  James 
Lancaster  was  also  imprisoned  for  exhorting  the  peo- 
ple to  repentance  in  the  market  at  Norwich.  At  the 
next  sessions  they  were  tried  before  Judge  Cock,  who 
was  incensed  at  their  not  putting  ofi"  their  hats  before 
him,  which  he  considered  a contempt  of  the  court. 
He  was  informed  that  they  were  actuated  by  con- 
scientious motives,  as  they  could  not  pay  that  mark 


1655.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


175 


of  homage  to  any  h'ut  the  Supreme  Being.  They 
were  again  committed  to  prison,  where  they  lay  eight 
weeks,  in  the  winter  season,  and  suffered  much  from 
cold  and  hard  usage. 

George  'Whitehead,  after  his  release  from  prison, 
continued  to  travel  in  Xorfolk  and  Suffolk,  holding 
meetings  and  bearing  testimony  to  the  spiritual  nature^ 
of  Christ’s  kingdom.^ 

At  Mendlesham  meeting,  held  at  Bohert  Duncan’s, 
in  the  year  1655,  he  was  instrumental  in  convincing 
of  the  principles  of  Friends,  George  Fox  the  younger, 
an  inhabitant  of  Suffolk.^  This  Friend  took  the 
appellation  of  the  younger,  because  he  considered 
himself  less  advanced  in  religious  experience  than  his 
more  distinguished  cotemporaiy  of  the  same  name. 
He  had  been  several  years  in  the  Parliament’s  army ; 
hut  after  he  became  a Friend,  he  received  a gift  in 
the  gospel  ministry,  and  proved  to  he  a valiant  soldier 
in  the  Lamb’s  warfare.  He  was  remarkable  for  his 
undaunted  courage  in  bearing  witness  against  the 
corruption  of  priests  and  rulers,  as  well  as  for  his 
patient  endurance  of  much  suffering  for  the  cause  of 
truth." 

At  Charsfield,  where  George  Fox  the  younger  then 
lived  with  his  father,  George  'Whitehead  had  a memo- 
rable meeting,  which  Avas  held  in  an  orchard.  He 
says  in  his  journal : “I  was  wonderfully  assisted  and 
enlarged  in  my  testimony  for  Christ  Jesus  and  his 
blessed  gospel  truth,  insomuch  that  I was  enabled  to 
stand  upon  a joint  stool,  though  slippery,  near  five 
hours  that  day,  preaching  the  truth  and  opening  the 


^ Christian  Progress,  52. 

2 Whitehead’s  Christian  Progress,  53. 

* Works  of  George  Fox  the  younger,  London,  1665,  p.  71. 


176 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1655. 


things  which  concerned  the  kingdom  of  Christ.”  A 
considerable  portion  of  this  long  meeting  was  proba- 
bly occupied  in  answering  objections;  for  it  appears 
that  John  Burch,  a Baptist  minister,  put  some  ques- 
tions in  relation  to  water  baptism,  which  were  an- 
swered so  satisfactorily  that  he  was  convinced,  and 
some  years  afterwards  became  an  acceptable  minister 
among  Friends. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  same  meeting  several 
Independent  ministers,  who  were  present,  charged 
Friends  with  denying  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the 
ordinances  of  Christ;  which  accusations  were  answered 
by  George  Whitehead,  and  the  truths  of  the  gospel 
were  so  fully  set  forth  that  many  were  convinced,  and 
a meeting  of  Friends  was  soon  after  settled  at  that 
place. 

George  Whitehead  being  subsequently  joined  in 
his  religious  labors  by  Bichard  Ilubberthorne,  they 
were  instrumental  in  spreading  their  principles  in  the 
counties  of  Suffolk  and  Norfolk,  where  many  meetings 
of  Friends  were  established.^ 

In  the  Fifth  month,  1655,  George  Whitehead  being 
joined  by  Eichard  Clayton,  they  travelled  into  Essex, 
where  they  visited  James  Parnel,  then  in  prison  at 
Colchester ; from  thence  they  proceeded  on  foot  to- 
wards London,  but  meeting  George  Fox  and  Amos 
Stoddard  on  the  way,  they  concluded  to  stay  with 
them  and  attend  some  meetings  in  Essex.  In  these 
meetings  they  heard  George  Fox  earnestly  engaged 
in  gospel  ministry,  exposing  the  corruptions  that  ex- 
isted in  the  world,  and  opening  the  truths  of  spiritual 
religion. 


^ George  Whitehead's  Christian  Progress,  64. 


1655.] 


PERSECUTION. 


17T 


George  Whitehead  and  Richard  Clayton,  accom- 
panied by  John  Harwood  of  Yorkshire,  held  a meet- 
ing in  a barn  at  South  Halstead,  which  was  well 
attended,  and  greatly  blessed  with  the  evidence  of 
divine  life.  They  then  proceeded  on  their ^way,  and 
passing  through  a town  called  Buers,  in  Suffolk, 
Richard  Clayton  posted  on  the  door  of  the  parish 
house  of  worship  a paper,  in  which  he  showed  that 
priests  who  preach  for  hire  and  divine  for  money  are 
testified  agaiust  in  the  Scriptures.  This  paper  giving 
offence,  they  were  summoned  before  a justice  of  the 
peace,  who  caused  Richard  Clayton  to  be  whipped 
and  sent  out  of  town,  while  George  Whitehead  and 
John  Harwood,  who  had  no  share  in  the  transaction, 
were  committed  to  prison  at  Edmundsbury.  About 
a month  afterwards,  George  Rofe  was  committed  to 
the  same  prison  for  no  other  offence  than  asking  a 
question  of  a clergyman  after  he  had  ended  his  ser- 
mon. These  three  Friends,  being  brought  to  trial  at 
the  quarter  sessions  under  false  accusations,  were  pro- 
nounced guilty,  and  sentenced  to  pay  a fine  of  twenty 
nobles  each,  in  default  of  which  they  were  detained 
in  prison. 

On  the  day  of  their  trial,  George  Fox  the  younger 
admonished  one  of  the  justices  to  repent  of  his  unjust 
proceedings ; and  for  this  reproof  he  was  committed 
to  prison  with  his  brethren. 

About  the  same  time,  Henry  Marshall,  for  speaking 
to  a clergyman  after  his  sermon  was  ended,  was  also 
committed  to  Edmundsbury  prison. 

The  five  Friends,  thus  committed  to  prison,  were 
at  first  confined  in  an  upper  room,  for  which  the  jailer 
required  them  to  pay  rent;  but  they,  having  a prospect 
of  a long  imprisonment,  determined  not  to  comply 


178 


PERSECUTION. 


[1655 


with  his  demand.  They  were  Then  thrust  into  the 
common  ward  among  felons,  which  is  described  as  a 
low,  dungeon-like  place,  their  lodging  being  on  straw 
spread  upon  the  damp  earthen  floor.  The  jailer  kept 
a bar-room,  to  supply  the  prisoners  with  beer,  and 
some  of  the  felons  being  frequently  drunk,  scenes  of 
violence  and  profanity  ensued,  which  were  extremely 
painful  to  the  Friends.  These  patient  sufferers  bore  a 
faithful  testimony  against  the  wickedness  of  the  other 
prisoners,  and  abstained  from  the  use  of  intoxicating 
drinks,  which  disappointing  the  jailer  of  his  expected 
profits,  he  became  exceedingly  abusive,  and  encour- 
aged the  felons  to  commit  acts  of  violence  upon  them. 
Frequently  they  were  subjected  to  severe  blows  upon 
the  face,  causing  the  effusion  of  blood ; and  in  more 
than  one  instance  a drunken  prisoner  threatened  to 
kill  them.  These  wanton  insults  and  blows  they 
endured  with  Christian  meekness,  but  when  one  of 
the  criminals,  rendered  furious  by  drink,  attempted 
to  kill  his  own  child,  a boy  about  ten  years  of  age, 
that  was  in  prison  with  him,  four  of  the  Friends  held 
him  securely  by  the  hands  and  feet  for  a full  hour, 
until  his  frenzy  subsided,  and  thus  they  frustrated 
his  murderous  intention. 

During  this  protracted  and  painful  imprisonment, 
many  Friends  came  a considerable  distance  to  see 
them,  but  were  often  denied  access  by  the  cruel 
jailer.  Among  these  s}mipathizing  visiters  was  Wil- 
liam Dewsbury,  whose  words  of  counsel  and  encour- 
agement w^ere  peculiarly  grateful.  After  they  had 
been  detained  more  than  twelve  months,  their  unjust 
imprisonment  and  barbarous  treatment  were  repre- 
sented to  Cromwell  through  the  intervention  of  Mary 


1656.] 


PERSECUTION. 


179 


Saunders,  a member  of  his  household,  and  an  order 
was  obtained  for  their  release. 

It  is  remarked  by  George  '\7hitehead,  that  Mary 
Saunders  ‘‘was  a sober  maid  and  a good  example”  in 
Cromwell’s  family  ; she  afterwards  married  a worthy 
Friend,  named  Henry  Stout,  of  Hertford,  and  con- 
tinued to  the  end  of  her  days  in  true  Christian  faith 
and  love  to  Friends. 

In  pursuance  of  the  Protector’s  order,  the  impri- 
soned Friends  were,  in  the  year  1656,  released  by 
Sir  Francis  Russel,  who  kindly  furnished  them  with 
an  order  or  warrant  to  produce  in  their  defence  if 
they  should  be  molested  in  their  travels. 

Their  fidelity  and  patience  were  the  means  of  con- 
vincing many  of  their  religious  principles;  and  the 
divine  support  they  experienced  during  their  impri- 
sonment is  gratefully  acknowledged  in  the  Journal 
of  George  Whitehead.^  “I  am,”  he  says,  “still  truly 
and  humbly  thankful  to  the  Lord  our  God  in  remem- 
brance of  his  great  kindness  to  us ; how  wonderfully 
he  supported  and  comforted  us  through  and  over  all 
these  our  tribulations,  strait  confinement,  and  ill 
usage,  and  preserved  us  in  bodily  health.  In  the 
comfortable  enjoyment  of  his  glorious  divine  power 
and  presence,  several  of  us  have  often  been  made  to 
sing  aloud  in  praise  to  his  glorious  name ; yea,,  his 
high  praises  have  been  in  our  mouths  oftentimes,  to 
the  great  amazement  and  astonishment  of  the  male- 
factors shut  up  in  the  same  ward  with  us.  When 
walking  therein,  our  hearts  have  been  lifted  up  in 
living  praise  to  the  Lord,  often  for  several  hours  to- 
gether, with  voices  of  melody.”  . . . . “ 0 my  soul ! 


Christian  Progress,  94, 


180 


LONDON. 


[1654. 


still  bless  tliou  the  Lord,  and  for  ever  praise  bis  ex- 
cellent name,  for  the  true  inward  sense  and  experi- 
ence thou  hast  often  and  long  had,  and  still  hast,  of 
his  divine  power  and  unspeakable  goodness  ! Glory 
and  dominion  be  to  our  God  and  to  the  Lamb  that  sits 
upon  the  throne  for  ever  and  ever ! Let  the  praise 
be  unto  Him  in  whom  is  our  help,  salvation,  and 
strength.” 


CHAPTER  YI. 

LONDON. 

1654-6. 

The  first  meetings  of  the  Society  of  Friends  held  in 
the  city  of  London  were  in  the  early  part  of  the  year 
1654,  and  the  first  messengers  were  Isabel  Buttery 
and  a female  companion.  Taking  with  them  a 
printed  Epikle  of  George  Fox,  addressed  To  all  that 
would  know  the  way  to  the  kingdom,”^  they  dis- 
tributed this  tract  among  those  who  were  willing  to 
receive  it,  and  they  held  private  rheetings  at  Robert 
Dring’s  house  in  Watling  street,  and  at  Simon  Hring’s 
in  Moorfields,  where  they  sometimes  spoke  a few 
words  in  gospel  ministry.^  The'  distribution  of 
Friends’  books  being  considered  by  the  Mayor  an  of- 
fence deserving  punishment,  Isabel  Buttery  was  com- 
mitted to  Bridewell,  which  is  the  first  instance  on 

* The  first  tract  in  his  Doctrinals. 

2 Memoirs  of  W.  Crouch,  London,  1712. 


1G54.]  LETTERS  OF  BURROUGH  AXD  HOWGILL. 


181 


record  of  Friends’  suffeidngs  for  conscience’  sake  in 
Londond 

In  the  memoirs  of  l\"illiam  Crouch,  he  says,  ^‘In 
the  Fifth  month  of  this  year,  1654,  it  pleased  God  to 
send  two  of  his  faithful  messengers  and  able  ministers 
to  the  city  of  London,  viz.,  Francis  Ilowgill  and  Ed- 
ward Burrough,  who  were  the  first  that  declared 
Truth  'publicly  there,  whom  He  made  instruinents  in 
his  hand  for  the  gathering  of  many,  who,  like  good 
old  Simeon,  were  waiting  for  the  consolation  of 
Israel.”  . . . . The  Lord  was  pleased  to  visit  a tender 
seed  in  and  about  the  city  of  London  by  these  his 
chosen  instruments ; and  as  he  opened  the  hearts  of  a 
remnant  to  receive  the  word  of  life  and  believe  in  it ; 
such  opened  their  doors  for  meetings  in  their  houses, 
and,  for  some  time,  it  so  continued,  that  they  met 
from  house  to  house.” 

John  Audland,  John  Camm,  Kichard  Huhher- 
thorne,  and  Anthony  Pearson,  soon  after  visited  the 
metropolis,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  two  faithful 
ministers  already  mentioned,  they  were  instrumental 
in  making  many  proselytes. 

The  establishment  of  Friends’  meetino:s  in  London 
being  a subject  of  much  importance  in  the  history  of 
the  society,  some  passages  from  the  correspondence 
of  those  who  were  en2;ao:ed  in  the  work  are  deemed 
sufliciently  interesting  to  be  worthy  of  insertion.^ 

In  a letter  from  Edward  Burroimh  and  Francis 
Howgill  to  Margaret  Fell  dated  London  29th  of  Sixth 
month  [Eighth  month]  1654,  they  write:  ‘‘lYe  have 
three  meetings  or  more  every  week,  very  large,  more 
than  any  place  will  contain,  and  which  we  can  conve- 


^ Letters  of  Early  Friends,  Part  I.  No.  2. 

L — 16 


■'*  Ibid. 


182  LETTERS  OF  BURROUGH  AND  HOWGILL.  [1654 

niently  meet  in.  MaDy  of  all  sorts  come  to  us,  and 
many  of  all  sects  are  convinced,  — yea,  hundreds  do 
believe ; and  by  the  power  of  the  gospel  declared 
amongst  them  is  the  witness  for  God  raised  which 
shall  never  die.  There  are  some  brought  under  the 
power  exceedingly,  which  strikes  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  many  ; and  many  lie  under  true  judgment, 
and  a true  love  is  raised  up  in  many,  and  the  time  of 
redemption  to  many  is  drawing  nigh.”  . . . “ Onr  dear 
brethren  John  Audland  and  John  Camm,  went  from 
us  the  last  Sixth  day  out  of  this  cit}^  towards  Oxford, 
to  be  there  the  last  First-day ; our  hearts  were  broken 
in  separating  one  from  another,  for  our  lives  are 
bound  up  in  one,  and  we  partake  of  one  another’s 
suflerings  and  of  one  another’s  joy.  We  receive  letters 
every  week  from  the  prisoners  at  Chester:  the  work 
of  the  Lord  goes  on  gloriously  in  that  county,  there  is 
precious  seed  ; and  Anthony  Pearson  writes  to  us  of 
the  like  in  the  county  of  Bishoprick,  [Durham,]  it  is 
even  our  reward  to  hear  that  the  Lord  is  raising  up 
that  in  power,  which  was  sown  in  weakness : to  the 
Lord  of  glory,  be  glory  forever  ! ” 

About  a month  later,  Francis  Howgill  writes  to 
Eobert  Widders : 

‘‘Dear  Brother  : — E.  B.  [Edward  Burrough]  and  I 
stay  still  in  this  city:  large  is  the  love  of  God  to  us, 
and  the  work  of  the  Lord  prospers  in  our  hands; 
eternal  living  praises  [to  Him]  for  evermore.  We 
are  here  among  this  great  people  in  much  weakness ; 
and  when  we  see  such  multitudes,  we  are  often  put 
to  a stand  where  one  might  get  bread  to  satisfy  so 
many.  But  the  wisdom  and  power  of  God  hath  been 
with  us,  and  there  are  hundreds  convinced ; but  not 


1654.] 


GEORGE  FOX  IN  LONDON. 


183 


many  great  or  noble  do  receive  our  testimony : yet 
there  are  manj^  put  to  a stand  and  brought  into  silence, 
and  many  are  under  deep  judgment  and  true  power.” 
. . . ‘‘Miles  Halhead  and  James  Lancaster  were  here, 
and  came  to  visit  us ; they  staid  one  First-day,  and 
BO  were  moved  towards  Cambrids^e.  T^'e  are  much 
refreshed;  we  receive  letters  from  all  quarters;  the 
work  goes  on  fast  everywhere ; eternal  living  praises 
to  Him  for  ever !” 

In  the  Twelfth  month,  1654  [equivalent  to  Second 
month,  1655],  George  Fox  was  arrested  by  Colonel 
Hacker,  and  sent  to  London  under  charge  of  Captain 
Drury,  one  of  Cromwell’s  life-guards.  He  was  lodged 
at  the  Mermaid  inn,  near  Charing  Cross,  and  being 
informed  that  the  Protector  required  him  to  promise 
that  he  would  not  take  up  a carnal  sword  against  him 
or  the  government  as  it  then  was,  he  gave  no  imme- 
diate answer ; but  the  next  morning  he  addressed  a 
letter  to  Cromwell,  stating  that  “ he  did,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Lord,  declare  that  he  denied  the  wearing 
or  drawing  a carnal  sword,  or  any  other  outward 
weapon  against  him  or  any  man.”  And  furthermore, 
“that  he  was  sent  of  God  to  stand  a witness  against 
all  violence,  and  against  the  works  of  darkness,  to 
turn  people  from  darkness  to  the  light ; to  bring  them 
from  the  occasion  of  war  and  fighting  to  the  peaceable 
gospel ; and  from  being  evil-doers,  which  the  magis- 
trates’ sword  should  be  a terror  to.” 

This  letter  being  handed  to  Cromwell,  he  required 
the  attendance  of  George  Fox,  who  was  brought 
before  him  at  Whitehall,  on  the  19th  of  Twelfth 
month,  1654.  In  the  interview  that  ensued,  Cromwell 
conducted  himself  moderately,  and  George  Fox,  with 


184 


GEORGE  FOX  IN  LONDON. 


[1654. 


his  usual  frankness,  avowed  his  principles,  declaring 
against  the  mercenary  character  of  the  clergy,  and 
showing  that  Christ’s  ministers  preached  freely.  As 
he  was  aliout  to  withdraw,  the  Protector  took  him  by 
the  hand,  and  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  said,  “ Come 
again  to  my*liouse;  for  if  thou  and  I were  hut  an 
hour  of  a day  together,  we  should  he  nearer  one  to 
the  other;”  adding,  ^‘that  he  wished  him  no  more 
ill  than  he  did  to  his  own  soul.”  As  George  Fox- 
passed  through  the  palace,  he  was  brought  into  a hall, 
where  the  gentlemen  of  the  household  were  to  dine, 
and  he  was,  by  the  Protector’s  order,  invited  to  dine 
with  them.  But  he  told  them  to  inform  the  Pro- 
tector, that  “ he  would  not  eat  of  his  bread  nor  drink 
of  his  drink.”  When  Cromwell  heard  this,  he  re- 
plied : ^^IsTow  I see  there  is  a people  risen  that  I can- 
not win  with  gifts,  honors,  offices,  or  places;  hut  all 
other  sects  and  people  I can.” 

In  a letter  from  Alexander  Parker  to  Margaret 
Fell,  dated  London,  10th  of  First  month  [Third 
month],  1655,  he  alludes  to  another  interview  with 
the  Protector,  as  follows : ‘‘  Our  dearly  beloved  one, 
George  Fox,  is  set  free  by  Oliver  Cromwell,  to  go 
whither  he  pleaseth  : he  was  never  under  any  re- 
straint, but  had  liberty  to  pass  among  Friends.  On 
the  6th  day  of  this  instant  he  was  brought  before  the 
Protector,  and  was  with  him  a pretty  while  in  his 
chamber  at  Westminster;  he  was  very  loving  to  him, 
and  wished  him  to  come  again  to  him ; and  after- 
wards set  him  free,  to  go  whither  he  pleased.  So  we 
are  yet  in  this  city,  and  for  a while  continue  in  it ; 
there  are  many  Friends  come  up,  as  Francis  Howgill 
and  Edward  Burrough,  Thomas  Salthouse,  Miles 
Halhead,  William  Caton,  John  Stubbs,  and  several 


1655.] 


LETTERS  OF  EARLY  FRIENDS. 


185 


others ; but  I believe  Tve  shall  disperse  abroad  after 
to-morrovr.” 

During  the  sojourn  of  George  Fox  in  the  metropo- 
lis, he  was  much  engaged  in  religious  services,  having 
conferences  with  Friends  and  others,  and  holding 
large  meetings  in  which  he  preached  the  gospel  with 
remarkable  success. 

‘ The  crowds  who  attended  his  meetings  were  often 
so  great,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  he  reached  the 
houses  where  they  were  held. 

It  appears  from  the  letters  of  some  of  the  Friends 
then  in  London,  that  they  had  a large  house  for  public 
meetings,  which  they  called  their  threshing-floor  ; and 
several  other  places  of  meeting  for  those  who  were 
convinced  of  their  doctrines.  In  these  more  private 
meetings  they  could  enjoy  their  silent  devotions,  or 
receive  counsel  adapted  to  their  conditions,  while  at 
their  “ threshing-floor,”  the  multitudes  who  flocked 
to  hear  Fox,  Ilowgill,  and  Burrough,  were  reached 
and  contrited  by  their  powerful  and  persuasive  min- 
istry. 

Edward  Burrough  and  Francis  IIowgill  to  Marga- 
ret Fell. 

London,  27th  of  First  Month  [Third  Mo.]  1655. 

Dear  Sister,  who  art  a fruitful  branch  in  the  living 
vine,  and  a pleasant  plant  in  the  garden  of  God.  AVe 
have  been  in  this  city  near  three  weeks  in  great  labor 
and  service.  G.  [G.  Fox,]  with  many  more  of  our 
brethren,  was  here  wffien  we  came.  AA"e  all  staid  over 
one  First-day  after  w^e  two  came  into  the  city.  G. 
W’as  that  day  in  private  with  Friends;  and  we  two 
W'ere  in  the  general  meeting-place  among  the  rude 
world,  threshing  and  ploughing ; and  the  rest  of  our 
16* 


186 


LETTERS  OF  EARLY  FRIENDS.  [1655. 


brethren  were  that  day  at  several  meetings,  some  at 
one  and  some  at  another,  and  some  among  the  Bap- 
tists and  gathered  people  ; and  great  service  there  was 
that  day.  Then,  shortly  after  that  First-day,  the 
brethren  separated  into  the  fields  [the  country]  to 
reap  and  gather  in.  Richard  Cleaton  and  Thomas 
Bond  went  towards  Norwich  and  into  Suffolk  and 
that  way,  and  are  in  great  service  there.  John  Stubbs 
and  William  Caton  went  towards  Dover.  We  have 
received  one  letter  from  them  since  they  went  to  Do- 
ver; the  mayor  and  the  ofiicers  strictly  examined  and 
charged  them  to  keep  the  peace  ; they  were  with  some 
gathered  people,  and  at  some  steeple-houses,  and  had 
little  persecution.  Miles  Halhead  and  Thomas  Salt- 
house  w'ent  towards  Plymouth ; they  had  a great 
meeting  one  First-day  in  Reading;  and  many,  they 
wrote,  were  convinced.  G.  F.  is.  at  present  in  Bed- 
fordshire ; Alexander  Parker  is  with  him ; there  is  a 
people  that  way.  John  Audland  was  here  with  us, 
but  goes  towards  Bristol  shortly  for  aught  we  know. 
James  Lancaster  was  with  us  in  this  city,  but  is  gone 
to  George.  R.  Hubleerthorne  is  yet  in  prison.  John 
Camm  is  at  or  near  Bristol.  We  believe  that  G.  [Fox] 
will  return  to  this  city  again.  We  two  are  too  few  in 
this  city  for  the  service,  for  truly  it  is  very  great ; at 
present  many  come  in  daily  to  the  acknowledgment 
of  the 'Truth.  Friends  are  so  many  that  not  one 
place  can  hold  them  on  the  First-days,  where  we  can 
peaceably  meet,  for  the  rude  people ; for  since  we 
came  they  have  been  very  rude,  — very  oft  to  pull  us 
down  when  we  have  been  speaking.  G.  [Fox]  was 
at  the  great  meeting-place  two  First-days  before  we 
came,  and  his  voice  and  outward  man  w^as  almost 
spent  amongst  them. 


1655.] 


LETTERS  OF  EARLY  FRIENDS. 


187 


have  thus  ordered  it  since  we  came, — we  get 
Friends  on  the  First-da^^s  to  meet  together  in  several 
places  out  of  the  rude  multitude,  &c.,  and  we  go  to 
the  great  meeting-place  which  we  have,  which  will 
hold  a thousand  people,  which  is  always  nearly  filled, 
[there]  to  thresh  among  the  world ; and  we  stay  till 
twelve  or  one  o’clock,  and  then  pass  away,  the  one 
to  one  place,  and  the  other  to  another  place,  where 
Friends  are  met  in  private,  and  stay  till  four  or  five 
o’clock.  * * * * E.  B.,  F.  H. 

Francis  Howgill  and  Edward  Burrough  embraced  ^ 
every  opportunity  that  offered  to  advocate  the  cause 
of  Truth.  An  anecdote  is  related  by  Sewel,  which 
illustrates  the  zeal  of  those  undaunted  reformers.  It 
was  then  the  custom  in  London,  during  the  summer 
season,  for  many  tradesmen,  when  they  left  off  work 
in  the  evening,  to  resort  to  the  fields,  in  order  to  try 
their  skill  and  strength  in  wrestling.  , On  one  occa- 
sion, as  Edward  Burrough  passed  by  the  place  where 
they  were  wu’estling,  he  saw  standing  in  the  ring  a 
strong  and  dexterous  man,  who  had  already  thrown 
three  others,  and  was  waiting  for  a fourth  charnpion 
to  present  himself.  Xone  being  bold  enough  to  ven- 
ture, Edward  Burrough  stepped  into  the  ring,  and, 
having  looked  upon  the  wrestler  with'  a serious  coun- 
tenance, began  to  preach  the  gospel,  greatly  to  the 
surprise  of  all  present. 

He  spoke  with  heart-piercing  power,  declaring  that 
“ God  had  not  left  himself  without  a witness,  but  had 
given  to  man  a measure  of  his  grace,  and  enlightened 
every  one  with  the  light  of  Christ.”  This  unexpected 
and  earnest  address  was  so  effectual  that  some  of  the 
spectators  were  convinced  of  the  doctrines  he  preached. 


188  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  FRIENDS.  [1655. 

By  a letter  from  Alexander  Parker  to  Margaret 
Fell,  dated  London,  10th  of  3d  month,  1655,  it  appears 
that  George  Fox  still  remained  in  the  city ; that  seven 
or  eight  meetings  of  Friends  were  held  every  First- 
day,  and  that  many  were  daily  convinced  of  their 
doctrines.  The  following  passage  from  this  letter 
will  show  the  deference  paid  to  George  Fox  by  the 
Friends  of  London,  who  had  recently  become  ac- 
quainted with  him : “ Here  are  in  this  city  many 
precious  Friends,  and  tbey  begin  to  know  George, 
though  at  the  first  he  was  strange  to  them,  and  one 
thing  they  all  take  notice  of,  that  if  George  be  in  the 
company,  all  the  rest  are,  for  the  most  part,  silent, 
which  they  did  much  wonder  at.” 

A letter  from  Francis  Ilowgill,  written  in  the  same 
month,  says : “ The  work  is  great  in  this  city,  but 
even  few  are  fitted  for  it.  The  last  First-day  there 
were  ten  meetings  in  the  city,  and  the  work  lieth 
upon  George^ Fox  and  us  two  [F.  Ilowgill  and  E. 
Burrough] ; here  are  a precious  people,  [they]  grow 
in  wisdom  and  life,  and  many  are  added.  All  the 
priests  and  all  the  gathered  congregations  in  tlie  city 
preach  against  us,  and  are  bent  in  great  rage,  and 
print  lies,  and  incense  people  much.  Edward  Bur- 
rough  and  I have  ordinarily  two  public  disputes  with, 
the  heads  of  them,  and  they  lose  their  members  so 
fast,  that  they  know  not  what  to  do ; yet  the  city  is 
pretty  calm  and  quiet,  and  wisdom  begins  to  grow 
among  Friends,  and  divers  are  moved  to  go  forth  in 
the  ministry.  Two  young  men  and  two  young  women 
are  moved  to  go  to  Barbadoes,  out  of  the  city,  and 
another  young  man,  a Scotchman,  is  moved  to  go  for 
Scotland ; and  other  two  women  are  gone  to  Wales, 
and  other  two  to  Oxford  — all  these  are  citizens.” 


189 


1656.]  LETTERS  OF  EARLY  FRIENDS. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Alexander  Parker, 
writing  from  London  to  Margaret  Fell,  says : The 

Truth  in  this  city  spreatls  and  flourishes ; many  large 
meetings  we  have,  and  great  ones  of  the  world  come 
to  them,  and  are  much  tendered.  James  [hTayler]  is 
fltted  for  this  great  place,  and  a great  love  is  begotten 
in  many  towards  him.  Our  dear  one,  George  Fox, 
doth  purpose  this  week  to  pass  into  the  country  north- 
ward, but  how  far  north  I cannot  tell.” 

In  the  summer  of  the  year  1655,  Francis  Howgill 
and  Edward  Burrough  visited  Ireland,  and  on  their 
return  to  London,  early  in  the  autumn  of  1656,  they 
wrote  as  follows : 

Dear  Brethren  : — Our  care  is  great ; the  harvest 
is  great ; who  are  sufficient  for  these  things  ? Here 
are  flelds  white  unto  harvest,  and  much  of  the  power 
of  God  hath  been  with  us.  Great  hath  been  our 
burden,  and  our  work  since  we  came  here,  and  our 
reward  is  great.  Much  have  we  been  drawn  out  to 
administer  in  power  and  wisdom.  We  have  exceeding 
great  meetings  of  all  sorts,  and  we  labor  and  travail 
until  Christ  be  formed  in  them.  Pray  for  us,  that 
we  may  be  kept  in  his  power  [that]  reigneth  over 
all : by  the  power  of  the  Lord  the  mouths  of  lions 
are  stopped,  kings  are  bound  in  chains  ; eternal  living 
praises  for  evermore  to  Him  who  rides  on  conquer- 
ing in  power  and  great  glory ! Many  are  brought 
under  great  judgment  and  true  power,  and  many  have 
learned  their  own  condemnation.” 

‘ The  meetings  of  Friends  in  London  were  at  flrst 
held  in  private  houses,  hut  the  number  in  attendance 
having  greatly  increased,  in  the  year  1655  they  took, 


190  MEETINGS*  IN  LONDON.  [1656. 

for  a meeting-place,  a part  of  a large  house  near 
Aldersgate.  Another  part  of  the  same  building  having 
been  used  for  an  inn,  with  the  sign  of  the  Bull  and 
Mouth,  occasioned  the  meeting-house  to  be  known 
by  this  name. 

Stated  meetings  for  worship  were'  also  held  on 
First-days,  and  near  the  middle  of  the  week  in  the 
following  places,  viz  : 

At  Sarah  Yates’,  in  Aldersgate  street. 

At  Humphrey  Bache’s,  Tower  street. 

At  Gerard  Eoberts’,  Thomas  Apostle’s  street. 

At  William  Woodcock’s,  in  the  Savoy. 

At  the  house  of  Captain  Brock,  Stepney. 

Besides  these  stated  meetings,  others  were  held 
occasionally  at  private  dwellings. 

Hear  the  same  time,  a meeting  was  established  at 
Horsley  down  in  the  house  of  a widow,  and  the  number 
of  Friends  increasing,  a piece  of  ground  was  procured, 
and  a meeting-house  built. 

At  Westminster,  meetings  were  held  in  the  house 
of  Stephen  Hart,  until  a house  was  taken,  and  a meet- 
ing established  there. 

About  the  }’ear  1656,  a meeting  was  set  up  in 
John’s  street,  called  the  Peel  meeting,  and  another 
called  the  Wheeler  street  meeting.  The  last  of  these 
meetings  was  first  held  at  the  house  of  John  Oakly, 
in  an  upper  room,  and  the  number  of  attendants  in- 
creasing, another  room  was  added ; but  the  place  still 
being  too  small,  a canvas  tent  was  used  in  the  garden 
until  a meeting-house  was  erected.^ 

Among  the  Friends  in  London,  Ann  Downer  was 


* Memoirs  of  "William  Crouch. 


1656.] 


WILLIAM  BAYLY. 


191 


the  first  who  was  called  to  the  gospel  ministry.  Many 
others  were  subsequently  engaged  in  the  same  service, 
among  whom  were  Richard  Greenway,  John  Giles, 
Sarah  Blackberry,  Ann  Gold,  Rebecca  Travers,  Mary 
Booth,  William  Bayly,  William  Crouch,  and  Gilbert 
Latey.  The  last  three  of  these  Friends  having  been 
eminently  serviceable,  and  some  account  of  their  re- 
ligious experience  having  been  preserved,  a brief 
notice  of  each  is  here  subjoined. 

William  Bayly  was  born  in  the  borough  of  South- 
ampton ; ^ but  the  date  of  his  birth  is  not  stated.  In 
a paper  of  his,  entitled,  ‘‘A  short  relation  or  testimony 
of  the  working  of  the  light  of  Christ,”  he  informs 
us,  that  while  he  was  yet  a child,  his  soul  thirsted  for 
the  water  of  life,  and  at  ten  years  of  age  he  was  drawn 
to  seek  for  retirement,  in  order  to  wait  upon  God ; 
but  when  he  was  about  fifteen  years  old,  not  heeding 
the  true  guide,  he  entered  the  army  in  time  of  war, 
and  served  nearly  two  years  as  a soldier. 

Through  the  example  of  wicked  companions,  and 
the  corrupting  influence  of  a military  life,  his  heart 
became  hardened,  until  he  even  ‘‘took  delight  in 
swearing  and  drunkenness.”  Yet  oft-times  when  he 
had  withdrawn  from  his  companions,  he  was  brought 
into  awful  condemnation  by  the  witness  for  God  in 
his  own  soul,  being  seized  with  horror,  and  tormented 
with  visions  of  death  and  perdition. 

The  army  being  disbanded,  he  was  discharged,  and, 
about  the  same  time,  he  “ was  so  smitten  by  God’s 
witness,  the  light  in  his  conscience,”  that  he  began  to 
leave  ofl"  his  wicked  practices,  and  profane  company 
became  burdensome  to  him.  He  now  besran  to  huno;er 

O O 


Besse,  I.  229. 


192 


WILLIAM  BAYLY. 


[165G. 


for  spiritual  food,  and  in  order  to  obtain  it,  he  re- 
sorted to  the  priests,  who,  he  supposed,  could,  by 
their  learning,  open  the  mysteries  of  the  heavenly 
• kingdom.  He  found,  however,  that  they  fed  him 
upon  husks,  being  destitute  of  that  true  bread  which 
comes  down  from  heaven,  and,  while  he  was  famish- 
ing, the  cry  of  his  soul  was : Give  me  food,  or  else 

I perish.” 

^Hn  those  days,”  he  says,  “my  soul  was  awakened 
by  the  witness  of  God,  feeling  the  burden  of  sin,  and 
was  often  afraid  of  death  and  misery  without  end ; 
but  knew  not  how  to  get  out  from  under  the  power 
of  sin  and  death,  nor  to  escape  the  wrath  to  come, 
being  ignorant  of  him  that  saveth  from  it,  which  is 
Christ,  the  power  of  God,  that  lighteth  every  man 
that  corneth  into  the  world,  which  condemns  sin  in 
the  flesh.”  Finding  he  could  derive  no  help  from  the 
priests,  he  left  them,  and  sought  for  retirement  and 
quietude  at  home,  which  was  a great  cross  to  his  wife 
and  nearest  relatives.  But  although  he  had  from  a 
sense  of  duty,  withdrawm  from  attendance  on  the 
mercenary  teachers  of  religion,  he  was  induced  by 
motives  of  expediency,  and  through  the  persuasion  of 
others,  to  frequent  their  meetings  again,  for  which  he 
was  brought  into  condemnation  and  deep  distress  by 
the  Searcher  of  hearts. 

Being  in  want  of  employment,  he  made  two 
voyages  to  France,  and  became  deeply  interested  in 
the  study  anfl  practice  of  navigation,  by  which  he  was 
so  much  fascinated,  that  his  attention  was,  for  a time, 
withdrawn  from  the  pursuit  of  spiritual  good,  “the 
spirit  of  the  world  came  in  upon  him  like  a flood,  and 
gross  darkness  covered  his  soul.”  Yet  he  was  so  far 
restrained  by  the  witness  for  God,  — the  light  in  his 


165G.] 


WILLIAM  B ATLT. 


193 


conscience,  that  he  durst  not  return  to  his  former 
course  of  wickedness.  Although  he  was  preserved 
from  gross  immorality,  yet  the  love  of  the  world  had  a 
strong  hold  in  his  heart,  and  the  love  of  righteousness 
had  greatly  declined. 

"W^hile  in  this  condition,  he  indulged  many  vain 
imaginations  of  honor  and  renowm  ; but  suddenly  his 
mind  was  arrested  by  a divine  visitation, — a cloud 
came  over  his  prospects  of  worldly  gloiy,  and  a season 
of  calm  reflection  ensued,  during  which  he  saw  that  he 
wearied  himself  for  things  that  would  perish  with  the 
using,  and  that  “ like  a fool  he  might  leave  them  in 
the  midst  of  his  days.”  Being  now  like  one  awakened 
from  sleep,  and  hungering  for  food,  he  began  to  look 
around  for  that  which  would  satisfy  the  longings  of 
his  soul.  He  went  among  the  Anabaptists,  hoping  to 
find  rest  and  peace;  for  he  often  felt  the  love  of 
God  extended  to  liim,  and  thence  concluded  that  he 
was  one  of  the  elect,  for  he  did  not  then  know  that 
there  is,  “ a seed  in  man  to  which  the  promises  and 
the  blessings  belong,  and  the  elect  is  before  the  foun- 
dation of  the  world.”  The  promise  of  election  was  to 
Christ  the  true  seed,  and  to  all  those  who,  through 
obedience,  become  united  to  him  in  the  covenant  of 
life.  William  Bayly,  entered  into  communion  with 
the  Anabaptists,  and  received  the  rite  of  water  baptism. 
He  observes:  “Before  I was  dipped  in  water. they 
called  me  not  brother,  but  suddenly  after,  they  did ; 
yet  I was  the  same  every  way  as  before.”  He  did  not 
find  the  peace  and  joy  he  expected,  and  he  longed  for 
that  spiritual  food  which  alone  can  satisfy  the  soul. 

Having  heard  a book  read  concerning  the  sufferings 
of  the  people  called  Quakers,  his  heart  was  touched 
with  tenderness  and  pity  towards  them,  and  he  was 
L-17 


194 


WILLIAM  BAYLY. 


[1656. 

led  to  l3elieve  they  suffered  innocently  for  conscience* 
sake. 

Afterwards  he  heard  one  of  their  ministers,  w^ho 
preached  the  word  of  life,,  and  he  rejoiced  in  hearing 
it,  being  convinced  that  it  w^as  the  very  truth.  He 
became  satisfied  that  there  is  no  other  way  to  know 
God,  but  by  walking  in  the  light  which  comes  from 
Christ  the  Saviour,  and  leads  all  who  follow  it  out  of 
the  evil  that  is  in  the  world.  He  who  was  glorified 
with  the  Father  before  the  w^orld  was,”  is  the  sub- 
stance of  all  the  types,  figures,  shadows,  and  ordi- 
nances. “ He  redeems  man  by  his  blood  — the  life  — 
out  of  the  earth,  into  which  man  was  driven  by  trans- 
gression,” and  brings  him  again  into  union  and  com- 
munion with  God, 

As  the  mind  of  William  Bayly  was  turned  to  the 
true  light,  many  passages  of  Scripture  were  revived 
and  opened  to  him,  by  which  he  was  confirmed  in  the 
doctrines  of  Friends.  A change  was  then  begun  in 
him,  and  “ he  was  made  to  weep  and  lament,  seeing 
all  the  religion  in  the  world  to  be  but  a fading  leaf, 
without  the  pure  life  and  power  of  God,  which  alone 
can  save  from  sin  and  bring  into  unity  with  him.” 
While  in  this  troubled  condition,  he  was  followed  day 
and  night  by  many  Anabaptists,  endeavoring  to  per- 
suade him  out  of  it ; looking  upon  him  as  deluded, 
some  resorted  to  prayers,  some  to  fiatteries,  and  others 
to  railing  words,  telling  him  that  he  was  fallen  from 
grace,  and  was  become  under  the  law,  making  the 
blood  of  Christ  of  none  effect.  Their  efibrts  were  not 
without  success,  for  he  knew  not  then  “ the  blood  to  be 
the  life,  and  that  the  light  is  the  life  of  men.”  Though 
he  was  convinced  in  his  conscience,  yet  his  under- 
standing being  darkened  by  listening  to  their  coun- 


1656.] 


WILLIAM  BATLY. 


195 


sels,  lie  was  drawn  away  from  a reliance  upon  the 
law  written  in  the  heart — the  sure  word  of  prophecy,” 
to  which  he  should  have  been  faithful. 

In  order  to  obtain  relief  from  trouble,  he  was  per- 
suaded to  join  again  with  them  more  zealously  than 
before,  and  having  become  a minister,  he  “ encou- 
raged others  to  follow  their  strong  imaginations  from 
the  letter  of  Scripture,  looking  for  a Saviour  without 
us,  though  the  Scripture  saith,  ‘‘  Christ  in  you  the 
hope  of  glory,”  and  ‘‘Know  ye  not  that  Christ  is  in 
you,  except  ye  be  reprobates.”  ^ 

He  found,  however,  that  all  his  efforts  to  obtain 
peace  of  mind  by  outward  observances  were  in  vain; 
he  was  brought  under  severe  condemnation  for  his 
dereliction  of  duty,  and  finally  he  withdrew  from  fel- 
lowship with  the  Anabaptists,  and  joined  in  member- 
ship with  Friends. 

He  was  convinced  by  the  ministry  of  George  Fox, 
in  the  year  1655,  being  then  a resident  of  Pool,  a sea- 
port in  Dorsetshire.^  Believing  it  his  duty  to  testify 
publicly  to  the  spiritual  truths  he  had  embraced,  he 
went  to  the  parish  house  of  worship  for  that  purpose, 
but  was  hauled  out  with  violence.  He  suffered  im- 
prisonment for  conscience’  sake  at  Southampton  in  the 
year  1657,  and  at  Hartford  he  was  some  years  a pris- 
oner, being  committed  in  1663.  It  does  not  appear 
at  what  date  he  settled  in  the  city  of  London ; but  in 
the  year  1662,  while  quietly  standing  in  the  street, 
near  the  Bull  and  Mouth  meeting-house,  he  was  taken 
by  soldiers  and  carried  before  Richard  Brown,  aider- 
man,  who  treated  him  with  violence,  and  then  com- 
mitted him  to  Kewgate  prison.  Again  in  1670,  being 


* Collection  of  W.  Baylj^s  writings. 


2 Sewel. 


196 


WILLIAM  CROUCH. 


[1656. 


found  preaching  in  Grace-church  street  meeting,  he 
was  taken  before  the  mayor  and  committed  to  prison.' 
He  was  a patient  sufferer  for  the  cause  of  truth,  and 
a powerful  minister  of  the  gospel, 

William  Crouch  was  born  the  5th  of  the  Second 
month,  1628,  at  Penton,  near  Andover,  in  Hampshire. 
His  father  -was  a substantial  yeoman  of  good  repute, 
and  his  mother  a religious  woman.  In  1646  he  came 
to  London,  and  bound  himself  as  an  apprentice  in 
Cornhill,  near  which  place  he  continued  to  reside 
after  he  attained  to  manhood. 

In  his  account  of  his  early  life  he  writes,  “ God  was 
pleased  in  his  abundant  grace  and  favor  to  place  his 
witness  near,  even  in  my  heart  and  conscience,  so 
that  when  I was  a child  I was  preserved  from  many 
evils  incident  to  youth,  and  an  awe  continued  with 
me  as  I grew  up ; and  God  did  often  visit  me  in 
mercy,  and  preserved  and  delivered  me  from  many 
great  temptations  and  evils ; for  which  my  soul  gives 
thanks  and  praise  to  his  excellent  name,  in  the  con- 
tinued remembrance  thereof.”  ....  “In  the  year 
1656,  I came  .to  he  in  some  measure  convinced  of  the 
everlasting  truth  of  God,  revealed  and  made  known 
to  a despised  people  called  Quakers ; my  mother  and 
sisters  having  been  before  convinced  in  Gloucester- 
shire, near  to  Bristol.  For  by  a good  hand  of  Provi- 
dence I was  brought  to  some  meetings  of  the  said 
people  in  London : concerning  whom  I had  heard 
various  reports,  but  when  I heard  for  myself  the  tes- 
timony of  truth  declared,  it  was  to  my  outward  ear 
as  ‘a  very  lovely  song.’  (Ezek.  xxxiii.  32.)  But  I felt 
not  the  power  working  in  my  heart  until  it  pleased 


* Besse,  I.  229,  388,  412. 


1656.] 


WILLIAM  CROUCH. 


197 


the  Almighty  to  touch  it  therewith ; who  did  thereby 
open  my  heart  and  set  my  sins  in  order  before  me. 
Then,  oh  then  ! I saw  my  woeful  state  and  condition, 
although  I was  in  a profession  and  form  of  religion ; 
and  that  salvation  is  only  in  and  through  Christ  Jesus, 
the  gift  of  God  and  light  of  the  world,  given  of  the 
Father  for  a Saviour  unto  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
F’ow  I found  him  a God  nigh  at  hand,  a discoverer  of 
the  thoughts  and  intents  of  the  heart,  a judge  stand- 
ing at  the  door,  ^ reprover  in  secret,  before  whom  I 
was  made  to  bow  and  bend.  He  in  mercy  showed 
me  my  state  and  condition,  and  through  the  mani- 
festation of  his  light  and  truth  in  my  heart  and  con- 
science, showed  unto  me  the  way  to  escape  the  many 
snares  and  temptations  wherein  I had  been  overtaken 
and  captivated.  Xow  did  sin  appear  exceeding  sinful, 
and  the  fire  of  God’s  jealousy  was  kindled  in  my  soul, 
in  the  sense  and  feeling  of  which  I travailed  day  and 
night,  for  months  and  years,  and  sometimes  in  the 
bitterness  of  my  soul  cried  out.  Hath  God  forsaken 
me  ? Is  there  no  pardon  or  mercy  for  me  ? Hath 
God  forgotten  to  he  gracious  ? Hath  his  anger  shut 
up  his  tender  mercies?” 

In  the  depth  of  distress  he  cried  to  the  Lord  and 
found  deliverance  ; then  under  a lively  sense  of  divine 
favor  he  was  led  to  exclaim,  Eighteous  art  thou,  O 
God ! and  thy  judgments  are  true ; search  me  tho- 
roughly ; try  my  heart,  and  if  iniquity  be  found 
therein,  let  the  fire  of  thy  jealousy  burn  up,  and  con- 
sume everything  that  is  contrary  to  thy  holy  will ; let 
not  thine  eye  pity  nor  thy  hand  spare,  but  in  and 
through  Christ  Jesus,  the  only  Mediator  and  Saviour, 
give  me  favor  with  thee,  and  life  eternal,  whatever 
it  cost.” 


17* 


198 


WILLIAM  CROUCH. 


[1656. 


found,”  lie  says,  ‘‘a  necessity  to  continue  my 
travel  and  get  forward,  for  I saw  that  a distance  is  set 
between  seed-time  and  harvest.  The  considerate  hus- 
bandman doth  not  expect  to  reap  so  soon  as  the  seed 
is  sown,  but  he  waits  the  appointed  seasons,  through 
many  storms  and  tempests,  until  the  blade  appears, 
and  ‘ then  the  ear,  and  after  that  the  full  corn  in  the 
ear,’  according  to  the  will  of  God.  Even  so  the  seed 
of  the  kingdom  is  sown  in  the  good  ground,  — the 
honest  and  good  heart,  — which  having  heard  the 
word  keeps  it,  and  bvingeth  forth  fruit  with  patience. 
He  that  believeth  shall  not  make  haste.” 

As  there  were  inwardly  fiery  trials,  so  the  Lord 
permitted  outward  exercises  to  attend ; such  as  im- 
prisonments for  not  swearing,  scofis  and  revilings  of 
men,  loss  of  goods  by  distresses,  for  a good  conscience 
towards  God,  for  not  paying  to  the  hireling  priest- 
hood, and  for  meeting  with  the  people  of  God  to  wor- 
ship him.”  ....  ‘‘  Through  all  the  Lord  supported 
me  and  bore  up  my  head  so  that  the  storms  and  tem- 
pestuous fioods  of  persecution  prevailed  not  over  me. 
God  gave  me  power,  strength  and  courage,  to  un- 
dergo with  joy  and  gladness  whatever  he  was  pleased 
to  permit  and  suffer  to  come  upon  me.” 

William  Crouch  is  mentioned  by  one  who  knew 
him  well,  as  a remarkable  example  of  Christian  meek- 
ness and  fidelity.^  He  did  not  rest  in  the  beginnings 
of  regeneration,  wdiere  too  many  content  themselves ; 
but,  through  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  pressed 
forward  and  labored  for  a thorough  sanctification  of 
heart. 

“ Such  was  the  heavenly  frame  of  his  mind,  such 


^ Preface  to  his  Memoirs,  by  Richard  Claridge. 


1656.] 


GILBERT  LATEY. 


199 


the  spiritual  travail  of  his  soul.  He  had  a state  of 
perfection  in  his  view,  and  believing  it  attainable  by 
the  grace  of  God,  he  desisted  not  from  the  pursuit, 
till  through  the  same  grace,  we  hope,  he  was  made  a 
partaker  of  it. 

“ He  was  a humble,  self-denying  man,  and  owned 
no  state  above  a watchful  one ; nor  did  he  assume  to 
himself  the  attainment  spoken  of,  but  continued  in 
faith,  humility,  watchfulness  and  prayer,  looking  unto 
Jesus,  that  he  who  had  begun  the  good  work  in  him 
would  confirm  it  unto  the  end ; relying  always  upon 
the  grace  of  God,  and  not  upon  any  duties  or  perform- 
ances of  his  own.”  ....  “Now  as  doing  righteous- 
ness or  doing  good,  according  to  the  apostle,  is  a 
certain  proof  of  being  born  of  God,  so  is  it  vain  for 
any  man  to  conceit  he  is  so  born,  in  w'hom  the  fruits 
of  righteousness  are  not.  But  where  we  see  those 
fruits  apparent,  there  we  have  good  grounds  to  infer 
the  person  is  born  of  God.”^ 

Gilbert  Latey  was  born  in  the  county  of  Cornwall, 
in  the  year  1626.  In  youth  he  was  bound  apprentice 
to  a tailor,  and  served  out  his  time,  notwithstanding 
he  had  a very  wicked  and  severe  master. 

In  the  year  1648,  he  came  to  the  city  of  London, 
where  he  prospered  in  his  business  ; “being  employed 
and  respected  by  persons  of  the  first  rank  and  quality 
in  the  kingdom.”  He  was  at  that  time  exemplary 
in  life  and  conversation,  and  earnestly  engaged  in 
seeking  for  religious  knowledge.  He  followed  those 
who  were  esteemed  the  most  zealous  among  the  clergy, 
often  hearing  four  sermons  a day,  and  being  frequently 
engaged  in  private  prayer.  But  he  did  not  find  that 


* Preface  to  his  Memoirs,  by  Richard  Claridge. 


200 


GILBERT  LATEY. 


[1654. 


peace  of  mind  and  assurance  of  divine  favor  for  whicli 
his  soul  was  thirsting.  In  the  year  1654,  he  was  in- 
formed that  some  men  from  the  north  of  England 
were  to  have  a meeting  at  the  house  of  Sarah  Matthews, 
a wddow  who  lived  in  Whitecross  street ; and  repair- 
ing thither,  he  heard  the  gospel  preached  by  Edward 
Burrough  so  effectually,  that  he  was  convinced  of  the 
doctrines  declared.  Being  directed  to  “ the  light  of 
Christ  in  himself,”  and  not  consulting  with  flesh  and 
blood,  he  gave  up  to  the  leadings  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
resolving,  with  the  Lord’s  assistance,  to  take  up  his 
cross  and  despise  the  shame,  accounting  all  things 
hut  as  dross  that  he  might  win  Christ. 

It  was  not  long  before  he  found  a great  trial  awaited 
him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  business ; for,  being 
engaged  in  making  apparel  for  persons  of  rank  and 
fashion,  whose  garments  were  usually  adorned  with 
lace  and  ribbons ; he  felt  a conscientious  scruple 
against  administering  to  their  sumptuous  habits.  He 
w^ould  neither  make  such  garments  himself,  nor  allow 
his  journeymen  to  make  them ; which  deprived  him 
of  his  most  profitable  business,  and  led  some  of  his 
neighbors  to  question  his  sanity. 

Although  he  suffered  a temporary  loss,  he  was  in 
the  end  amply  compensated ; being  not  only  pros- 
perous in  his  outward  affairs,  hut  abundantly  blessed 
with  the  more  enduring  riches  of  Christ’s  kingdom. 

He  received  a precious  gift  in  the  gospel  ministry, 
and  was  eminently  serviceable  as  a solicitor  for  the 
release  of  his  imprisoned  brethren  and  sisters,  as  will 
more  fully  appear  in  the  course  of  this  history.^ 

One  of  the  earliest  sufferers  among  the  Friends  in 


' Life  of  Gilbert  Latey,  London,  1707. 


1655.] 


GEORGE  BAILY. 


201 


London  was  Ann  Downer,  already  mentioned  as  a 
minister  of  the  gospel.  She,  for  some  expressions 
against  the  preacher  who  officiated  at  a house  of 
worship  in  Stepney,  was,  in  the  year  1655,  committed 
to  the  house  of  correction,  and  because  she  refused 
to  work,  was  beaten  with  a rope’s  end.  She  was  then 
a maiden  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  afterwards 
became  the  wife  of  George  Whitehead.  She  was  a 
woman  of  excellent  endowments,  very  serviceable  in 
religious  society,  a mother  in  the  Church  — well  quali- 
fied to  exhort  others,  and  exemplary  in  her  Christian 
care  over  persons  in  sickness  and  poverty.’ 

In  the  same  year,  George  Daily,  for  speaking  in  a 
parish  house  of  worship  after  the  priest  had  ended 
his  sermon  and  prayer,  was  sent  to  Hewgate  prison, 
where  he  lay  three  weeks  till  the  sessions,  when  no 
accuser  appearing  against  him,  the  court  seemed 
willing  to  discharge  him ; but  demanded  an  acknow- 
ledgment of  hia  ofihnce.  He  answered,  that  “he 
could  not  do  so  without  hypocrisy,  because  his  con- 
science did  not  accuse  him  of  any  otience.”  This 
innocent  boldness  they  called  obstinacy  ; and  required 
sureties  for  his  good  behavior,  which  he,  not  being 
willing  to  give,  was  sent  to  Bridewell,  where  he  re- 
mained above  ten  weeks. 

About  the  same  time,  and  for  the  same  cause,  Euth 
Hill,  William  Markfield,  and  William  Eobinson,  were 
sent  to  the  house  of  correction. 

Francis  Howgill,  feeling  a sympathy  with  Friends 
who  were  persecuted  and  imprisoned  in  several  places, 
waited  on  Oliver  Cromwell,  and  interceded  with  him 
to  put  a stop  to  it.  There  is  no  evidence  that  his 


Besse,  I.  361. 


202 


MEETINGS  IN  BRISTOL. 


[1654. 


object  was  attained,  but  bis  visit  bad  a salutary  effect 
upon  some  of  tbe  Protector’s  family,  among  whom 
Tbeopbilus  Green  was  so  much  affected  with  bis  dis- 
course, that  be  subsequentlyjoinedbimself  in  member- 
ship with  Friends.^ 


CHAPTER  VII. 

BRISTOL,  KENT,  AND  BEDFORDSHIRE. 

1654-5. 

While  tbe  principles  of  Friends  were  rapidly  ad- 
vancing in  London,  during  tbe  years  1654  and  ’55,  a 
work  of  similar  character  was  in  progress  at  Bristol. 
Tbe  first  instruments  employed  in  this  service  were 
John  Camm  and  John  Audland,  who  came  to  tbe 
city  in  tbe  Fifth  month,  1654.^ 

Tbe  first  meetings  they  attended  were  among  a 
‘^seeking  people,  who  kept  one  day  in  tbe  week  in 
fasting  and  prayer,”  waiting  for  a more  full  mani- 
festation of  divine  life  and  power.  These  tender  and 
devout  people  being  prepared  for  tbe  reception  of  tbe 
good  seed,  received  with  joy  tbe  message  of  those 
gospel  ministers,  and  experienced  a season  of  divine 
visitation,  during  which  they  were  brought  under  tbe 
baptizing  power  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Charles  Marshal, 

* Gough,  1. 144. 

2 C.  MarshaTs  Testimony  concerning  John  Camm  and  John 
Audland. 


1654.] 


MEETINGS  IN  BRISTOL. 


203 


one  of  the  first  proselytes  in  Bristol,  has  left  an  ac- 
count of  the  labors  of  John  Camm  and  John  Aud- 
land,  from  which  the  following  passages  are  selected : 
“ Some  meetings  we  had  before  the  more  general 
gathering  in  and  about  that  city,  which  began  on.  this 
wise : On  a First-day,  in  the  morning,  I went  with 
these  two  servants  of  God,  about  a mile  and  a half 
from  the  city,  to  a little  spring  of  water,  where  I often 
had  spent  many  solitary  hours  in  my  tender  years, 
seeking  the  Lord ; there  we  sat  some  time  and  drank 
of  the  spring.  After  some  hours  of  the  morning 
were  spent,  I saw  in  them  a great  travail  in  spirit ; 
trembling,  John  Audland  said,  ‘Let  us  he  going  into 
the  city so  we  came  to  the  street  called  Broadmead, 
to  a house  where  there  were  several  people  met 
together,  inquiring  after  these  two  men  of  God. 
John  Audland  was  under  great  exercise  of  spirit,  and 
said,  ‘Is  here  any  one  who  has  an  interest  in  any 
field?’  An  ancient  man  said,  ‘I  have,  in  a field 
pretty  near.’  Notice  being  given  to  the  people  in  the 
house,  they  came  forth ; and  as  we  went  along,  people 
in  the  streets  went  also  to  the  field,  called  Earls-mead ; 
so  that  we  came  a pretty  number,  where  some  seats 
or  stools  were  brought.  Dear  John  Camm  began  to 
speak  tenderly  and  in  great  zeal,  directing  to  the 
heavenly  grace  of  God,  and  testifying  against  sin  and 
iniquity  fervently ; to  which  some  were  attentive.  . . 
I perceived  a great  exercise  of  spirit  on  my  dear  friend 
and  father  in  Christ,  John  Audland,  who  trembled 
very  much.  After  dear  John  Camm  stepped  down, 
he  stood  up,  full  of  dread  and  shining  brightness  in 
his  countenance,  lifted  up  his  voice  as  a trumpet,  and 
said,  ‘I  proclaim  spiritual  warfare  with  the  inhabitants 
of  the  earth,  who  are  in  the  fall  and  separation  from 


204 


MEETINGS  IN  BRISTOL. 


[1654. 


God.’  ” . . . . ‘‘And  so  lie  went  on  in  the  mighty 
power  of  God,  opening  the  way  of  life.  But,  ah  ! the 
seizings  of  soul  and  prickings  at  heart,  which  attended 
that  season ; some  fell  on  the  ground,  others  crying 
out  under  the  sense  of  the  opening  of  their  states, 
wdiich  indeed  gave  experimental  knowledge  of  what 
is  recorded  in  Acts  ii.  37.”  ....  ‘/At  this  meeting 
many  were  effectuall}^  convinced  and  turned  Arom 
darkness  to  light,  after  which  our  meetings  grew 
larger  and  larger.  They  visited  the  meetings  of  them 
called  Independents  and  Baptists,  testifying  amongst 
them  in  great  power  the  things  given  them  of  God, 
directing  the  poor  and  needy  in  spirit,  that  saw  their 
want  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  no  longer  to  seek  the 
living  amongst  the  dead,  but  to  look  from  the  moun- 
tains and  hills,  dead  ways  and  worships,  unto  Christ 
Jesus,  the  foundation  of  life  and  salvation  ; and  there 
was  added  unto  the  gathering  daily,  and  great  dread 
Tvas  round  about  and  in  our  meetings,  under  the  sea- 
sonings of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Oh  ! the  tears,  sighs  and 
groans,  tremblings  and  mournings,  in  the  sight  of  the 
middle  wall  of  partition  that  we  saw  then,  in  our 
awakened  states,  that  stood  between  us  and  the  Lord, 
and  in  the  sight  and  sense  of  our  spiritual  wants  and 
necessities.”  ....  “Oh!  the  strippings  of  all  need- 
less apparel,  and  the  forsaking  of  superfluities  in 
meats  and  drinks ; for  we  walked  in  a plain  self- 
denying  path,  having  the  fear  and  dread  of  God  on 
our  souls,  and  being  afraid  of  oflending  in  word  or 
deed.  Our  words  w^ere  few  and  savory,  our  apparel 
and  houses  plain,  being  stripped  of  superfluities,  our 
countenances  grave,  and  deportment  weighty  amongst 
those  we  had  to  do  with.”^ 


‘ C.  MarshaFs  Testimony. 


1654.] 


CHARLES  MARSHAL. 


205 


This  plain,  unvarnished  statement,  from  the  pen  of 
one  who  participated  in  those  deeply  interesting 
scenes,  affords  evidence  of  the  powerful  emotions  and 
fervent  zeal  experienced  by  the  early  Friends.  They 
were  thoroughly  in  earnest  to  secure  their  own  salva- 
tion, and  to  promote  that  of  others;  and  they  were 
willing  to  make  every  sacrifice  that  they  believed  the 
Lord  required  of  them. 

The  meetings  at  Bristol  were  so  large  that  they 
were  forced  to  hold  them  in  the  open  air,  and  even 
during  the  time  of  frost  and  snow  three  or  four  thou- 
sand persons  assembled  together ; thus  evincing  their 
deep  interest  in  the  momentous  concerns  of  religion.^ 

Among  those  at  Bristol  who  became  prominent 
members  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  were  Charles 
Marshal,  Josiah  Cole,  George  Bishop,  and  Barbara  . 
Blaugdone. 

Charles  Marshal  was  born  at  Bristol,  in  the  year 
1637,  and  was  religiously  educated  by  his  parents 
among  the  Independents.  He  afterwards  joined  the 
Baptists,  ‘‘  but  grew  more  and  more  dissatisfied  with 
the  empty  and  lifeless  profession  of  those  among 
whom  he  walked.”  He  spent  much  time  in  retire- 
ment, walking  alone  in  the  fields,  under  a sense  of 
spiritual  want,  crying  unto  the  Lord  and  seeking  after 
his  saving  knowledge.  In  this  state  he  continued, 
until  he  was  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  blessed 
truth  by  the  powerful  ministiy  of  John  Audland,  as 
already  related.  After  his  mind  was  turned  to  the 
light  of  the  Lord,  he  witnessed  God’s  pure  power, 
love  and  life  to  break  in  upon  him;  and  being 
resigned  and  obedient  to  the  divine  will,  he  received 


L — 18 


Besse,  I.  39. 


206  GEORGE  BISHOP.  [1654. 

a gift  in  the  gospel  ministry,  and  became  an  instru- 
ment to  turn  many  to  righteousness.^ 

Josiah  Cole  was  born  near  Bristol  about  the  year 
1633.  He  was  twenty- two  years  of  age,  when  John 
Camm  and  John  Audland  visited  that  city  and  be- 
came instrumental  in  bringing  him  under  the  power- 
ful operation  of  the  word  of  life.  “He  walked  for  a 
time  under  deep  judgment  and  mournfully,  so  that  he 
became  a gazing  stock  and  wonder  to  his  former  ac- 
quaintance.” But  through  the  baptizing  power  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  he  was  made  a fit  vessel  for  the 
Master’s  use,  and  became  an  able  minister  of  the 
gospel,  in  'which  service  he  labored  almost  incessantly 
during  twelve  years.  “It  was  his  life  and  joy  to  be 
speaking  the  w^ord  of  the  Lord,  and  not  in  his  own 
words  ; and  many  thousands  were  living  witnesses  to 
the  power,  virtue,  and  efiicacy  of  his  ministry ; but 
above  all,  he  was  terrible  to  the  sowers  of  strife,  secret 
backbiters,  and  such  as  rend  the  holy  body  and  sepa- 
rate from  the  life,  love,  and  fellowship  of  the  blessed 
trnth.”  . . . “In  his  conversation  his  kindness  was  so 
mixed  with  seriousness,  and  his  familiarity  with  a 
staid  and  exemplary  behavior,  that  he  was  an  honor 
to -the  truth,  and  therein  a confirmer  of  his  holy  testi- 
mony and  a strengthener  of  his  weaker  brethren.^  In 
the  service  of  the  gospel  he  travelled  much  in  foreign 
lands,  and  will  again  be  noticed  in  the  progress  of 
this  work. 

George  Bishop  occupied  a prominent  place  among 
the  Friends  in  Bristol ; but  there  appears  to  be  no  ac- 
count extant,  concerning  his  early  life  and  religious 
experience.  In  a letter  from  F.  Howgill  and  E.  Bur- 


‘ Piety  Promoted,  I.  198. 


2 Ibid. 


1654.] 


BARBARA  BLAUGDEN. 


207 


rough  to  Margaret  Fell,  written  in  Bristol  in  1654,  the 
following  passage  occurs : On  the  last  First-day  we 

had  a meeting  at  one  Captain  Bishop’s  house  in  the 
city ; a large  house  with  large  rooms ; but  all  were  too 
little.  So  in  the  afternoon  we  went  to  a place  called 
the  Fort.  There  were  about  two  thousand  people 
there ; and  many  great  men  and  women,  and  all 
silent ; but  we  could  hardly  reach  them  with  words, 
the  multitude  was  so  great.”  ^ 

George  Fox,  in  his  Journal,  under  date  1655,  gives 
an  account  of  a great  meeting  at  Beading,  to  which, 
he  says,  ‘‘  George  Bishop  of  Bristol  came  with  his 
sword  by  his  side,  for  he  was  a captain.”  There  are 
in  the  writings  of  the  Early  Friends,  several  instances 
recorded  of  persons  convinced  of  their  doctrines,  who 
wore  their  swords  for  a short  time,  until  they  became 
more  thoroughly  imbued  with  Christian  principles. 

George  Bishop,  after  he  had  laid  by  his  warlike 
weapon,  took  up  the  pen  in  defence  of  the  principles 
of  Friends.  He  wrote  many  books  and  pamphlets, 
among  which,  the  most  noted  is  his  work  called  “ Hew 
England  judged ;”  being  an  account  of  the  persecution 
and  martyrdom  of  Friends  in  Massachusetts. 

Barbara  Blaugden  was  from  her  youth  religiously 
inclined ; she  had  received  a good  education,  and  was 
much  esteemed  in  her  profession  as  a teacher  of  youth. 
On  being  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends,  be- 
lieving it  her  duty  to  take  up  the  cross,  she  adopted 
the  simplicity  of  manners  peculiar  to  this  Society,  in 
dress  and  address,  in  consequence  of  wBich  her  pupils 
were  withdrawn,  and  she  lost  her  employment.  She 
even  carried  her  self-denial  so  far  as  to  abstain  from 


* Barclay's  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  LXXXVI. 


208  E.  BURROUGH  AND  F.  HOWGILL.  [1654. 

all  flesh,  wine  and  beer,  during  the  space  of  a year. 
In  the  meanwhile,  she  continued  to  advance  in  spirit- 
ual knowledge,  and  being  faithful  to  her  religious 
convictions,  she  went  forth  as  a messenger  of  the 
gospel  of  Christ. 

Being  moved  by  a sense  of  duty,  she  sometimes 
went  into  the  parish  houses  of  worship,  in  order  to 
exhort  the  people  to  the  fear  of  the  Lord  and  amend- 
ment of  life,  for  which  she  was  several  times  com- 
mitted to  prison.  For  no  other  oflence  than  this,  she 
was,  in  one  instance,  whipped  until  the  blood  ran 
down  her  back ; but  she  did  not  flinch  from  suffering ; 
on  the  contrary,  she  sang  aloud,  and  was  made  to 
rejoice  that  she  was  counted  worthy  to  suflfer  for  the 
name  of  the  Lord.  In  some  instances,  even  her  per- 
secutors were  touched  with  a feeling  of  compassion 
for  her,  and  convinced  of  the  truth  of  her  testimony. 
She  was  repeatedly  engaged  in  interceding  for  her 
persecuted  friends,  and  not  without  success.^ 

In  the  autumn  of  1654,  Edward  Burrough  and 
Francis  Howgill  visited  the  city  of  Bristol,  and  pro- 
moted the  great  work  then  in  progress,  by  the  aid  of 
their  powerful  and  persuasive  ministry.  The  success 
that  attended  their  labors  alarmed  the  priests,  and  by 
their  instigation  the 'mayor  and  magistrates  attempted 
by  persecution  to  arrest  the  spreading  of  Friends’ 
principles.  They  called  Burrough  and  Howgill  be- 
fore them,  and  subjected  them  to  an  examination  at 
which  none  of  their  friends  were  allowed  to  be  pre- 
sent, although  their  opposers  were  readily  admitted. 
The  result  was,  that  the  council  issued  an  order  for 
them  “to  depart  from  the  city  forthwith  at  their 


‘ Sewel  and  Gough. 


1654.] 


KIOTS  IN  BRISTOL. 


209 


peril.”  To  this  they  answered,  ‘‘We  came  not  in  the 
will  of  man,  nor  stand  in  the  will  of  man ; but  when 
He  moves  us  to  depart,  who  moved  us  hither,  we 
shall  obey ; but  your  wills  we  cannot  obey,  for  your 
will  is  no  law ; if  we  are  guilty  of  the  transgression 
of  any'  law,  let  us  suffer  by  it ; but  rather  than  we 
will  transgress  the  righteous  law  of  God,  written  in 
our  hearts,  by  submitting  to  your  wills  and  lusts,  we 
shall  choose  to  walk  in  the  law  of  God,  and  to  suffer 
under  your  wills  what  you  can  lay  upon  us.  We  are 
free-horn  Englishmen,  and  have  served  the  common- 
wealth in  faithfulness,  being  free  in  the  presence  of 
God  from  the  transgression  of  any  law.  To  your 
commands  we  cannot  he  obedient;  hut  if  by  violence 
you  put  us  out  of  the  city,  and  have  power  to  do  it, 
we  cannot  resist.”  Having  said  this,  they  left  the 
court,  but  remained  in  the  city  preaching  as  before ; 
for  though  the  magistrates  bore  them  no  good-will, 
they  could  not,  either  by  law  or  justice,  execute  the 
order  they  had  made.^ 

The  priests  and  their  adherents  finding  that  the 
Friends  still  increased  in  numbers,  stirred  up  the  rude 
populace,  and  especially  the  youth  of  the  city,  to  insult 
and  abuse  them.  jSTear  the  close  of  the  year  1654, 
as  John  Camm  and  John  Audland  were  passing  over 
the  bridge  towards  Erislington,  where  they  had  ap- 
pointed a meeting,  they  were  assaulted  by  some 
hundreds  of  the  rabble,  whose  ignorant  zeal  had  been 
blown  up  by  one  Farmer,  a persecuting  priest,  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  fury.  They  violently  drove  back  the 
innocent  strangers,  some  crying  out,  “Bring  them 
presently,”  and  others,  “Knock  them  down,” — and 


18* 


‘ Besse,  I.  39. 


210  PERSECUTIONS  IN  BRISTOL.  [1651 

would  have  dragged  them  out  of  the  city  to  execute 
their  wicked  purpose  ; hut  were  dissuaded  by  others, 
who  advised  them  to  carry  them  before  the  mayor. 
They  then  dragged  them  to  the  Tolzey,  a place  where 
courts  of  justice  were  held.  There  again,  the  enraged 
mob  would  probably  have  torn  them  in  pieces,  had 
not  a Friend,  with  much  danger  and  difficulty,  got 
them  into  his  house,  and  shut  the  door.  The  rabble, 
with  hideous  noise,  threatened  to  pull  down  the  house, 
while  the  innocent  men  remained  as  lambs,  dumb 
before  their  shearers,  in  quietness  and  patience,  yet 
undaunted,  putting  their  trust  in  God.  After  some 
time,  the  officers  of  the  garrison  were  seen  approach- 
ing, and  the  mob  dispersed.  ISText  morning,  the 
Friends  proceeded  to  their  meeting.  Three  of  the 
rioters  were  apprehended;  but  the  report  of  their 
arrest  spreading  through  the  city,  the  mob  again 
gathered  to  the  number  of  about  1500,  and  forced  the 
discharge  of  their  companions. 

These  tumults  were  too  much  countenanced  by  men 
in  office,  and  yet  the  magistrates  soon  after,  in  a 
report  to  the  Protector,  charged  them  upon  the  inno- 
cent men  against  whom  they  were  raised.^ 

About  a month  after  the  riots  in  Bristol,  the  magis- 
trates of  that  city  issued  a warrant  to  the  constables, 
in  which  they  allege,  that  “certain  persons  of  the 
Franciscan  order  in  Rome  have  of  late  come  over  to 
England,  and  under  the  notion  of  Quakers,  have 
drawn  together  several  multitudes  of  people  in  Lon- 
don ; and  that  certain  strangers,  under  the  names  of 
John  Camm,  John  Audland,  George  Fox,  James 
E’ayler,  and  Edward  Burrough,  have  lately  resorted 


* Besse,  I.  40. 


1654.]  PERSECUTIONS  IN  BRISTOL.  211 

to  Bristol,  drawn  multitudes  after  them,  and  occa- 
sioned great  disturbances;  therefore,  it  being  suspected 
that  these  strangers  are  some  of  those  who  came  from 
Rome,  the  officers  are  required  to  make  diligent  search, 
and  bring  them  forward  to  be  dealt  with  according 
to  law.” 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  persons  named 
in  the  warrant  were  arrested  under  it ; but  Thomas 
Murford,  a citizen  of  Bristol,  possessed  of  some  estate, 
was  taken  out  of  a meeting  of  Friends,  and  carried 
before  the  mayor.  They  charged  him  with  being  a 
Franciscan  friar,  because  he  was  clothed  in  a coat  of 
hair.  When  the  mayor  and  aldermen  asked  him  why 
he  came  into  the  city  in  that  habit,  he  replied : ‘‘  I 
was  commanded  of  the  Lord  to  come  and  mourn  in 
sackcloth  for  you,  and  to  warn  you  to  let  the  Lord’s 
people  alone,  as  you  will  answer  it  at  the  day  of  judg- 
ment, and  not  to  persecute  and  imprison  his  saints.” 
L^pon  this,  the  mayor  ordered  him  to  be  turned  out  of 
town,  and  on  his  coming  in  again,  committed  him  to 
Kewgate.  When  his  wife  complained  to  the  mayor 
of  the  injustice  of  her  husband’s  confinement,  she  was 
sent  to  Bridewell.^ 

Some  months  afterward,  Sarah  Goldsmith,  clad  in 
a garment  of  sackcloth  reaching  to  the  ground,  her 
hair  disheveled,  and  ashes  on  her  head,  passed  through 
the  streets  of  Bristol,  and  stopped  at  the  high-cross 
in  view  of  the  market  as  a sign  against  pride.  There 
she  stood  about  half  an  hour,  until  the  rude  populace 
began  to  abuse  her,  when  some  bystanders,  in  com- 
passion, forced  her  into  a shop,  and  from  thence  she 
was  taken  before  the  mayor.  When  asked  “why 


‘ Besse,  I.  40,  41. 


212  PERSECUTIONS  IN  BRISTOL.  [1654. 

she  appeared  in  the  city  in  that  habit,”  she  replied : 
‘‘In  obedience  to  the  light  in  my  conscience.”  . . . 
“I  have  not  broken  any  law  by  which  I can  be 
brought  und^r  just  censure : if  I had  appeared  in  gay 
clothing,  you  would  not  have  been  troubled.”  The 
mayor  sent  her  to  Bridewell,  and  with  her,  Anne 
GunniclifFe  and  Margaret  Wood,  for  having  accom- 
panied her.^ 

These  cases,  and  some  others  of  a similar  character 
among  the  early  Friends,  in  which  individuals  thought 
it  their  religious  duty  to  appear  as  ‘ signs’  before  the 
people  in  order  to  bear  a testimony  against  evil, 
should  not  be  condemned  as  the  result  of  delusion  or 
fanaticism.  They  were  perhaps  more  appropriate  and 
eflective  in  that  age  than  they  would  be  in  this,  be- 
cause it  was  a season  of  great  religious  excitement ; 
and  moreover,  it  was  customary  among  the  Puritans 
to  refer  continually  to  the  Old  Testament  for  examples. 
Many  cases  are  recorded  there  in  which  sackcloth  was 
worn  by  the  prophets  and  kings  of  Israel ; sometimes 
as  a token  of  approaching  calamity,  and  often  in  sea- 
sons of  great  and  general  affliction. 

At  Oxford,  in  the  year  1654,  the  spirit  of  persecu- 
tion was  remarkably  manifested  towards  Elizabeth 
Heavens  and  Elizabeth  Fletcher,  who  came  from  the 
Horth  of  England  under  a religious  concern  to  exhort 
the  scholars  in  their  colleges,  and  the  inhabitants 
generally,  to  repentance  and  amendment  of  life. 
Their  labor  of  love  was  rejected  by  the  scholars,  and 
their  Christian  advice  was  requited  by  contumely  and 
abuse.  The  students  drove  them  to  a pump,  where 
they  pumped  water  on  their  necks,  and  into  their 


Besse,  I.  41. 


1654.] 


PERSECUTIONS  IN  OXFORD. 


213 


mouths,  until  they  were  almost  dead.  They  were  then 
tied  arm  to  arm,  and  dragged  through  a pool  of  water ; 
afterwards  they  threw  Elizabeth  Fletcher  over  a tomb- 
stone into  an  open  grave,  causing  a contusion  on  her 
side,  from  which  she  never  recovered,  but  died  not 
long  after.  A few  days  after  this,  the  same  women 
went  to  a place  of  public  worship,  and  after  the  priest 
had  done,  began  to  exhort  the  people  to  the  practice 
of  godliness.  But  two  justices  of  the  peace,  who  were 
present,  ordered  them  to  be  sent  to  a prison,  called 
Bocardo,  where  thieves  and  murderers  were  usually 
confined. 

E'ext  day  the  justices  sent  a message  to  the  mayor, 
desiring  him  to  meet  them  to  examine  these  Quakers, 
but  he  declined  to  act,  saying  he  had  nothing  against 
them.  The  vice-chancellor  of  the  university  readily 
agreed  to  co-operate  with  the  justices,  and  the  women 
being  questioned  respecting  their  object  in  coming, 
replied,  that  “ they  came  to  declare  against  sin  and 
ungodliness,  as  pride,  covetousness,  lust,  and  all  man- 
ner of  self-righteousness  and  false  worship,  which  both 
priests  and  people  lived  in,  contrary  to  the  commands 
of  God.”  After  being  further  questioned,  they  were 
ordered  to  withdraw  while  the  magistrates  consulted 
together.  At  length  their  sentence  was  drawn  up  in 
writing,  ‘‘  That  they  should  be  whipt  out  of  the  city.” 
It  was  usual  for  the  mayor  to  sign  such  sentences ; 
but  he  refused,  and  Doctor  John  Owen,  the  vice-chan- 
cellor, said,  ‘‘If  he  would  not  sign  it,  they  would 
execute  it  without  him.” 

It  was  accordingly  executed  with  severity.  The 
women  endured  their  grievous  sufferings  with  Chris- 
tian patience,  in  no  vrise  murmuring  or  complaining ; 
and  their  meekness  was  so  affecting  to  many  of  the 


214  PERSECUTION  AT  DOVER.  [1655. 

sober  inhabitants,  that  they  acknowledged  them  as 
servants  of  the  living  God,  and  accompanied  them 
out  of  the  city.^ 

For  bearing  the  like  Christian  testimony  against 
vice  and  superstition  in  places  of  public  concourse,  at 
Oxford,  Jeremy  Hayward,  John  Shockerly,  Thomas 
Loe,  Mary  Loe,  and  William  Simpson,  suffered  im- 
prisonment there. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1655,  John  Stubbs  and 
William  Caton  preached  in  the  Baptist  meeting-house 
at  Dover,  and  many  embraced  their  doctrine.  The 
magistrates  sent  for  them,  and  though  they  had  trans- 
gressed no  law,  imposed  a penalty  on  any  person  that 
should  entertain  them,  upon  which  they  were  turned 
out  of  their  lodging.  Luke  Howard,  a shoemaker  of 
Dover,  received  them  into  his  house,  and  heard  them 
gladly.  He  had  before  heard  William  Caton  at 
London,  and  then  received  but  little  impression  from 
his  discourse,  saying  to  a companion,  “I  know  more 
than  he  can  tell  me,  or  more  than  either  he  or  I can 
live  up  to but  now^  he  heard  him  with  no  less  satis- 
faction than  Agrippa  did  the  Apostle  Paul,  when  he 
said  to  him,  “Almost  thou  persuadest  me  to  be  a 
Christian.” 

Such  was  the  love  that  Luke#  Howard  felt  for  his 
guests,  that  when  the  mayor  of  the  town  sent  four 
constables  to  his  house  with  a requisition  to  deliver 
them  up,  in  order  that  they  might  be  carried  out  of 
the  town,  he  refused  to  do  so,  relying  upon  his  right 
as  a freeman  of  the  corporation  ; and  the  doors  being 
shut,  he  kept  the  constables  out  of  his  house,  and 
told  them,  from  the  shop-window,  that  the  mayor  had 


* Besse,  I.  288. 


1655.] 


SAMUEL  FISHER. 


215 


no  lawful  authority  to  have  these  men  hauled  out  of 
his  house  and  sent  out  of  town.  They  staid  with  him 
some  days,  and  he  becoming  fully  convinced  of  their 
doctrines,  joined  with  them  in  religious  profession, 
and  gave  up  his  house  as  a meeting-place  for  Friends.^ 

John  Stubbs  and  William  Caton,  after  leaving 
Dover,  and  visiting  several  other  places,  came  to 
Lydd,  in  the  county  of  Kent,  where  they  became 
instrumental  in  convincing  of  Friends’  principles, 
Samuel  Fisber,  then  the  parish  priest  of  that  town. 

The  place  of  his  birth  is  not  ascertained.  He  was 
educated  at  one  of  the  universities,  and  being  ordained 
as  a minister,  he  first  became  chaplain  to  some  man 
of  rank,  and  afterwards  was  made  priest  of  Lydd,  a 
benefice  worth  about  two  hundred  pounds  per  annum. 
While  in  this  situation,  he  w^as  requested  by  the  mas- 
ter of  Luke  How'ard,  then  an  apprentice  to  a shoe- 
maker at  Dover,  to  converse  with  the  young  man 
respecting  a scruple  he  entertained  about  the  singing 
of  David’s  Psalms  in  public  worship.  Luke  Howard 
explained  his  objections  to  the  practice  in  such  a 
manner  that  Fisher,  rather  than  he,  w^as  changed  in 
opinion  on  the  subject.  ‘‘The  arguments  used  on 
this  occasion  were,  that  God  is  a spirit,  and  must  be 
worshipped  in  spirit  and  in  truth ; but  that  it  was 
contrary  to  truth,  for  a proud  man  to  sing  that  he  was 
not  pufifed  up  in  mind,  that  he  had  no  scornful  eye, 
and  did  not  exercise  himself  in  things  too  high  for 
him.  Further,  to  sing,  rivers  of  tears  run  down  my 
eyes  because  other  men  keep  not  thy  lawq  when  those 
who  thus  sing  never  knew  true  repentance  for  their 
owui  sins,  was  such  a violation  of  common  morality 
as  true  religion  could  not  sanction.” 

‘ » Sewel,  I.  135. 


216 


SAMUEL  FISHER. 


[1655. 


Samuel  Fisher  had  before  felt  some  uneasiness  with 
various  matters  connected  with  his  clerical  employ-  ' 
ment,  and  this  conversation  still  further  increased  his 
dissatisfaction.  Preaching  for  hire,  and  the  baptism 
of  infants,  became  burdensome  to  him,  and  so  great 
was  the  dedication  of  his  heart  to  the  cause  of  truth, 
that  he  voluntarily  relinquished  his  lucrative  situation, 
took  a farm  to  support  his  family,  and  joining  himself 
to  the  Baptists,  by  whom  he  was  highly  esteemed,  he 
became  a minister  among  them. 

When  John  Stubbs  and  William  Caton  came  to 
Lydd,  he  hospitably  entertained  them  at  his  house, 
and  their  ministry  made  some  impression  upon  him, 
but  he  did  not  then  acknowledge  it.  After  leaving 
Lydd,^and  visiting  some  other  places,  they  returned 
thither  again,  and  found  their  labors  had  been  so  far 
blessed  that  many  persons  were  now"  ready  to  join 
them.  George  Hammond,  however,  a Baptist  min- 
ister, publicly  preached  against  them,  w^hich  gave 
Samuel  Fisher  so  much  uneasiness  that  he  stood  up 
in  the  same  meeting  and  said  to  Hammond : Dear 

brother,  you  are  very  near  and  dear  to  me,  but  truth 
is  nearer  and  dearer : it  is  the  everlasting  truth  and 
gospel  wFich  they  hold  forth.”  This  w^as  so  dis- 
pleasing to  Hammond,  that  he  exclaimed,  ‘‘Our 
brother  Fisher  is  also  bewitched.”  Fisher  made  no 
reply,  but  attaching  himself  still  more  closely  to  the 
Friends,  he  joined  in  membership  with  them  in  the 
year  1655.^ 

In  the  following  year  he  felt  an  impression  of  reli- 
gious duty  to  go  to  the  Painted  Chamber,  Whitehall, 
and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  Protector  and  Par- 


1 Sewel,  |I.  135 ; and  Friends'  Library,  vol.  XL  Life  of  Fisher. 


1656.] 


SAMUEL  FISHER. 


21T 


Hament,  to  speak  whatever  the  Lord  might  require 
of  him.  Uuder  a deep  sense  of  the  responsibility 
involved  in  this  undertaking,  he  waited  some  days  for 
a full  confirmation  of  it,  and  then,  being  assured  that 
it  was  his  religious  duty,  he  went  accordingly,  and 
waited  till  the  Protector  had  ended  his  speech.  The 
crowd  was  very  great,  and  some  of  the  audience  per- 
ceiving the  intention  of  Samuel  Fisher  to  speak,  en- 
deavored to  prevent  him  ; he  made  an  effort,  however, 
to  deliver  his  message  ; but  had  said  only  a few  words, 
when  there  was  a cry  from  some  of  the  bystanders, 
“A  Quaker,  a Quaker,  keep  him  down,  he  shall  not 
speak.” 

He  was  persuaded  that  the  Protector  and  some  of 
the  members  of  Parliament  would  have  listened  to 
him,  but  they  were  then  retiring  from  the  chamber, 
and  his  purpose  was  frustrated.  Being  prevented 
from  delivering  what  he  believed  he  was  required  to 
say,  he  committed  it  to  writing,  and  published  it. 
The  purport  of  his  message  was,  that  the  Puritans 
then  in  power  were  a hypocritical  generation,  who, 
in  their  long  prayers  and  sermons,  talked  much  of 
turning  to  the  Lord  and  seeking  the  knowledge  of 
His  law,  but  who  were  in  fact  haters  of  the  Light  and 
persecutors  of  the  innocent. 

In  this  strain  he  proceeds  to  declare  that,  while  they 
remain  proud,  covetous,  and  cruel,  they  cannot  eirter 
into  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  In  the  writings  of  the 
early  Friends,  we  find  many  such  remonstrances, 
showing  that  they  considered  the  Puritans  then  in 
power  as  deceivers,  who,  under  pretence  of  promoting 
civil  and  religious  liberty,  had  usurped  all  the  powers 
of  government,  and  persecuted  the  Friends  by  fines, 
imprisonment,  and  death, 

L~I9 


218  JOHN  STUBBS  AND  WILLIAM  CATON.  [1656 

Samuel  Fisher  was  a scholar  of  considerable  attain- 
ments ; he  wrote  a paper  addressed  to  the  Jews,  in 
Hebrew,  a language  in  wFich  he  was  well  skilled. 
His  principal  work  is  of  a controversial  nature,  in 
defence  of  the  doctrines  of  Friends;  it  is  entitled 
‘^Rusticus  ad  Academicos ; or,  the  country  correcting 
the  university  and  the  clerg3^”  It  is  remarked  by 
‘William  Penn,  in  his  Preface  to  Samuel  Fisher’s 
works,  that  this  author  ^‘allows  himself,  in  some 
passages,  the  freedom  of  the  prophet  Elijah  against 
the  prophets  of  Baal,  sometimes  exposing  absurd 
things  by  vulgar  terms  and  proverbs;  yet,  all  that 
kind  of  rhetoric  and  learning  he  had  so'  low  an  esteem 
of,  that  he  often  counted  it  not  worthy  to  he  compared 
to  the  least  degree  of  divine  wisdom  and  experience 
of  Christ  Jesus.”  He  was  probably  one  of  the  most 
learned  of  the  early  Friends,  and  yet  it  is  remarkable 
that  so  good  a scholar  should  have  written  in  a style 
less  perspicuous  and  agreeable,  than  almost  any  other 
among  them.  His  writings,  as  well  as  many  others, 
serve  to  show  that  a classical  education  does  not  con- 
fer the  power  to  excel  in  the  use  of  our  own  language. 
He  Tvas,  however,  a faithful  laborer,  and  a patient 
sufferer  in  the  cause  of  truth,  as  will  appear  in  the 
subsequent  pages  of  this  work. 

John  Stubbs,  and  William  Caton,  after  their  second 
visit  to  Lydd,  continued  travelling  together  in  the 
service  of  the  gospel.  They  visited  Crawhrook  and 
some  other  towns  in  the  county  of  Kent,  where  they 
found  a tender-hearted  people,  who  embraced  their 
doctrine  and  pressed  them  to  accept  of  money;  but 
they  refused  it,  telling  the  people  it  was  not  theirs, 
but  them,  they  sought.  On  arriving  at  Maidstone, 
John  Stubbs  went  to  the  parish-house  of  worship,  and 


1656.] 


JOHN  STUBBS  AND  WILLIAM  CATON. 


219 


TVilliam  Caton  to  the  meeting  of  the  Independents, 
where,  after  waiting  till  the  services  were  ended,  they 
spoke  to  the  people.  Hext  daj^  they  were  both  sent 
to  the  house  of  correction,  where  they  were  searched, 
and  their  monej^,  ink-horns,  and  bibles  taken  from 
them.  They  were  then  stripped,  their  necks  and  arms 
were  put  into  the  stocks,  and  they  were  inhumanly 
whipped.  Afterwards  means  were  used  to  compel 
them  to  work,  and  they  were  told  that  he  who  would 
not  work,  should  not  eat.  This  demand  they  con- 
sidered unjust,  as  they  were  not  guilty  of  breaking 
any  law,  and  they  declined  to  comply  with  it.  Thus 
they  were  kept  without  food  for  some  days,  and  only 
a little  water  allowed  them  once  a day.  The  male- 
factors with  whom  they  were  imprisoned,  would  have 
given  them  a part  of  their  bread ; and,  the  women  of 
the  house,  being  moved  with  compassion,  offered  to 
furnish  'them  with  food  privately,  but  they  were  not 
free  to  accept  of  either.  When  the  report  of  this  cruel 
treatment  began  to  spread  through  the  town,  many 
were  indignant  at  it,  and  an  officer  was  sent  to  make 
restitution  of  some  of  their  property,  after  wffiich  they 
bought  food  with  their  own  money.  Soon  afterwards 
they  were  parted,  and  being  conducted  by  officers, 
they  were  turned  out  of  the  town  at  opposite  points. 
At  length  they  met  with  each  other  in  London,  and, 
being  impressed  with  a sense  of  duty  to  return  to 
Maidstone,  they  resigned  themselves  to  what  they 
believed  was  the  divine  will,  which  was  a sore  trial 
of  their  faith  and  obedience.  It  was,  however,  so 
ordered  by  Divine  Providence,  that  no  one  meddled 
with  them,  although  they  Tvent  on  the  First  day  of 
the  week  to  the  parish  house  of  worship,  in  order  that 
their  presence  might  be  known. 


220  ALEXANDER  PARKER.  [1655. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1655,  George  Fox  and 
Alexander  Parker,  after  having  been  engaged  in  reli- 
gious service  in  London,  proceeded  to  Bedfordshire. 
The  name  of  Alexander  Parker  frequently  occurs  in 
the  writings  of  the  Early  Friends  as  the  travelling 
companion  of  George  Fox ; hut  there  appears  to  be 
no  particular  account  extant  of  his  life  and  religious 
labors.  He  is  mentioned  in  Whiting’s  Memoirs  as  an 
‘‘eminent  servant  of  God  and  minister  of  Jesus 
Christ.”  “He  was,”  says  John  Whiting,  “born  in 
Yorkshire,  near  Bolton  in  Lancashire,  and  was  well 
educated,  and  had  a gentleman-like  carriage  and  de- 
portment as  well  as  person,  for  I knew  him  well.  He 
was  convinced  early,  but  the  exact  time,  wLen  and 
where,  I do  not  find.  He  came  up  to  London  with 
George  Fox,  when  he  was  brought  up  out  of  Leices- 
tershire by  Colonel  Hacker  to  Oliver  Cromwell  in 

1654,  and  staid  with  him  in  London  and  thereabouts 
for  some  time,  and  afterwards  went  with  him  to  a 
General  Meeting  at  John  Crook’s,  in  Bedfordshire,  in 

1655. ”' 

They  made  their  home  at  the  house  of  John  Crook 
during  fifteen  days,  while  engaged  in  holding  meet- 
ings in  that  vicinity,  and  their  religious  labors  were 
eflectual  in  bringing  many  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
Truth.^ 

John  Crook  had  previously  been  convinced  of  the 
principles  of  Friends,  as  appears  by  an  account  he 
has  left  of  his  religious  experience.  He  was  born  in 
the  Horth  of  England  in  the  year  1617,  and  at  eleven 
years  of  age  was  sent  to  school  in  London,  until  his 
seventeenth  year,  when  he  was  placed  as  an  appren- 


1 Memoirs,  184, 


2 Letters  of  Early  Friends,  IX. 


I 


1655.]  JOHN  CROOK.  221 

tice  in  that  city.  While  he  was  attending  school, 
although  he  lived  in  a wicked  family  among  those 
who  scoffed  at  religion,  he  often  withdrew  into  se- 
cluded places  where  he  walked  alone  in  meditation, 
or  prayed  and  wept  before  th‘e  Lord.  During  the 
time  of  his  apprenticeship  he  became  acquainted  with 
the  Puritans,  who  frequented  sermons  and  lectures, 
read  the  Bible,  and  conversed  on  religious  subjects. 
He  entered  earnestly  into  their  views  and  practices,  , 
but  found  no  relief  to  his  burdened  spirit;  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  often,  in  the  midst  of  his  devotions, 
seized  with  fear,  under  an  impression  that  the  enemy 
of  all  good  had  gained  possession  of  his  soul.  Thus 
he  continued  for  some  years,  “professing  and  play- 
ing, hearing  and  reading,”  without  perceiving  any 
amendment;  for  the  same  youthful  vanities  drew 
away  his  mind  when  opportunities  were  offered ; but 
he  was  mercifully  preserved  from  falling  into  gross 
evils  or  profanity. 

At  length  his  mind  was  brought  under  still  deeper 
exercise,  the  burden  of  sin  became  oppressive,  and 
he  went  mourning  on  his  way.  In  this  tried  condition 
it  pleased  the  Father  of  mercies  to  visit  him  with  a 
renewed  manifestation  of  his  love.  The  language  of 
divine  consolation  arose  in  his  heart,  “Fear  not,  0 
thou  tossed  as  with  a tempest  and  not  comforted,  I 
will  help  thee ; and  although  I have  hid  my  face  from 
thee  for  a moment,  yet  with  everlasting  loving  kind- 
ness I will  visit  thee,  and  thou  shalt  he  mine ; fear 
not,  for  I am  pacified  towards  thee,  and  will  never 
leave  thee  nor  forsake  thee.”^  Then  his  doubts  and 
fears  were  suddenly  removed,  calmness  and  serenity 


19* 


' J.  Crooks  "Works,  IX. 


222 


JOHN  CEOOK. 


[1655. 


ensued,  and  the  light  of  divine  grace  shone  so  brightly 
on  his  soul,  that  “ he  walked  as  one  taken  up  from 
the  earth,”  having  his  “conversation  in  Heaven.” 

During  a period  of  about  eight  days,  he  could  not 
enjoy  the  formal  worship  in  which  he  had  previously 
engaged ; hut  his  heart  being  filled  with  peace  and 
joy,  he  entered  into  sweet  communion  with  the  Fa- 
ther of  Spirits.  In  relation  to  this  state,  he  writes, 
“ While  I abode  and  walked  in  that  light  and  glory 
which  shone  so  clearly  in  my  mind,  there  was  not  a 
wrong  thought  appearing  or  stirring  within  me,  but 
it  vanished  presently,  finding  no  entertainment ; my 
wFole  mind  and  soul  was  so  taken  up  with  that  glo- 
rious light  and  satisfactory  presence  of  the  Lord  thus 
manifested  in  me.” 

Afterwards,  he  found  an  abatement  of  this  hea- 
venly state ; then  he  began  to  read  and  perform  devo- 
tional duties  as  he  had  done  before,  but  with  more 
life  and  zeal ; so  that  his  associates  began  to  admire 
his  gift  in  prayer,  and  often  called  upon  him  to  engage 
in  that  service.  Some  young  men  of  his  acquaintance, 
being  also  inclined  to  piety,  they  often  met  together 
for  prayer  and  religious  conference,  and  while  others 
spoke  chiefly  in  exposition  of  the  Scriptures,  he  spoke 
what  he  had  learned  in  his  own  experience.  In  the 
course  of  two  or  three  years  he  stored  his  memory 
with  Scripture  texts,  which  he  reasoned  upon,  with- 
out a sufficient  reliance  upon  divine  aid,  until,  gra- 
dually, the  knowledge  he  gained  by  his  natural  un- 
derstanding, “began  to  outgrow  and  overtop  the 
sense  of  his  inward  experiences.”  Then  he  lost  the 
lively  appreciation  of  spiritual  good,  and  little  re- 
mained but  the  remembrance  of  those  heavenly  con- 
solations he  had  formerly  enjoyed. 


161.5.] 


JOHN  CROOK. 


223 


III  this  condition  he  determined  to  seek  for  the 
purest  form  of  worship  among  the  various  Protestant 
churches,  and  after  visiting  several,  he  joined  himself 
to  a congregation  of  Independents,  with  whom  for  a 
time  he  united  in  feeling,  enjoying  among  them  many 
seasons  of  spiritual  refreshment. 

They  were  watchful  and  tender,  their  minds  in- 
wardly retired,  and  their  words  few  and  savory. 
Every  week  they  communicated  their  experiences  to 
each  other,  relating  nearly  all  they  passed  through, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  week  to  the  end.  This 
continued  some  years,  until  it  grew/oriiiaZ,  and  con- 
sequently lifeless.  They  then  began  to  discuss  the 
subject  of  water  baptism,  as  to  its  form,  and  the  pro- 
per subjects  for  its  administration,  with  other  ques- 
tions relating  to  ordinances.  In  proportion  as  their 
attention'  was  turned  to  ceremonial  observances,  they 
began  to  lose  the  life  of  religion,  their  love  for  each 
other  diminished,  their  meetings  were  neglected,  and 
finally  discontinued. 

John  Crook  had,  how^ever,  so  far  tasted  of  the  word 
of  life,  that  he  did  not  relinquish  the  pursuit  of  spi- 
ritual good,  and  he  was  enabled  to  hold  on  his  way 
through  the  many  discouragements  that  attended  his 
course. 

Being  providentially  led,  in  the  year  1654,  to  a 
meeting  where  William  Dewsbury  was  engaged  in 
gospel  ministry,  he  felt  the  power  of  Divine  Truth  to 
seize  upon  him,  and  he  was  enabled  clearly  to  per- 
ceive that  the  kingdom  of  God  is  not  in  word  but  in 
power.”  As  he  submitted  to  the  refining  operation 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  “ he  passed  from  Mount  Sinai  to 
Mount  Sion  ; from  the  ministration  of  condemnation 
unto  the  ministration  of  the  Spirit ; and  he  was  en- 


224 


HUMPHREY  SMITH.  [1655. 

abled  to  give  thanks  to  God  through  Jesus  Christ  for 
his  deliverance  from  the  bondage  of  sin.^ 

Having  obtained  access  to  the  holiest  of  all  through 
Christ  the  new  and  living  way,  he  was  called  to  pub- 
lish to  others  those  spiritual  realities  that  he  had  seen 
and  felt  in  his  own  experience.  It  was  testified  of 
him  by  George  Whitehead,  that  He  was  eloquent, 
allegorical,  and  mysterious  many  times  in  his  minis- 
try, but  did  not  thereby  deny  or  invalidate  the  sacred 
history  of  things  as  literally  recorded  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures.”  ‘‘He  labored  to  promote  Christian  re- 
ligion in  life  and  power,  and  the  sincere  practice  of 
piety,  above  all  empty  and  fruitless  professions.” 

At  the  time  of  his  convincement  he  was  a justice 
of  the  peace  in  Bedfordshire,  and  a man  of  note  in 
that  county.  After  he  joined  in  membership  with 
Friends,  he  was  removed  from  his  station  as  a magis- 
trate, and  sufiered  imprisonment  at  various  places  on 
account  of  his  religious  principles. 

In  the  year  1655,  Humphrey  Smith,  of  Little 
Cowrne,  in  the  county  of  Hereford,  embraced  the 
doctrines  of  Friends.^  In  his  early  youth  he  was 
visited  with  conviction  for  sin  and  impressions  of 
religious  duty;  through  which  he  became  sensible 
that  his  happiness  could  only  be  secured  by  obedience 
to  the  divine  law^  Then  he  began  to  pray  and  to 
read  religious  works ; but  not  knowing  the  sufficiency 
of  that  divine  monitor  which  would  lead  out  of  all 
evil  and  redeem  the  obedient  soul,  he  was  induced  to 
follow  the  priests  and  to  rely  upon  their  ministrations. 
In  this  condition  “ his  heart  was  exalted  and  he  in- 
creased in  profession,”  but  he  knew  not  the  spiritual 


* J.  Crookes  Works. 


* Piety  Promoted. 


.655.]  HUMPHREY  SMITH.  225 

nature  of  Christ’s  kingdom.^  He  became  a public 
preacher  and  a man  of  note  in  the  world  f but  in  the 
height  of  his  worldly  prosperity  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
was  laid  upon  him ; he  was  made  to  see  the  invalidity 
of  that  ceremonial  worship  in  which  he  had  been 
engaged,  and  he  was  required  to  bear  a testimony 
against  it.  He  did  not,  however,  like  the  apostle,  at 
once  }deld  obedience  to  the  heavenly  vision ; but 
“conferred  with  flesh  and  blood,”  saying,  “I  shall 
be  esteemed  a madman,  the  people  will  not  believe 
me.”  Through  the  constraining  power  of  divine  love, 
he  was  almost  persuaded  to  comply  with  his  sense  of 
duty ; but  then,  the  tempter  being  near,  he  thought 
of  his  wife  and  children,  and  queried  how  they  should 
be  provided  for.  An  assurance  was  given  him  that 
they  should  be  cared  for,  and  the  promise  was  added, 
“He  that  converteth  souls  to  God  shall  shine  as  the 
stars  forever.”  He  was  then  overcome  with  a joyful 
sense  of  divine  favour,  and  made  willing  to  undergo 
all  tribulations,  if  he  could  be  instrumental  in  con- 
verting but  one  soul  to  God.  This  happy  condition 
was  of  short  duration,  for  his  heart  was  not  yet  weaned 
’ from  the  world ; he  again  resisted  his  convictions  of 
duty ; a state  of  darkness  came  over  him,  and  the 
love  of  his  temporal  possessions  overcame  his  love  to 
God. 

In  this  state  of  rebellion  it  pleased  the  Most  High 
to  visit  him  with  the  rod  of  adversity.  “ My  outward 
wealth,”  he  sa^^s,  “which  I then  loved  more  than 
Christ,  became  a prey  and  a spoil  to  unreasonable 
men,  and  most  unjustly  on  their  parts,  was  I by  them 


* H.  Smith’s  Works;  London,  1683,  p.  57. 
® G.  Fox’s  Testimony. 


226 


HUMPHREY  SMITH. 


[1655. 


deprived  of  it ; and  the  Lord  also  dried  up  all  my 
springs  within,  that  such  a time  after  I knew  that  I 
was  left  without  hope,  being  in  the  horrible  pit  of 
darkness  from  God,  that  I could  neither  pray  nor 
believe,  but  concluded  that  I was  accursed  from  God 
forever.”^  In  this  desolate  condition  he  w^as  not  for- 
saken by  that  merciful  Being  who  chastens  his  diso- 
bedient children  in  order  to  save  them,  for  when  the 
rod  of  affliction  had  accomplished  its  purpose,  and 
the  heart  was  bowed  in  humble  obedience  to  the 
divine  will,  The  Lord  brought  him  up  out  of  the 
horrible  pit,  and  placed  his  feet  upon  a rock  and 
established  his  goings,  and  put  a new  song  into  his 
mouth,  even  praises  to  our  God.” 

In  reference  to  the  ministry  he  was  engaged  in 
before  his  conversion,  he  says,  What  I did  then  w^as 
in  great  zeal  and  real  intent  to  do  good ; neither  did 
I covet  men’s  silver  for  it ; neither  was  it  my  end  to 
make  a gain  thereby,  though  much  was  freely  offered 
me,  though  I received  it  not,  so  that  therein  I was 
not  found  in  covetousness.  But  when  judgment  came 
upon  me,  I gave  up  that  preaching,  and  said  at  the 
last  meeting  I had  then,  which  w^as  at  Stoke-bliss, 
‘ That  my  mouth  was  stopped  at  that  time,  but  if  ever 
the  Lord  should  open  my  mouth  again,  I should 
preach  indeed.”  ....  “Although  I had  a great  zeal 
then  for  God,  it  was  not  according  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  cross  of  Christ,  which  crucifies  to  the  world, 
and  all  its  vain  customs.”  ....  “ And  so  my  preach- 
ing did  not  bring  souls  home  to  God,  though  I in- 
formed their  minds  of  many  things,  which  many 
ignorant  people  knew  not  before,  and  so  much  love 


' H.  Smith’s  Works,  60. 


1655.] 


HUMPHREY  SMITH. 


227 


was  in  many,  yet  this  brought  not  forth  fruits  of 
obedience  unto  God,  and  so  all  came  to  little ; for  the 
people  remained  in  their  sins  and  received  not  power 
to  come  out  of  them ; neither  came  they  out  of  the 
fashions  and  customs  of  the  world,  nor  to  be  separated 
from  the  unclean,  neither  did  they  come  to  the  faith 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  which  purifies  the  heart, 
stands  in  the  pure  conscience,  and  respects  no  man’s 
person,  for  unto  that  I was  not  then  come  myself: 
and  so  their  faith  and  mine  were  vain,  being  then  in 
our  sins.”^ 

Having  desisted  from  his  public  preaching,  he  was 
led  to  wait  upon  the  Lord  in  silent  adoration ; in 
which  religious  exercise  he  was  joined  by  a few  per- 
sons who,  like  himself,  were  seeking  for  a more  certain 
knowledge  of  heavenly  Truth. 

At  length  he  was  called  to  labor  in  that  ability 
which  God  giveth,”  and  became  an  able  minister  of 
Jesus  Christ.  He  was  instrumental  in  “converting 
many  souls  to  God,”  and  sufifered  much  for  the  testi- 
mony of  Truth ; but  he  had  the  comforting  assurance 
of  divine  favor,  and  the  consolations  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  to  support  him  under  all  the  trials  to  which  he 
was  subjected. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1655,  Humphrey 
Smith,  being  at  a religious  meeting  in  the  house  of 
Thomas  Cartwright,  in  the  borough  of  Evesham, 
Worcestershire,  a constable  came  and  took  both  these 
Friends  before  two  justices,  who  tendered  to  them  the 
oath  of  abjuration.  Being  conscientiously  opposed 
to  all  oaths,  they  declined  to  comply,  and  were  com- 
mitted to  prison.  About  a month  afterwards  they 


’ II.  Smith’s  Works,  63. 


228 


AMBROSE  RIGGE. 


[1656, 


were  examined  before  the  Mayor,  who  re-committed 
them ; and,  subsequently,  they  were  arraigned  at  the 
Sessions,  before  the  Kecorder  and  Judge  of  that  court. 
'No  other  offence  appearing  against  them,  they  were 
fined  for  not  putting  oft*  their  hats,  and  remanded  to 
prison.  In  the  afternoon,  a meeting  of  Friends  was 
held  in  the  street  contiguous  to  the  prison  ; but  the 
Mayor,  Edward  Young,  came  and  broke  it  up  with 
violence,  putting  some  of  the  Friends  into  the  stocks, 
and  others  into  prison.  He  caused  Humphrey  Smith, 
and  two  others,  to  be  thrust  into  a dungeon  not  twelve 
feet  square,  with  no  other  ventilation  than  a hole 
only  four  inches  wide,  and  so  dark  that  even  in  the 
day-time  they  kept  a candle  burning  when  they  could 
obtain  one.  The  bedding  brought  them  by  their 
friends  was  taken  from  them  by  order  of  the  Mayor, 
and  they  were  even  denied  the  use  of  straw. 

In  this  noisome  dungeon,  too  oftensive  for  descrip- 
tion, they  were  kept  fourteen  weeks,  and  the  whole 
time  of  their  imprisonment  was  more  than  a year. 
The  number  of  Friends  then  imprisoned  at  Evesham 
was  twelve,  who  were  liberated,  and  their  fines  re- 
mitted, by  an  order  from  the  Protector,  dated  1st  of 
September,  1656. 

Humphrey  Smith  remained  but  a short  time  at 
liberty ; being  taken  early  in  the  following  year,  at 
Ringwood  in  Hampshire,  and  committed  to  prison, 
where  he  was  detained  fourteen  weeks,  until  dis- 
charged by  order  of  a committee  of  Parliament.^ 

Ambrose  Rigge,  a native  of  Westmoreland,  was 
convinced  of  Friends’  principles  by  the  preaching  of 
George  Fox,  about  the  year  1652,  and  received  a gift 


‘ Besse,  Vol.  I. 


1655.] 


JOHN  LI  L BURN. 


229 


in  the  ministry.^  In  the  year  1655,  he  was  led  by  a 
sense  of  religious  duty  to  visit  London  and  the  south 
and  west  parts  of  England,  preaching  the  gospel  of 
peace  and  salvation.  Being  joined  hy  his  friend, 
Thomas  Kobinson,  they  held  a meeting  at  Basingstoke 
in  Hampshire,  where  a justice  of  the  peace,  accom- 
panied by  a priest,  came  and  arrested  them.  The 
oath  of  abjuration  being  tendered  to  them,  they  con- 
scientiousl}"  refused  to  take  it,  and  were  sent  to  prison, 
where  they  remained  three  months.  In  the  same 
year  Ambrose  Bigge  was  imprisoned  at  Southampton 
in  Hampshire  ; and  again,  in  the  year  1658,  as  he  was 
going  to  visit  some  Friends  in  prison  at  Southampton, 
he  was  seized  hy  a constable  and  other  otficers,  who 
pulled  him  down-stairs,  and  dragged  him  on  the 
ground  by  the  hair  of  his  head.  After  this,  he  was, 
hy  the  mayor’s  order,  whipped  in  the  market-place, 
then  thrown  into  a cart,  and  sent  away,  with  threats 
of  worse  usage  if  he  returned.  Such  was  the  barba- 
rous treatment  inflicted  on  an  innocent  man,  for  no 
other  ofience  than  performing  the  Christian  duty  of 
visiting  his  imprisoned  brethren.^ 

Among  those  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends 
in  the  year  1655,  was  John  Lilburn,  who  had  occupied 
a conspicuous  position  in  public  life.  He  was  at  one 
time  a book-binder  in  London,  and  during  the  reign* 
of  Charles  I.  had  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty.  His  open  opposition  to  the 
policy  of  the  court  rendered  him  obnoxious  to  Arch- 
bishop Laud,  and  being  arraigned  before  the  star- 
chamber,  in  the  year  1637,  for  publishing  seditious 
pamphlets,  he  was  required  to  take  an  oath  to  answer 

1 Works  of  Ambrose  Rigge,  London,  1710. 

2 Besse,  I.  228  to  230. 

L— 20 


230 


JOHN  LILBURN. 


L1655. 


interrogatories ; which  he  refused  to  do,  because  he 
conceived  that  no  man  was  hound  to  accuse  himself. 
For  this  alleged  contempt  of  authority,  he  was  con- 
demned to  be  w^hipped,  pilloried,  and  imprisoned. 
During  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  he  addressed 
the  people,  and  declaimed  against  the  tyranny  of 
the  bishops.  This  being  considered  an  aggravation 
of  his  ofience,  he  was  ordered  to  be  gagged,  placed 
in  irons,  and  confined  in  the  Fleet  prison.^  In  the 
year  1640,  he  was  released  by  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, and  obtained  a decree  for  damages  against  his 
judges.  In  the  civil  war,  having  embraced  the  cause 
of  the  Parliament,  he  was  appointed  Lieutenant 
Colonel,  and  gained  a victory  over  the  Earl  of  Derby, 
who  was  marching  through  Lancashire  with  an  army 
to  join  the  king. 

After  the  execution  of  the  king,  the  Parliament 
became  subservient  to  Cromwell,  who  had  the  army 
at  his  command ; and  the  expectations  of  the  people 
in  regard  to  a redress  of  grievances  and  constitutional 
freedom  were  disappointed.  At  this  juncture,  Lilburn, 
true  to  his  principles,  presented  a petition  to  Parlia- 
ment, breathing  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and,  about  the 
same  time,  he  published  a pamphlet  entitled,  Eng- 
land’s Second  Chains.”  His  remonstrances  were  so 
unwelcome  to  the  pretended  champions  of  liberty 
then  holding  the  reins  of  government,  that  he  was 
thrown  into  prison  as  a promoter  of  sedition,  and 
illegally  prosecuted.  Petitions  were  presented  from  a 
vast  number  of  persons,  both  men  and  women,  pray- 
ing that  the  prosecution  might  be  arrested ; but  re- 
gardless of  the  voice  of  the  people  and  the  restraints 


Gough,  1. 200. 


1655.] 


JOHN  LILBURN. 


231 


of  law,  the  party  in  power  caused  him  to  be  tried  for 
high  treason.  He  defended  himself  with  signal  intre- 
pidity, and  being  acquitted  by  the  jury,  obtained  his 
release,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  people.’ 

After  Cromwell  had  attained  to  supreme  authority 
under  the  title  of  Protector,  Lilburn  again  came 
forward,  both  by  word  and  writing,  to  expose  his 
usurpation  and  the  tyranny  of  his  proceedings.  Being 
much  incensed  at  these  bold  remonstrances,  the  Pro- 
tector caused  him  to  be  taken  into  custody,  and  pro- 
secuted for  high  treason.  Lilburn  again  defended 
himself  with  undaunted  courage,  asserting  in  answer 
to  the  charge  against  him,  ‘‘  That  what  he  had  done 
was  not  only  no  high  treason,  but  the  government 
was  such  that  no  high  treason  could  be  committed 
against  it,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  all  good  English- 
men to  oppose  it  as  a tyrannical  usurpation ; that  he 
might  have  attained  great  preferment  if  he  could  have 
brought  himself  to  acquiesce  in  it ; but,  believing  this 
to  be  unlawful,  his  life  was  to  be  a sacrifice  to  his 
honesty ; but  he  was  exempt  from  fear,  because  he 
was  asserting  a good  cause.”  He  was  acquitted  by 
the  jury,  notwithstanding  the  efiTorts  of  the  judges  to 
convict  him ; but  Cromwell,  to  secure  his  own  usurped 
authority,  kept  him  in  prison  during  the  remainder 
of  his  government.  Lilburn,  being  removed  from  one 
prison  to  another,  was  at  length  incarcerated  in  Hover 
Castle.  Here  he  became  acquainted  with  Luke 
Howard,  who  has  already  been  mentioned  as  an  in- 
habitant of  Hover,  professing  the  principles  of  Friends. 
Through  his  instructive  conversation  and  example, 
Lilburn  was  induced  to  embrace  the  same  principles. 


Hume,  IV.  54-76. 


232 


JOHN  LILBURN. 


[1655. 


In  a letter  to  his  wife,  written  in  prison,  he  says, 
“ Here  in  Hover  Castle,  through  the  loving  kindness 
of  God,  I have  met  with  a more  clear,  plain,  and 
evident  knowledge  of  God  and  myself,  and  his 
gracious  visitations  to  my  soul,  than  ever  I had  in  all 
my  life-time.” 

He  had  been  previously  offered  his  liberty  by 
Cromwell  on  condition  that  he  would  sign  a declara- 
tion never  to  draw  a sword  against  his  government ; 
but  at  that  time  he  was  not  prepared  to  renounce  the 
use  of  warlike  weapons.  After  he  embraced  the 
peaceable  principles  of  Friends,  he  issued  a printed 
declaration,  stating  that  ^Gie  was  already  dead  or 
crucified,  to  the  very  occasions  and  real  grounds  of 
all  outward  wars,”  and  that  he  should  never  again  use 
the  sword ; this  declaration,  he  states,  was  not  given 
forth  to  avoid  persecution,  but,  in  order,  if  he  must 
be  an  imprisoned  sufferer,  that  it  might  thenceforth 
be  for  the  Truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  which  Truth  he 
witnessed  to  be  professed  and  practised  by  the  people 
called  Quakers.  He  continued  steadfast  in  the  Truth, 
was  liberated  on  the  death  of  Cromwell,  and  died  in 
London,  in  the  year  1660.^ 


1 Sewel,  I.  162;  Gough,  1. 


1664.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


233 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

YORKSHIRE  AND  CORNWALL. 

1654-6. 

In  the  year  1654,  there  were,  in  the^  Society  of 
Friends,  about  sixty  ministers,^  who,  being  called  and 
qualified  by  the  great  Head  of  the  Church  to  preach 
the  gospel  of  peace,  became  instrumental  in  making 
many  proselytes,  and  settling  meetings  in  various 
places.  But  in  proportion  as  the  principles  of  Friends 
were  spread,  and  their  numbers  augmented,  the  oppo- 
sition and  persecution  they  endured  continued  to 
increase  ; being  chiefly  instigated  by  tlie  clergy,  whose 
emoluments  were  endangered  by  the  success  of  a free 
gospel  ministry. 

Among  those  who  labored  much  and  suffered  long 
for  the  cause  of  truth,  William  Dewsbury,  whose 
convincement  lias  already  been  mentioned,^  now 
claims  our  attention.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1654, 
he  was  travelling  through  Yorkshire,  holding  meet- 
ings for  public  worship,  and  ‘‘  confirming  the  brethren 
from  house  to  house,”  when  Edward  Bowles,  a cler- 
gyman who  officiated  in  the  cathedral  at  York,  lodged 
information  against  bim  with  the  foreman  of  the 
grand  jury.  In  this  accusation,  he  w^as  called  a 
“ringleader  of  the  persons  called  Quakers,  and  it  was 
stated  that  he  was  then  going  up  and  down  in  the 


* George  Fox’s  Journal. 
20* 


^ See  Chap.  II. 


234 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1664. 


West  Riding  of  Yorkshire,  dispersing  principles  pre- 
judicial to  the  truth  of  the  gospel  and  the  peace  of 
the  Commonwealth.”^  On  this  information,  Judge 
Wjndham  granted  a warrant  for  his  apprehension, 
and  a constable,  armed  with  an  iron  fork,  proceeded 
to  Tholthorpe,  where  William  Dewsbury  and  his 
friends  were  found  in  a meeting,  waiting  upon  God. 
Although  the  officer  came  into  the  meeting  as  though 
he  intended  to  commit  an  act  of  violence,  yet  his 
bloody  pur^se  was  frustrated,  either  by  the  solemn 
and  dignified  deportment  of  the  Friends,  or  by  that 
divine  power  whose  presence  was  felt  to  be  in  the 
midst  of  them.  He  did  not,  however,  abandon  his 
purpose,  but  w^ent  to  Kirby  Hall,  the  residence  of 
Thomas  Dickenson,  a justice  of  the  peace,  and  there 
procured  another  warrant  for  William  Dewsbury’s 
apprehension  and  imprisonment. 

At  Crake,  a small  town  about  t^venty-five  miles 
north-west  of  York,  he^was  apprehended  by  John 
Lockwood,  the  high  constable,  and  taken  before  Jus- 
tice Dickenson,  who  being  unable  to  prove  anything 
against  him,  committed  him  to  York  Castle,  by  virtue 
of  the  warrant  previously  issued  by  Judge  Wyndham. 

Here  he  remained  a prisoner  three  months,  until 
the  general  assizes,  when  Judge  Wyndham  sat  upon 
the  bench.  William  Dewsbury  and  his  friends  court- 
ing an  investigation,  interceded  with  the  judge  to 
bring  him  and  his  accuser  face  to  face  in  open  court ; 
but  this  reasonable  request  was  denied,  and  without  a 
trial  the  innocent  sufferer  was  cleared  by  proclamation 
and  set  at  liberty.^ 


‘ Dewsbury^s  Testimony,  London,  1689 ; and  Besse. 
2 Dewsbury^s  Testimony. 


1654.] 


235 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 

/ 

After  his  release,  he  continued  to  travel  in  the 
work  of  the  ministry,  holding  meetings  in  Cleveland 
and  other  parts  of  Yorkshire,  in  Nottinghamshire,  and 
at  Derby.  He  was,  however,  left  at  liberty  only  about 
a month,  when  he  was  again  arrested  while  preaching 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Derby,  and  carried  before  the 
court  then  in  session.  The  first  question  propounded 
to  him  w^as,  ‘‘In  whose  presence  dost  thou  now 
stand.”  He  replied,  “In  the  presence  of  the  ever- 
lasting God.”  The  justice  then  said,  “Jailer,  take 
him  away,  and  put  him  in  prison  for  disturbing  the 
court.”  He  was  accordingly  conducted  to  prison, 
where  he  remained  until  the  evening,  when  the  mayor 
sent  for  him,  and  asked  him,  “ What  he  came  to  do  ?” 
He  answered,  “I  came  to  declare  the  w^ord  of  the 
Lord  to  the  consciences  of  the  people  of  Derby.” 
The  mayor  asked  him,  if  he  would  go  out  of  the 
town  ? William  Dewsbury  answered,  “ When  the 
Lord  orders  me  to  go  forth,  then  I shall  go ; till  then, 
I shall  stay.”  The  mayor  then  remanded  him  to 
prison.  The  next  day,  in  the  forenoon,  one  of  the 
mayor’s  officers  came  to  the  prison  and  said  to  him, 
“ K thou  wilt  go  out  of  the  town  and  come  into  it  no 
more,  I will  open  the  prison  doors.”  Dewsbury  re- 
plied, “ Out  of  the  town  I shall  not  go,  until  I am 
ordered  of  the  Lord ; and  if  thou  openest  the  door  I 
shall  not  go  forth  from  the  prison,  till  th.e  man  who 
said  he  had  authority  to  put  me  in,  come  by  the  same 
authority  and  take  me  out.”  The  officer  then  left 
him,  and  soon  after  the  man  under  wffiose  charge  he 
was  committed  to  prison,  came,  and  having  opened 
the  prison  door,  took  him  by  the  arm  and  thrust  him 
out.  He  was  then  delivered  to  an  officer,  who  put 
him  out  of  the  town,  charging  him  with  threats  to 


236 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1654. 


depart  and  not  return.  These  threats  were,  however, 
disregarded  by  William  Dewsbury,  who  being  con- 
scious of  his  innocence,  and  constrained  by  a sense 
of  duty,  returned  to  Derby,  and  there  continued  until 
he  felt  freedom  to  depart.  Pursuing  his  journey,  he 
came  to  Leicester,  and  there,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
week,  a large  number  of  persons  assembled  to  hear 
him,  to  Tvhom  he  declared  the  gospel  of  Christ.  He 
then  went  to  the  public  place  of  worship,  and  after 
the  minister  had  done,  he  preached  the  word  of  eternal 
life  to  the  people,  who  heard  him  with  much  atten- 
tion. Before  he  had  finished  his  discourse  two  officers 
laid  hands  on  him,  and  with  violence  carried  him 
before  the  mayor  of  the  city,  who,  without  examina- 
tion, committed  him  to  .prison.  The  next  day  he  was 
brought  before  the  mayor  and  another  officer,  who 
proceeded  to  examine  him,  and  although  nothing  was 
proved  against  him,  they  ordered  the  jailer  to  put  him 
out  of  the  town,  threatening  to  treat  him  with  severity 
if  he  should  return.  He  was  accordingly  conducted 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  city;  but  this  illegal  and 
unjust  proceeding  did  not  prevent  his  immediate 
return,  and  he  resumed  his  religious  labors  in  Lei- 
cester. At  length,  feeling  himself  clear  to  depart,  he 
travelled  into  Northamptonshire,  and  at  the  town  of 
Wellingborough  he  preached  the  word  of  life,  which 
many  received  with  gladness.  His  success  excited 
the  animosity  of  Thomas  Andrews,  the  resident  cler- 
gyman, who  said  to  him  in  the  street,  ‘‘  Give  over 
deceiving  the  people,  lest  the  plagues  of  God  fall  upon 
thee.”  William  Dewsbury  answered,  ‘‘  If  thou  sayest 
I deceive  the  people,  make  it  appear  wherein  I de- 
ceive them.”  He  replied,  ‘‘  Thou  tellest  them  there 
is  no  original  sin.”  ‘‘Didst  thou  hear  me  say  so?” 


1654.] 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


237 


rejoined  Dewsbury,  answer  being  returned,  be 
added,  Thou  must  either  prove  what  thou  accusest 
me  of,  or  own  thy  condemnation  upon  thy  false  accu- 
sation.” The  clergyman  made  no  reply,  but  hastened 
away. 

About  three  wfeeks  afterwards,  being  in  the  10th 
month,  1654,  William  Dewsbury,  having  been  absent 
from  Wellingborough,  returned,  and  went  to  the 
parish  house  of  worship.  He  stood  in  silence  until 
Andrews  had  gone  through  the  service,  and  then 
embraced  the  opportunity  to  preach  to  the  people  who 
listened  with  attention.  Having  finished  his  exhorta- 
tion, he  turned  to  Andrews,  saying,  ‘‘  Thou  hast  ac- 
cused me  of  deceiving  the  people ; prove  thy  accusa-  ' 
tion  now  before  the  people,  or  acknowledge  the  false- 
hood of  it.”  The  priest  made  no  answer,  but  de- 
parted. Upon  this,  William  Dewsbury  was  hauled 
out  of  the  house  into  the  yard,  where  he  found 
another  opportunity  to  address  the  congregation,  who 
stood  quietly  to  hear  him,  until  the  high-constable 
came  to  arrest  him.  He  was  conducted  to  the  market- 
place, but  when  it  was  found  that  nothing  could  be 
proved  against  him,  he  was  liberated. 

He  then  retired  to  the  house  of  his  friend,  Francis 
Ellington,  and  from  an  upper  window,  preached  to 
the  people  assembled  below^  many  of  whom  received 
the  word  in  much  love.”^  Francis  Ellington  was  a 
woollen  manufacturer  and  upholsterer  at  Welling- 
borough, who,  having  previously  been  convinced 
through  the  ministry  of  William  Dewsbury,  invited 
him  to  his  house,  and  afterwards  became  his  fellow- 
prisoner  for  the  testimony  of  the  gospel. 


* Life  of  Wm.  Dewsbury,  by  Edward  Smith ; Friends^  Lib.  II.  239. 


238 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1654. 


William  Dewsbury  was  not  long  permitted  to  enjoy 
this  hospitable  retreat : for,  on  the  following  day,  the 
constable  having  procured  a warrant  for  the  appre 
hension  of  ‘‘one  who  is  commonly  called  a Quaker,” 
came  to  arrest  him.  Francis  Ellington  remonstrated 
with  the  officer  for  attempting  to  arrest  his  friend 
under  a warrant  so  vague  that  the  name  of  the  party 
to  be  arrested  was  not  even  mentioned  in  it ; but,  the 
constable  persisted  in  his  purpose,  and  conducted  his 
prisoner  before  a justice  of  the  peace,  who  committed 
him  to  the  common  jail,  at  l!Torthampton,  there  to 
a'wait  the  assizes. 

Joseph  Storr  was  also  committed  wuth  him  for  no 
other  offence  than  having  come  before  the  justice  to 
witness  the  issue  of  his  friend’s  examination. 

It  appears  by  a letter  of  John  Whitehead’s  to 
George  Fox,  that  the  labors  of  William  Dewsburj^, 
in  Yorkshire,  were  attended  with  remarkable  success. 
He  whites  about  this  time,  that  there  was  a mighty 
thirst  on  every  side,  great  meetings  and  many  con- 
vincements.”  ^ 

The  Friends  in  Northampton  jail  were  kept  nearly 
two  weeks  in  an  apartment  twelve  feet  under  ground, 
among  thieves  and  murderers ; and  then  we're  brought 
before  the  justices  at  the  Quarter  Sessions.  Their 
mittimus  was  read,  but  they  were  refused  a copy  of 
it,  and  without  examination  they  were  remanded  to 
jail  till  the  next  Assizes,  to  be  held  about  two  months 
after.  At  the  Sessions,  Francis  Ellington,  who  came 
thither  to  hear  the  trial  of  his  friends,  being  required 
to  give  sureties  for  his  good  behavior,  declined,  and 
was  committed  to  the  same  prison. 


* Life  of  William  Dewsbury ; Friends^  Lib.  II.  240. 


1655.]  TRIAL  OF  W.  DEWSBURY.  239 

Henry  Williamson  was  also  committed  before  the 
next  assizes  for  having  attempted  to  speak  to  a 
congregation  after  the  priest  had  gone  through  his 
services.^ 

At  the  Assizes,  which  began  the  10th  of  the  First 
Month,  1655,  William  Dewsbury,  Joseph  Storr,  and 
Henry  Williamson,  were  brought  before  the  judges, 
Matthew  Hale  and  Hugh  Wyndham,  when  the  fol- 
lowing examination  took  place. 

Judge  Hale.  — Art  thou  Dewsbury  ? 

W.  Dewsbury. — Yea,  I am  so  called. 

Judge  Hale.  — Where  dost  thou  live  ? 

TF.  Dewsbury.  — I have  a wife  and  three  children 
at  Wakefield,  in  Yorkshire. 

Judge.  — What  earnest  thou  into  this  country  to  do, 
that  thou  didst  not  stay  in  thy  own  country  with  thy 
wife  and  children  ? 

W.  D.  — I staid  in  that  country  with  my  wife  and 
children  until  the  Father  revealed  his  son  in  me,  and 
called  me  forth  from  my  wife  and  children  to  declare 
his  Word  of  Eternal  Life,  which  he  hath  manifested 
to  my  soul  in  the  great  work  of  regeneration,  in  the 
new  covenant  of  life  in  Christ  Jesus.  I am  sent  to 
preach  the  everlasting  gospel  to  those  that  dwell  upon 
the  earth. 

Judge.  — I fear  it  is  a delusion,  and  thine  own 
fancies,  and  not  the  truth. 

W.  D.  — Time  will  make  it  manifest. 

Judge.  — Thou  drawest  people  together,  and  actest 
against  ministry  and  magistracy. 

W.  D.  — As  thou  standest  in  the  presence  of  God, 
take  heed  of  hearkening  to  false  accusations.  Ministry 


* Besse,  I.  519. 


240  TRIAL  OF  W.  DEWSBURY.  [1655. 

and  magistracy  which  are  of  God,  I own,  but  those 
who  are  called  ministers  of  Christ,  and  walk  contrary 
to  scripture,  I disowii. 

Judge. — But  who  are  they  that  walk  contrary  to 
scripture  ? 

W.  B.  — They  that  abide  not  in  the  doctrine  of 
Christ,  but  have  the  chief  place  in  the  assemblies, 
stand  praying  in  the  synagogues,  love  greetings  in  the 
market-places,  and  are  called  of  men  masters — wdiich 
practices  Christ  cried  wo  against ; and  they  that  walk 
in  them  w'alk  contrary  to  scripture. 

Judge.  — These  are  small  things  to  speak  of. 

W.  D.  — There  is  nothing  small  which  the  Lord 
comrnands. 

Judge.  — Thou  sayest  well.  [7b  the  Court.']  What 
have  you  against  these  men  ? 

W.  B.  — That  is  what  we  would  have  manifested, 
what  law  we  have  transgressed. 

Judge.  — Produce  what  you  have  against  them,  and 
I shall  proceed  according  to  law. 

Clerk  of  the  Peace.  — Here  are  papers  which  Dews- 
bury and  Storr  had,  wLich  are  against  the  lord 
Protector. 

W.  B.  — The  papers  they  took  from  me,  which 
they  say  are  against  the  lord  Protector,  I was  moved 
to  write.  I sent  one  to  him  privately  with  care,  in 
the  Fourth  month  in  last  year,  and  the  other  hath 
been  privately  delivered  to  him ; and  privately  I kept 
the  copy  of  the  papers,  until  I was  apprehended  by 

virtue  of  a warrant  granted  by  Justice  Pentlow 

Then  they  took  these  papers  from  me  Avhich  I had 
privately  on  me  in  a letter-case,  which  here  they  pro- 
duce publicly  as  an  evidence  against  me. 

Judge. — Bead  the  paper.  [ When  part  of  it  was  read.] 
Give  over,  that  paper  is  not  to  be  published, 


1655.]  TRIAL  OF  W.  DEWSBURY.  241 

W.  D.  — It  is  not  my  mind  that  they  should  be 
published. 

Judge.  — How  darest  thou  write  to  him  in  such  high 
language,  as  from  the  spirit  of  the  Lord? 

W.  D.  — They  in  whom  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is, 
write  from  the  spirit,  and  he  that  hath  not  the  spirit 
of  Christ  is  none  of  his. 

Judge.  — But  I fear  it  is  not  from  the  spirit,  for 
many  pretend  to  the  spirit  and  the  divine  light  and 
revelations,  but  how  shall  we  know  they  are  the  truth 
according  to  the  Scriptures  ? 

W.  D.  — The  Scriptures  cannot  be  known  but  by 
the  pure  divine  light  of  Christ,  which  enlightens  every 
one  that  comes  into  the  world ; of  which  pure  light 
Christ  hath  given  to  every  one  a measure  to  try  the 
spirits  in  them,  whether  they  be  of  God  or  not. 
“Every  spirit  that  confesseth  Christ  is  come  in  the 
flesh,  is  of  God ; but  he  that  denies  that  Christ  is  come 
in  the  flesh  is  the  spirit  of  Antichrist.”  And  this  light 
gave  the  Scriptures  forth,  which  light  leads  to  Christ, 
who  reveals  the  Father  to  the  soul  which'  gives  up  to 
be  guided  by  him.  So  the  soul  comes  to  know  God 
by  the  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  they  who  walk 
in  the  spirit  are  known  by  their  fruits  in  all  their 
words  and  works.  The  prophet  Amos  had  the  spirit 
of  the  Lord,  and  from  the  spirit  declared  the  word  of 
the  Lord  to  the  king  of  Israel,  but  the  people  could 
not  bear  his  words. 

Judge.  — Thou  sayest  well,  if  thou  doest  as  thou 
sayest;  but  this  it  may  be  will  be  expected,  and  I 
think  it  will  be  fair  to  give  bail  for  your  appearance 
at  the  next  assizes. 

W.  D.  — First  make  manifest  what  law  we  have 
, transgressed  before  bail  be  required, 

j 1-21 

I 

i 


242 


TRIAL  OF  W.  DEWSBURY. 


[1655. 


[After  this,  the  prisouers  were  set  aside,  and  the 
judge  proceeded  to  other  business,  till  the  court  was 
ready  to  adjourn  in  the  evening,  and  then  the  jailer 
asked  the  judge  what  he  should  do  wuth  those  York- 
shiremen.] 

Judge.  — Bring  them  before  the  court. 

[This  being  done,  some  of  the  court  said,  ‘‘Take 
ofi*  their  hats,”  and  two  of  their  hats  were  taken  off; 
but  as  they  were  about  to  take  off  William  Dews- 
bury’s, the  judge  said,  “Let  it  be  on,”  and  bade  them 
put  on  the  hats  of  the  other  two  again,  which  was 
clone  at  his  command.  lie  then  spake  to  William 
Dewsbury.] 

Judge. — Yow  I see  what  thou  art,  and  thy  vizard 
and  form  of  fair  words  is  seen,  and  thou  art  not  the 
man  thou  pretendest  to  be. ' 

W.  D. — Vizards  and  formality  I deny ; but  the 
power  of  God  I own  and  witness,  in  which  I stand, 
and  am  subject  to  it,  and  to  the  ordinances  of  man 
for  conscience’  sake. 

■ Judge. — Now  thou  art  commanded : Take  off  thy 
hat. 

W.  D. — Honor  is  not  in  pulling  off  the  hat,  but  in 
obeying  the  just  commands  of  God,  and  my  hat 
offends  not  any.  They  who  are  offended  at  it  may 
take  it  off’;  I shall  not  resist  them.  But  there  is  no 
Scripture  that  expresses  any  honor  to  be  in  putting  off 
the  hat. 

Judge. — What!  must  we  do  nothing  but  wLat  is 
expressed  in  Scripture,  for  our  apparel  wLat  we  shall 
put  on  ? 

W.  D. — Yea,  the  Scripture  saith,  “Let  your  adorn- 
ing be  with  modest  apparel.” 

Judge. — Art  thou  judge,  that  thou  standest  covered, 
and  will  not  uncover,  as  other  prisoners  do  ? 


1655.]  TRIAL  OF  W.  DEWSBURY.  243 

W.  D. — What  I do,  God  is  my  witness,  I do  it  not 
in  contempt  to  any ; bnt  in  obedience  to  the  power  of 
God  for  conscience’  sake. 

Judge. — If  you  will  not  stand  as  prisoners,  I will 
not  do  any  thing  concerning  you ; but  here  I found 
you,  and  here  I shall  leave  you. 

W.  D. — We  have  been  above  ten  weeks  in  the  low 
jail,  and  no  breach  of  any  law  found  against  us : we 
stand  subject  to  the  power  of  God,  whatever  he  sufters 
thee  to  do  with  us. 

The  court  then  proceeded  to  the  examination  of 
other  prisoners. 

On  the  12th  of  the  same  month,  the  judges,  Wynd- 
ham  and  Hale,  being  together  on  the  bench,  they 
called  for  the  prisoners,  Dewsbury,  Storr,  and  William- 
son. 

Judge  Wyndliam. — Take  off  their  hats. 

Judge  Hale. — Read  the  evidence  against  them. 

The  evidence  being  read,  the  judge  said,  “Didst 
thou  speak  these  words  ?” 

William  Dewsbury  then  related  his  intercourse  with 
priest  Andrews,  and  the  circumstances  which  led  to 
the  disturbance  in  the  market-place  at  Welling- 
borough ; asserting  that  the  breach  of  the  peace  and 
the  tumult  were  caused  by  his  accusers,  and  not  by 
him.  The  examination  then  proceeded.  William 
Dewsbury  was  questioned  concerning  his  place  of 
residence  and  occupation,  after  which,  he  and  the 
other  Friends  were  required  to  give  sureties  for  their 
appearance  at  the  next  assizes ; but  they,  being  con- 
scious that  they  were  innocent,  and  had  been  unjustly 
imprisoned,  refused  to  comply  with  the  demand. 

Judge  Hale  then  said:  “If  you  will  not  find  sure- 
ties, you  must  lie  here  till  the  next  assizes.  Look  to 
them  jailer.” 


244  FRIENDS  IN  PRISON.  [1655 

"William  Dewsbury  meekly  replied : Do  with  us 

as  thou  hast  power  to  do.” 

Accordingly,  they  were  carried  back  to  prison,  and 
there  confined,  as  before,  in  the  low,  noisome  cell, 
among  felons. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  name  of  Judge 
Hale,  otherwise  so  deservedly  honored,  should  be 
found  in  connection  with  these  disgraceful  proceed- 
ings. He  was,  doubtless,  infiuenced  by  the  general 
odium  then  heaped  upon  Friends;  but  afterwards, 
when  he  came  to  know  them  better,  his  course  towards 
them  was  very  different.  Great  fears  of  political  con- 
vulsions were  then  entertained,  and  the  refusal  of 
Friends  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  abjuration, 
subjected  them  to  undeserved  suspicion  from  the  civil 
authorities.^  It  was  about  this  time,  that  George  Fox, 
as  already  related,  was  arrested,  and  carried  before 
Oliver  Cromwell. 

During  the  imprisonment  of  Dewsbury,  Storr,  and 
Williamson,  in  Northampton  jail,  several  other  Friends 
were  committed  to  the  same  prison. 

John  Whitehead,  having  attended  the  parish  house 
of  worship  at  Wellingborough,  waited  till  the  service 
was  over,  and  then  asked  the  priest  some  questions 
concerning  his  doctrine.  Instead  of  answering  the 
questions,  the  priest  called  him  a madman,  and  went 
away.  John  Whitehead  then  preached  so  powerfully 
to  the  people  that  they  heard  him  willingly,  and  many 
of  them  accepted  his  doctrines.  This  displeased  the 
priest,  who  sent  him  a challenge  to  a disputation, 
which  being  accepted,  they  met  in  the  parish  house 
of  worship,  where  many  people  were  assembled,  and 


Besse,  I.  524. 


1655.] 


FRIENDS  IN  PRISON. 


245 


several  clergymen  were  present.  Jolin  TVliitehead 
proposed  a question  to  the  preachers,  which  they  re- 
fused to  answer ; but  Andrews,  one  of  their  number, 
began  to  accuse  him,  and  he  defended  himself  so 
successfully,  that  many  of  the  people  evinced  their 
satisfaction.  The  clergymen,  finding  themselves  baf- 
fled in  controversy,  resorted  to  their  last  argument. 
Byfield,  priest  of  Torrington,  laid  violent  hands  on 
John  Whitehead,  and  dragged  him  by  force  out  of 
the  house.  A warrant  was  procured  to  apprehend 
him  as  a vagrant,  and  he  was  carried  before  two 
justices.  He  told  them  he  was  no  vagrant,  for  he 
could  prove  his  habitation  and  manner  of  living  by 
one  of  his  neighbors,  a substantial  man,  if  they  would 
admit  him  to  come  in.  Upon  this,  Marmaduke  Storr 
was  called,  who  infot^med  them  of  John’s  residence, 
and  that  he  had  a wife  and  family  whom  he  reputably 
maintained. 

They  then  asked  Marmaduke  his  name  and  place 
of  residence.  He  informed  them  he  was  a grazier, 
that  he  lived  at  Holderness,  in  the  eastern  part  of 
Yorkshire,  and  had  come  to  visit  his  brother,  Joseph 
Storr,  then  a prisoner  at  H'orthampton.  The  account 
he  gave  of  himself  and  his  neighbor  was  so  unex- 
ceptionable, that  the  justices  were  at  a stand,  but, 
after  consulting  with  some  of  the  clergy,  they  tendered 
them  both  the  oath  of  Abjuration.  The  Friends 
answered,  that  they  were  well  known  to  be  no  Papists ; 
but  that  they  could  not  swear  for  conscience’  sake. 
They  were  then  required  to  give  sureties  for  their 
good  behavior,  which  they  declined  to  do,  and  were 
committed  to  prison. 

Edward  Herman  was  imprisoned  under  a ground- 
less charge  of  being  a vagrant ; and  Thomas  Cockett 
21* 


246  WILLIAM  DEWSBURY.  [1655. 

appearing  in  his  defence,  and  reproving  the  justice 
for  his  severity,  was  also  committed  to  the  same  prison. 

It  appears  from  letters  written  by  William  Dews- 
bury, during  his  imprisonment  at  Northampton,  that 
the  justices  made  use  of  the  jailer  to  endeavor  to 
obtain  from  the  Friends  some  expressions  that  could 
be  construed  into  a willingness  to  give  bonds  for  their 
good  behavior,  promising  on  this  condition  their 
immediate  release.  These  efforts  were  fruitless  ; they 
maintained  their  integrity,  refusing  to  enter  into  any 
compromises,  to  make  any  concessions,  or  to  pay  any 
fines.  The  jailer  could  make  no  such  advances  to 
‘William  Dewsbury,  for  he  feared  his  piercing  eye,  and 
generally  shunned  him.  The  same  reluctance  to  en- 
counter him  was  manifested  by  the  chaplain  of  the 
prison,  whose  doctrines  Dewsbuty  had  censured. 

It  was  even  stated  in  open  court,  at  the  sessions, 
that  ‘‘  the  minister  durst  not  come  to  preach  any 
more  unless  some  course  were  taken  with  these 
Quakers;”  so  an  order  was  given  to  lock  them  down 
in  the  dungeon,  which  'was  always  done  afterwards 
during  the  hour  of  preaching. 

‘‘The  dread  of  our  God  is  upon  them,”  writes 
William  Dewsbury ; “ their  hearts  fail  them,  and 
their  torment  is  daily  increased  to  see  the  Lord’s 
work  prosper,  which  goes  on  in  mighty  poiver  all  over 
these  parts,  and  all  the  nation  over.  Friends  grow 
in  the  power  of  our  God.  They  come  from  London, 
and  many  other  places  on  every  side  to  visit  us, 
though  they  hear  that  they  cannot  be  suffered  to  come 
at  us ; and  the  wisdom  of  our  God  is  much  in  it,  who 
keeps  then  in  patience  with  boldness  to  sit  at  the  jail 
door,  for  a testimony  against  them,  which  adds  to 
their  torment.  The  jailer  threatens  them,  and  some 


1655.]  WILLIAM  DEWSBURY.  247 

are  ordered  of  the  Lord  to  go  to  the  justices  to  bear 
witness  against  their  wickedness;  and  every  one 
would  put  it  off  from  themselves,  and  deny  what  they 
have  done.’ 

‘‘  We  have  all  things  we  need  in  the  outward ; 
three  in  bonds  with  me  maintain  themselves ; two 
brothers,  Marrnaduke  and  Joseph  Storr,  and  one 
Francis  Ellington,  who  is  by  trade  an  upholsterer; 
and  Thomas  Goodair  is  in  the  town  jail,  and  main- 
tains himself. 

‘‘I  have  not  been  free  to  receive  any  money  of 
Friends  here  towards  my  necessities,  which  hath  much 
confounded  my  adversaries,  that  1113^  life  should  be 
given  up  for  their  soul’s  good,  and  not  to  receive  mo- 
ney of  them  to  supply’  my  wants ; but  in  some  places 
I paid  for  what  I needed  where  the^"  were  not  able. 
As  to  some  that  had  wealth,  but  had  parents  who  said 
they  would  be  destroj^ed  with  receiving  me,  and  that 
their  trading  would  fail  in  the  world,  contrary  to  their 
minds  I was  ordered  of  the  Lord  to  paj^  them  in  full 
for  what  I had,  that  the  gospel  might  not  be  burden- 
some. I am  supplied  at  all  times  with  what  I need, 
and  so  shall  my  wife  and  children  be,  according  to  the 
word  of  the  Lord,  which  was  sealed  to  me  eight  or 
nine  }^ears  ago,  when  a house  and  garden  grounds 
were  taken  from  me  by  this  persecuting  spirit,  which 
then  would  not  let  me  have  the  benefit  of  the  law, 
but  called  me  heretic^  and  said  I might  not  be  suffered 
to  have  an  outward  being  in  this  nation. 

‘‘Thomas  Goodair  was  kept  in  the  power  and  wis- 
dom of  our  God,  in  the  day  when  he  was  brought 
before  the  rulers  of  this  town  for  a testimony  against 


‘ Life  of  William  Dewsbur}';  Friends'  Lib.  II.  244, 


248 


WILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


[1655. 


them.  Thomas  Stubbs  is  in  great  service,  and  is  pre- 
ciously carried  forth  in  the  life.  Richard  Farnsworth 
is  come  up  amongst  Friends  in  these  parts;  much 
service  the  Lord  hath  for  him  amongst  them  ; a great 
convin cement  there  is  upon  many  people,  and  a great 
thirst  wherever  such  Friends  come;  the  harvest  is 
mighty,  but  the  laborers  are  few;  pray  the  Lord  of 
the  harvest  to  send  faithful  laborers  into  his  har- 
vest.”^ 

William  Dewsbury,  while  imprisoned  at  Northamp- 
ton, being  debarred  from  the  free  exercise  of  his  gift 
in  the  gospel  ministry,  employed  a portion  of  his  time 
in  writing  tracts  on  religious  subjects  and  epistles  for 
the  edification  of  the  church.  One  of  the  main  objects 
of  his  concern  was  to  call  people  away  from  a depend- 
ence upon  a formal  worship,  and  a lifeless,  stipendiary 
ministry,  in  order  to  direct  their  attention  to  that 
living  and  eternal  power  which  is  revealed  in  the  soul 
to  condemn  for  sin  and  lead  to  holiness.  ‘‘Hearken,” 
he  says,  “ every  one  diligently  to  the  counsel  of  the 
Lord,  the  light  that  witnesses  for  God  in  the  con- 
science. Give  up  to  be  guided  by  it,  then  you  will 
need  no  more  to  be  taught  of  men,  neither  shall  your 
teacher  be  removed  into  a corner  any  more,  but  thine 
eye  shall  see  thy  teacher,  and  thine  ear  shall  hear  a 
voice  behind  thee,  saying,  ‘ This  is  the  w'ay,  walk  in 
it,  w'hen  thou  turnest  to  the  right  hand  or  to  the  left.’ 
To  the  members  of  his  own  religious  Society  he  wrote, 
“ Friends,  meet  together  in  the  true  silence  of  your 
spirits ; wait  in  the  light  for  the  unlimited  spirit  of 
the  Lord  to  manifest  his  power  in  you  and  bruise  the 
serpent’s  head  in  all  his  appearances,  and  put  an  end 


‘ Life  of  Dewsbury. 


1655.] 


AVILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


249 


to  sin  and  bring  in  everlasting  righteousness ; that 
in  Him  you  may  grow,  who  is  God  over  all,  blessed 
for  ever.”^ 

1655.  At  the  assizes  held  at  Northampton  the  21st 
of  the  7th  month,  1655,  W.  Dewsbury  and  the  other 
Friends  imprisoned  there,  were  brought  into  court, 
judge  Atkins  being  on  the  bench,  when  an  examina- 
tion took  place  very  similar  in  its  character  and  re- 
sults to  that  before  judges  Hale  and  Wyndham,  as 
already  related.  The  prisoners  were  again  required 
to  give  bonds  for  their  good  behavior,  w'hich  they  re- 
fused to  do,  on  the  ground  that  it  would  involve  an 
acknowledgment  of  guilt,  and  might  interfere  wuth 
the  performance  of  their  religious  duties. 

They  were  again  remanded  to  jail,  where  they  re- 
mained six  months  longer,  until  the  First  month, 
1656,  when  they  were  discharged  by  an  order  from 
Oliver  Cromwell,  the  Protector.  In  this  grievous  im- 
prisonment, W.  Dewsbury  and  Joseph  Storr  had  suf- 
fered fifteen  months  ; Henry  Williamson,  John  White- 
head,  Marmaduke  Storr,  and  Thomas  Cockett,  about 
ten  months;  Francis  Ellington  thirty-eight  weeks; 
John  Hutchin  and  Michael  Patteson  twenty-eight 
weeks;  and  Edward  Ferman  thirteen  weeks.^ 

After  the  liberation  of  William  Dewsbury,  he  con- 
tinued his  travels  and  labors  in  the  gospel  ministry, 
in  England,  Wales,  and  Scotland,  being  instrumental 
in  converting  many  to  righteousness,  and  frequently 
suffering  imprisonment  for  the  cause  of  truth,  as  will 
be  hereafter  related. 

In  the  year  1656,  George  Fox,  accompanied  by 
William  Salt  of  London,  and  Edward  Pyott  of  Bristol, 


* Life  of  Dewsbury. 


2 Besse,  I.  528. 


250 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1656. 


travelled  into  Cornwall,  and  came  to  a place  called 
Market- Jew,  where  the  mayor  and  aldermen  sent 
their  constables  to  arrest  him ; but  as  the  officers  had 
no  warrant,  he  declined  to  go  with  them,  and  reproved 
them  for  their  incivility  to  strangers.  Before  he  left 
the  town,  he  wrote  a letter  of  exhortation  to  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  seven  parishes  at  the  Land’s-end,  which 
he  sent  by  a man  going  to  St.  Ives.  This  paper  was 
conveyed  to  Peter  Ceely,  a major  in  the  army,  and  a 
justice  of  the  peace  in  that  county,  who,  when  George 
Fox  and  his  companions  came  to  St.  Ives,  asked  him 
whether  he  would  own  it.  He  said,  yes.  Then  the 
major  tendered  to  him  the  oath  of  abjuration,  and 
George  handed  to  him  an  answer  to  it,  which  he  had 
given  to  the  Protector.  After  a tedious  examination, 
the  three  Friends  were  placed  under  a guard  of 
troopers,  with  a warrant  to  commit  them  to  Launceston 
jail,  notwithstanding  they  were  thus  guarded  by  a 
company  of  rude  soldiers,  they  managed  to  preach  to 
the  people  in  the  several  towns  through  which  they 
were  conducted.  On  First-day,”  says  George  Fox, 
in  his  Journal,  several  of  the  town’s-people  gathered 
around  us,  and  whilst  I held  the  soldiers  in  discourse, 
Edward  Pyott  spoke  to  the  people;  and  afterwards 
Edward  Pyott  held  the  soldiers  in  discourse,-  whilst  I 
spoke  to  the  people.  In  the  mean  time,  the  other 
Friend  (William  Salt)  got  out  backwards,  and  went 
to  the  steeple-house  to  speak  to  the  priest  and  people. 
The  people  were  exceedingly  desperate,  in  a mighty 
rage  against  him,  and  abused  him.  The  soldiers  also 
missing  him,  were  in  a great  rage,  and  threatened  to 
kill  us ; but  I declared  the  day  of  the  Lord  and  the 
wmrd  of  eternal  life  to  the  people.” 

On  the  road  they  met  Major  General  Desborough, 


165G.] 


GEORGE  fox’s  TRIAL. 


251 


the  captain  of  whose  troop  being  acquainted  with 
George  Fox,  offered  to  speak  to  the  General  on  his 
behalf.  The  prisoners  were  permitted  to  relate  the 
manner  of  their  arrest  and  commitment ; but  General 
Desborough  told  the  soldiers  the}^  might  carry  them 
I to  Launceston,  for  he  could  not  stay  to  talk,  lest  his 
horses  should  get  cold. 

It  was  nine  weeks  from  the  time  of  their  commit- 
! ment  until  the  assizes  held  in  the  spring  of  1656.  A 
j great  crowd  was  in  attendance,  and  Judge  Glyn,  then 

I chief  justice  of  England,  was  on  the  bench.  The 

prisoners  coming  into  court  with  their  hats  on,  the 
I judge  said  to  them,  ‘AVhy  do  you  not  put  off*  your 
hats  ?”  They  made  no  answer.  “Put  off* your  hats,” 
said  the  judge.  Still  they  said  nothing.  “ The  court 
I commands  you  to  put  off"  your  hats,”  cried  the  judge. 
At  length  George  Fox  said,  “AVhere  did  ever  any 
magistrate,  king  or  judge,  from  Moses  to  Daniel,  com- 
I maud  any  to  put  off*  their  hats  when  they  came  before 
them  in  their  courts,  either  amongst  the  Jews  (the 
people  of  God)  or  amongst  the  heathen  ? And  if  the 
j law  of  England  doth  command  any  such  thing,  show 
me  that  law,  either  written  or  printed.”  The  judge 
replied  in  an  angry  tone,  “ I do  not  carry  my  law 
books  on  my  back.”  George  Fox  rejoined,  “ Tell  me 
where  it  is  printed  in  any  law  book,  that  I may  read 
it.”  “ Take  him  away — prevaricator!”  said  the  iudsfe, 
“I’ll  firk  him.’’ 

1 The  prisoners  were  then  taken  away,  and  put 
I among  the  thieves;  but  presently  the  judge  called  to 

the  jailer  to  bring  them  back  again. 

Judge  [to  Geo.  Fox\. — “ Come  1 where  had  they  any 
hats,  from  Moses  to  Daniel  ? Come,  answer  me.  I 
I have  you  fast  now.” 


252 


GEORGE  fox’s  TRIAL. 


[1656. 


G.  Fox. — Thou  mayst  read,  in  the  third  of  Daniel, 
that  the  three  children  were  cast  into  the  fiery  furnace 
by  ^Nebuchadnezzar’s  command,  with  their  coats, 
their  hose,  and  their  hats  on.” 

Judge. — ‘‘Take  them  aw^ ay,  jailer.” 

They  were  accordingly  taken  to  ^prison,  and  by 
order  of  the  court  “ some  scores  of  books,”  relating 
to  Friends’  principles,  were  taken  from  them'.  In  the 
afternoon  they  were  again  brought  into  court,  and 
George  Fox,  observing  the  jurymen  and  others  taking 
oaths,  handed  forth  a paper  he  had  written  against 
swearing.  This  paper  passing  from  the  jury  to  the 
justices,  they  handed  it  to  the  judge,  who  directed  the 
clerk  to  ask  George  Fox,  “ Whether  that  seditious 
paper  was  his  ?”  He  answered  by  desiring  that  it 
might  be  read,  and  then  he  would  own  it,  if  it  was 
his.  The  clerk  objected;  but  at  length  consented, 
and  read  it,  after  which  George  Fox  said,  “I  own  it, 
and  so  may  you  too,  unless  you  deny  the  Scriptures ; 
for  is  not  this  Scripture  language,  the  words  and 
command  of  Christ  and  the  apostle,  which  all  true 
Christians  ought  to  obey  ?”  The  paper  was  then  laid 
aside,  and  the  judge  commanded  the  jailer  to  take 
off  the  prisoners’  hats.  George  Fox  said,  “ Why  have 
we  been  detained  these  nine  w^eeks,  seeing  that 
nothing  is  objected  to  us  but  about  our  hats  ? As  for 
putting  ofiP  our  hats,  that  is  an  honor  that  God  will 
lay  in  the  dust,  though  you  make  so  much  ado  about 
it.  The  honor  which  is  of  men,  and  which  men  seek 
one  of  another,  is  a mark  of  unbelievers  ; for  ‘how  can 
ye  believe,’  saith  Christ,  ‘who  receive  honor  one  of 
another,  and  seek  not  the  honor  that  cometh  from 
God  only?’  Christ -^aith,  ‘I  receive  not  honor  from 
men,’  and  all  true  Christians  should  be  of  his  mind.” 


1656.]  GEORGE  FOX'S  TRIAL.  253 

The  iudictment  being  read,  was  so  full  of  false 
charges,  that  it  might  be  supposed  to  relate  to  some 
of  the  thieves.  George  Fox  told  them  it  was  all  false, 
and  he  asked  for  justice  for  their  false  imprisonment. 
Then  Major  Ceely  said  to  the  judge,  ‘‘May  it  please 
you,  my  lord,  this  man  (pointing  to  George  Fox)  went 
aside"with  me,  and  told  me  how  serviceable  I might 
be  to  his  design ; that  he  could  raise  forty  thousand 
men  at  an  hour’s  warning,  and  involve  the  nation  in 
blood,  and  so  bring  in  King  Charles ; and  I would 
have  aided  him  out  of  the  country,  but  he  would  not 
go.  And  if  it  please  you,  my  lord,  I have  a witness 
to  swear  it.”  The  judge  was  not  forward  to  examine 
the  witness ; perceiving,  no  doubt,  that  the  charge 
was  a falsehood.  George  Fox  then  desired  that  his 
mittimus  might  be  read;  but  the  judge  said  it  should 
not  be  read ; George  insisted  that  it  should  be  read, 
as  it  concerned  his  liberty  and  his  life,  and  turning 
to  a fellow-prisoner,  he  said : Thou  hast  a copy,  read 

it  up.”  It  was  read,  and  the  whole  court  listened  in 
silence.  The  mittimus,  signed  Peter  Ceely,  stated 
that  the  prisoners  had  spread  several  papers  tending 
to  the  disturbance  of  the  public  peace,  and  could  not 
render  any  lawful  cause  for  coming  into  those  parts, 
being  persons  altogether  unknown,  having  no  pass 
for  travelling,  refusing  to  give  surety  for  good  be- 
havior, and  declining  to  take  the  oath  of  abjuration. 
MTien  the  reading  was  ended,  George  Fox  made  his 
defence,  showing  the  inconsistency  between  the  mitti- 
mus and  the  accusation  just  made  by  Major  Ceely; 
for,  if  the  prisoner  had  given  security,  he  might  have 
been  at  liberty  to  carry  on  the  alleged  treasonable 
design ; whereas,  if  such  a design  had  been  made 
known  to  the  magistrate,  he  had  no  right  to  accept 
I. — 22 


254  GEORGE  fox’s  TRIAL.  [1656. 

bail ; and,  moreover,  if  there  was  such  a plot.  Major 
Ceely  had  rendered  himself  a party  to  it  by  keeping 
it  so  long  concealed,  and  offering  to  aid  one  of  the 
parties  out  of  the  country. 

The  judge,  perceiving  that  the  accusation  was  false, 
took  no  more  notice  of  it,  and  then  Major  Ceely, 
addressing  the  court,  stated  that  George  Fox  struck 
him,  and  gave  him  such  a blow  as  he  never  had  in 
his  life.  This  charge  he  offered  to  prove  by  a wit- 
ness then  in  court ; but  the  person  appealed  to  re- 
fusing to  answer,  the  accusation  was  suffered  to  drop. 
It  appeared  afterwards  that  the  blow  received  by 
Major  Ceely  was  merely  a reproof  administered  by 
George  Fox  while  a prisoner,  because  Ceely  took  off 
his  hat  to  him,  and  addressed  him  with  a deceitful  com- 
pliment. Judge  Glyn,  finding  all  the  accusations 
groundless,  and  being  determined  to  inflict  some 
punishment  on  the  prisoners,  fined  them  twenty  marks 
apiece  for  not  putting  off  their  hats,  and  remanded 
them  to  prison  until  the  fine  should  be  paid. 

George  Fox  and  his  two  friends,  William  Salt  and 
Edward  Pyott,  being  now  immured  in  Launceston 
jail,  with  no  prospect  of  a speedy  release,  sent  their 
horses  into  the  country,  and  concluded  no  longer  to 
pay  the  jailer  for  their  board.  Being  thus  disap- 
pointed of  his  gains,  the  inhuman  jailer  thrust  them 
into  a dungeon  called  Doomsdale,  usually  appro- 
priated to  atrocious  criminals  after  their  condemna- 
tion. This  was  a horribly  filthy  place,  so  noisome 
that  few  who  went  into  it  ever  came  out  in  health. 
Here  being  without  beds,  or  even  straw  to  lie  on  — 
standing  in  mire  and  filth  to  the  top  of  their  shoes, 
and  prevented  by  the  jailer  from  cleansing  their  cell, 
the  sufterings  they  endured  are  more  readily  con- 
ceived than  described. 


1656.] 


255 


GEORGE  FOX  IN  PRISON. 

At  the  next  general  quarter  sessions,  they  forwarded 
to  the  court  an  account  of  their  sufferings,  when  an 
order  was  obtained  that  Doomsdale  door  should  he 
opened,  and  that  they  should  have  liberty  to  cleanse 
it,  and  buy  their  meat  in  the  town.  Having  obtained 
this  liberty,  they  sent  for  Anne  Downer,  a young 
woman  from  London,  who  has  been  already  men- 
tioned, and  she  cheerfully  attended  to  the  purchase 
and  preparing  of  their  food.^ 

While  George  Fox  was  in  prison,  a Friend  went  to 
Cromwell,  and  offered  himself,  body  for  body,  to  lie 
in  Doomsdale  in  his  stead.  The  Protector  said  he 
could  not  accept  it,  being  contrary  to  law,  and  turn- 
ing to  some  of  his  counsellors,  who  were  present,  he 
queried,  Which  of  you  would  do  as  much  for  me 
if  I were  in  the  same  condition?” 

He  was  told  by  Hugh  Peters,  one  of  his  chaplains, 
that  he  could  not  give  George  Fox  a better  opportu- 
nity of  spreading  his  principles  in  Cornwall  than  by 
imprisoning  him  there.^  This  proved  to  be  the  case, 
for  large  numbers  from  Cornwall  and  the  adjoining 
counties  visited  the  imprisoned  Friends,  whose  pa- 
tience under  sufferings  and  persuasive  ministry  made 
many  proselytes. 

Thomas  Lower,  a physician  of  London,  was,  one 
of  those  who  visited  the  prisoners  in  Launceston  jail, 
and  asking  many  questions  concerning  religion,  he 
received  from  George  Fox  such  clear  answers  that  he 
said  afterwards,  His  words  were  as  a flash  of  light- 
ning, they  ran  so  through  me  ; I had  never  met  with 
men  of  such  penetration  in  all  my  life.”  By  their 


‘ SewePs  Hist,  and  G.  Fox’s  Journal. 
* Gough,  I.  217.  Besse,  I.  114. 


256 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1656 


means  he  became  convinced  of  the  doctrines  of 
Friends,  and  subsequently  joined  in  membership  with 
them. 

When  George  Fox  and  his  companions  had  been 
in  prison  about  seven  months,  the  Protector  sent 
General  Desborough  to  release  them  on  condition 
that  they  w'ould  go  home  and  preach  no  more.  This 
offer  they  declined.  lie  then  urged  that  they  should 
promise,  ‘‘  To  go  home  if  the  Lord  permitted.”  But 
they  were  unwilling  to  come  under  any  engagement 
that  would  compromit  their  liberty.  He  left  the  mat- 
ter in  charge  of  Colonel  Bennet,  who  had  command 
of  the  jail.  This  officer  offered  to  release  them  on  the 
payment  of  the  jailer’s  fees;  but  they  answered,  “We 
can  give  the  jailer  no  fees,  for  we  are  innocent  suf- 
ferers.” At  length  they  w^ere  released  uncondition- 
ally, the  13th  of  the  Seventh  month  (September,  0.  S.) 
1656. 

On  being  liberated,  they  resumed  their  travels  and 
their  labors  in  the  gospel  ministry.  They  first  went 
to  see  Humphrey  Lower,  who  had  visited  them  in 
prison,  and  embraced  their  principles.  At  his  house 
they  had  a precious  meeting,  in  which  “ many  w^ere 
convinced  and  turned  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,”  to. 
his  own  inward  teaching.  After  attending  several 
rneefings,  one  of  which,  being  unusually  large,  was 
held  in  an  orchard,  they  returned  to  Launceston  to 
visit  the  Friends’  meeting  which  had  been  gathered 
there  during  their  imprisonment. 

Leaving  this  little  company  “well  established  on 
Christ  their  rock  and  foundation,”  they  proceeded  to 
Exeter,  and  thence  to  Bristol.  In  that  city  they  at- 
tended, in  the  morning  of  First-day,  a large  and  quiet 
meeting,  and  in  the  afternoon  another  was  held  in  an 


1656.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


25T 


orchard,  at  which  some  thousands  were  present.  Al- 
though there  was  an  attempt  at  disturbance,  the 
powerful  and  persuasive  ministry  of  George  Fox 
- seemed  to  quiet  the  discordant  elements,  and  the 
meeting  was  crowned  with  the  evidence  of  divine 
life. 

Leaving  Bristol,  George  Fox  proceeded  on  his  tra- 
vels, holding  large  meetings,  until  he  came  to  London. 
On  entering  the  city,  he  saw,  near  Hyde  Park,  a great 
concourse  of  people,  and  among  them  was  the  Pro- 
tector coming  in  his  coach.  Biding  up  to  the  coach- 
side,  he  attempted  to  speak,  and  some  of  the  guard 
would  have  prevented  him ; but  Cromwell  forbade 
them.  George  Fox  then  spoke  to  him  concerning  his 
condition,  and  represented  to  him  the  sufferings  of 
Friends  throughout  the  nation,  showing  him  how 
contrary  such  persecution  was  to  Christianity.  Crom- 
well, at  parting,  desired  him  to  come  to  his  house, 
and,  on  reaching  the  palace,  said  to  Mary  Saunders, 
one  of  his  wife’s  maids,  that  “ he  could  tell  her  good 
news.”  She  asked  what  it  was.  He  answered,  George 
Fox  is  come  to  town.”  She  replied,  “ That  is  good 
news  indeed.”  Accompanied  by  Edward  Pyott,  George 
Fox  soon  after  went  to  Whitehall,  and  in  an  interview 
with  the  Protector,  again  laid  before  him  the  suffer- 
ings of  Friends,  directing  his  attention  to  “the  Light 
of  Christ  who  had  enlightened  every  man  that  cometh 
into  the  world.”  Cromwell  objected  that  it  was  a 
natural  light.  George  Fox  maintained  that  it  was 
divine  and  spiritual,  proceeding  from  Christ  the  spi- 
ritual and  heavenly  man  ; and  that  which  was  called 
“The  life  in  Christ  the  Word,  was  called  the  light  in 
us.”  He  then  exhorted  him  to  “lay  dowm  his  crown 
at  the  feet  of  Jesus.” 

22  * 


258 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1G56. 


George  Fox  was  standing  by  a table,  Cromwell 
came  and  sat  upon  it,  saying,  ‘‘  I will  be  as  high  as 
you  -are;”  and  be  continued,  in  a tone  of  levity,  to 
speak  against  the  light  of  Christ ; but  when  he  parted 
with  the  Friends  and  joined  his  family,  he  seemed  to 
regret  his  conduct,  for  he  said,  ‘‘  I never  parted  with 
them  so  before.” 

On  leaving  the  Protector,  the  Friends  found  them- 
selves in  company  with  many  persons  of  rank,  one 
of  whom  spoke  against  the  doctrine  of  the  Light  of 
Christ,  and  George  Fox  felt  bound  ‘‘to  slight  him  for 
speaking  so  lightly  of  the  things  of  God.”  A by- 
stander said  to  him,  “ That  is  the  Major-General  of 
Northamptonshire.”  “What!”  said  George  Fox, 
“ our  old  persecutor,  that  has  sent  so  many  of  our 
Friends  to  prison,  and  is  a shame  to  Christianity  ? I 
am  glad  I have  met  with  thee ;”  and  he  proceeded  to 
rebuke  him  sharply. 

Such  were  the  undaunted  courage  and  fidelity  of  the 
early  Friends  that  they  did  not  falter  in  the  presence 
of  authority,  nor  hesitate  to  rebuke  spiritual  wicked- 
ness in  high  places  ; they  bowed  to  no  earthly  poten- 
tate, but  reserved  their  homage  for  Him  who  is  Lord 
of  lords  and  King  of  kings. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1656,  George 
Fox  was  actively  engaged  in  religious  service,  and 
travelled  in  fifteen  counties  of  England.  “In  this 
year,”  he  writes  in  his  Journal,  “the  truth  was  finely 
planted  over  the  nation,  and  many  thousands  were 
turned  to  the  Lord  ; insomuch  that  there  were  seldom 
fewer  than  one  thousand  persons  in  prison  in  this 
nation,  for  truth’s  testimony,  some  for  tithes,  some 
for  going  to  steeple-houses,  some  for  contempts  as 


1656.] 


DEATH  OF  JOHN  CAMM. 


259 


they  were  called,  some  for  not  swearing,  and  others 
for  not  putting  off  their  hats.” 

In  the  year  1656,  one  of  the  most  earnest  and 
efficient  ministers  of  the  society  was  called  from 
works  to  rewards.  An  account  has  already  been  given 
of  the  early  life  and  convincement  of  John  Camm, 
his  call  to  the  ministry,  and  his  successful  labors  in 
London  and  Bristol.’  Being  closely  united  in  Chris- 
tian fellowship  with  John  Audland,  they  generally 
travelled  together,  and  their  services  were  eminently 
blessed  in  promoting  the  Redeemer’s  kingdom.  John 
Camm  was  naturally  of  a weak  constitution ; for 
several  years  before  his  death,  he  was  subject  to  a 
violent  cough  and  great  debility ; yet  he  continued  to 
labor  in  the  good  Master’s  cause,  and  travelled  through 
many  counties,  confirming  and  strengthening  the 
flock  of  Christ.  Although,  at  times,  scarcely  able  to 
reach  a place  of  meeting,  he  was,  while  engaged  in 
gospel  ministry,  scarcely  conscious  of  his  weakness, 
being  sustained  by  the  enlivening  power  of  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

In  his  travels  he  was  careful  to  make  the  gospel  of 
Christ  without  charge,  freely  spending  for  the  cause 
of  truth,  not  only  his  estate,  but  his  strength  and  his 
life.  He  would  often  call  his  children  and  family 
together  to  wait  upon  God ; exhorting  them  to  fear 
the  Lord  and  to  walk  in  holiness  of  life,  as  becomes 
the  believers  in  the  gospel ; and  praying  for  them 
with  fervency  of  spirit.  He  was  thankful  even  for  his 
bodily  weakness,  saying,  “ How  great  a benefit  do  I 
enjoy  beyond  many ! I have  such  a large  time  of 
preparation  for  death ; being  dying  daily,  that  I may 


See  Chapters  III.  and  VII. 


260 


DEATH  OF  JOHN  CAMM- 


[1656. 


live  forever  with  my  God,  in  that  kingdom  which  is 
unspeskably  full  of  glory.  My  outward  man  daily 
wastes  and  moulders  down,  and  draws  towards  its 
place  and  centre ; but  my  inward  man  revives  and 
mounts  upwards  towards  its  place  and  habitation  in 
the  heavens.” 

The  morning  that  he  departed  this  life,  he  called 
his  wife,  children,  and  family,  and  gave  them  season- 
able instruction  to  love  the  Lord  and  his  way  and 
truth,  and  to  walk  in  the  same  — saying  his  glass  was 
run,  the  time  of  his  departure  at' hand,  and  he  was 
about  to  enter  into  everlasting  joy  and  rest.  Presently 
he  fainted  and  appeared  to  pass  away  as  into  a sweet 
sleep  ; on  which  the  family,  supposing  him  to  be  dead, 
began  to  w^eep  aloud.  Awaking,  as  from  sleep,  he 
desired  to  be  lifted  up  in  his  bed,  and  said  to  those 
around  him,  ‘‘  My  dear  hearts,  you  have  wronged  me, 
and  disturbed  me ; for  I was  at  sweet  rest.  You  should 
not  passionately  sorrow^  for  my  departure.  This  house 
of  clay  must  go  to  its  place,  but  this  soul  and  spirit 
is  to  be  gathered  up  to  the  Lord,  to  live  with  him 
forever,  where  he  shall  meet  with  everlasting  joy.” 
So,  again  taking  his  leave  of  every  one,  charging  them 
to  be  content  with  his  departure,  he  lay  down  and  in 
a little  time  was  at  rest  in  death.  He  was  about  fifty- 
two  years  of  age,  and  had  been  in  connection  with 
Friends  about  four  years. 


1652.1 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


261 


CHAPTER  IX. 

IRELAND. 

1653-7. 

The  first  and  most  efficient  instrument  in  the 
Lord’s  hand,  to  plant  the  principles  of  Friends  in 
Ireland  was  William  Edmundson.  He  was  born  at 
Little  Musgrove,  in  Westmoreland,  England,  in  the 
year  1627.  His  parents  were  John  and  Grace  Ed- 
mundson, and  he  was  the  youngest  of  six  children. 
In  his  early  youth,  both  parents  being  removed  by 
death,  he  was  placed  as  an  apprentice,  in  York,  to 
learn  the  trade  of  house-carpentry.  During  the  time 
of  his  apprenticeship,  his  mind  w’as  often  visited  by 
the  tendering  influence  of  divine  grace,  by  which  he 
was  enabled  to  see  his  condition,  and  to  bewail  his 
transgressions.  He  went  into  the  Parliament’s  army 
during  the  civil  war,  and,  after  the  execution  of  the 
king,  he  served  under  Cromwell,  in  Scotland.  In  the 
year  1651  he  was  at  the  battle  of  Worcester,  and  fought 
against  the  Royalists,  who  were  there  totally  defeated. 
After  the  fight  his  mind  was  troubled,  but  “ he  fled 
from  judgment,  and  made  merry  over  God’s  witness 
in  his  conscience  wffiich  testified  against  him.”^ 

In  the  year  1652,  being  placed  in  command  of  the 
recruits  for  the  army  in  Scotland,  he  marched  thither 
with  them,  and  having  delivered  up  his  charge,  he 
left  the  army  and  returned  to  England. 


^ lY.  Edmundson’s  Journal. 


262 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


[1653. 


After  visiting  his  relations  in  the  E’orth  of  England, 
he  went  into  Derbyshire,  wliere  he  married,  and  then, 
meeting  with  his  brother,  who  had.  been  serving  as  a 
soldier  in  Ireland,  he  concluded  to^  settle  in  that 
countr}^  Taking  with  him  a stock  of  goods  to  com- 
mence store-keeping,  William  Edmundson  and  his 
wife  embarked  for  Ireland  and  landed  at  Dublin. 
There  he  learned  that  his  brother  was  with  the  army 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  island ; hut  he  soon  after 
came  to  Dublin  with  horses  and  conveyed  them  to 
Antrim,  where  their  troop  was  quartered. 

William  Edmundson  settled  at  Antrim,  and  soon 
sold  his  stock  of  goods,  after  which  he  embarked  for 
England  to  purchase  more.  He  went  into  the  north 
of  England,  among  his  relations,  in  the  year  1653, 
when  George  Fox  and  James  Hayler  were  holding 
meetings  there.  Having  learned  that  James  Hayler 
was  to  hold  a meeting,  he  went  about  three  miles  to 
attend  it,  being  accompanied  by  his  brother  Thomas 
and  another  kinsman.  They  were  all  three  convinced 
of  the  doctrines  of  Friends.  William  Edmundson 
acknowledged  that  God’s  witness  in  his  heart 
answered  to  the  truth  of  what  was  spoken,  and  the 
Lord’s  former  dealings  with  him  came  fresh  into  his 
remembrance.  Then  he  knew  it  was  the  Lord’s  hand 
that  had  been  striving  with  him  for  a long  time.” 
Being  under  deep  religious  exercise,  his  past  trans- 
gressions were  brought  to  judgment,  and  the  baptism 
of  Christ  was  found  to  be  like  a fire  that  burns  up  the 
chatF,  in  order  that  the  wheat  may  be  gathered  into 
his  garner. 

Having  accomplished  his  business  in  England,  he 
returned  with  a fresh  stock  of  goods,  and  landed  at 
Carrickfergus.  Here  a trial  awaited  him,  on  account 


1653.] 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


263 


of  the  oath  required  of  him  by  the  officers  of  the 
revenue.  He  told  them  he  could  not  swear,  because 
it  was  contrary  to  Christ’s  command.  This  being  the 
first  instance  they  had  met  with  of  such  a scruple,  it 
caused  much  surprise,  and  various  rumors  began  to 
spread  concerning  the  Quakers.  At  length  he  ob- 
tained an  order  to  bring  the  goods  to  the  Custom- 
House,  when  they  were  passed  without  an  oath,  and 
he  was  allowed  to  convey  them  to  his  home  at 
Anti’im. 

. The  conflict  in  his  mind  still  continued;  he  was 
bowed  under  the  weight  of  sorrow,  and  the  judgments 
of  the  Lord  were  heavy  upon  him.  He  would  have 
gone  far  to  meet  with  an  experienced  Friend,  but 
there  was  none  to  comfort  him,  and  some  of  his  ac- 
quaintance who  saw  his  sad  and  restless  condition, 
were  ready  to  conclude  that  his  reason  was  impaired. 
About  this  time  Miles  Bousfield  came  from  England, 
and  hearing  of  AYilliam  Edmundson’s  condition, 
came  to  see  him ; but,  not  finding  him  at  home,  con- 
versed with  his  wife  concerning  the  people  called 
Quakers,  of  whom  he  spoke  in  very  favorable  terms. 
On  William  Edmundson’s  return,  his  wife  informed 
him  of ’Bousfield’s  visit  and  conversation,  which  in- 
duced a strong  desire  for  an  interview,  and  soon  after 
he  went  twelve  miles  to  see  him.  He  found  Bous- 
field to  be  a talkative  man,  with  very  little  depth  of 
religious  experience,  for  he  could  not  enter  into 
sympathy  with  a mind  that  was  burdened  and  dis- 
tressed; but,  on  the  contrary,  advised  him  to  be 
cheerful  and  merry,  not  regarding  those  inward 
troubles  that  bowed  him  down,  for  they  were  the 
work  of  the  enemy,  that  would  lead  him  to  despair. 
This  advice  being  agreeable  to  the  natural  inclina- 


264 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


[1654. 


tions  of  tlie  heart,  afforded  a temporary  relief,  but, 
through  divine  mercy,  he  was  not  permitted  long  to 
enjoy  this  false  rest;  the  power  ot  divine  grace  again 
brought  him  into  judgment,  and  his  understanding 
being  farther  enlightened,  he  saw  that  the  crucifixion 
of  his  own  wfill,  and  the  subjugation  of  his  natural 
desires,  were  not  yet  completed. 

Being  deeply  humbled  under  the  cross  of  Christ,  he 
became  sensible  of  his  own  weakness,  and  w^as  brought 
to  a reliance  upon  the  arm  of  divine  power,  which  he 
found  to  be  strength  in  weakness,  and  a present  help 
in  the  time  of  trouble.  Thus  he  grew  in  the  know- 
ledge of  heavenly  truth,  was  enabled,  at  times,  to 
rejoice  in  the  assurance  of  divine  favor,  and  being 
purified  in  spiritual  baptism,  became  a fit  vessel  for 
the  Master’s  use. 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1654,  he  removed  to  the 
county  of  Armagh,  w'here  he  kept  a store,  and  took 
some  land  for  grazing  cattle.  The  use  of  thee  and 
thou  in  addressing  a single  individual  was  a subject 
of  wonder  and  offence  to  many ; and  his  practice  of 
adhering  to  one  price  for  his  goods,  asking  no  more 
than  he  intended  to  take,  w^as  at  first  an  obstruction 
to  his  business ; but  afterwards  resulted  in  his  benefit, 
wdien  his  customers  were  convinced  of  its  justice. 

His  wife  and  brother  having  embraced  the  princi- 
ples of  Friends,  they  met  together  at  his  house  twice 
a week  for  divine  worship  ; and  soon  after,  four  other 
persons,  being  convinced,  joined  them  in  their  silent 
devotions.  This  meeting  of  seven  members,  held  at 
Lurgan,  was  the  first  meeting  of  Friends  established 
in  Ireland.^ 


^ Edmundson^s  Journal  and  Rutty’s  Rise  of  Friends  in  Ireland, 


1655.] 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


265 


In  the  year  1655,  John  Tiffin  came  to  Ireland  on  a 
religious  mission,  and  sojourned  awhile  at  the  house 
of  William  Edmundson,  where  he  sometimes  spoke  a 
few  words  in  their  meetings.  Although  he  had  but 
little  to  say  by  way  of  public  ministry,  William  Ed- 
mundson felt  a concern  to  travel  'with  him  to  fairs 
and  other  places  of  public  concourse,  where  his  brief 
remarks  were  very  serviceable.  At  that  time  very 
few  persons  would  venture  to  lodge  them  on  account 
of  the  general  prejudice  entertained  against  Friends. 
iSTear  the  town  of  Belfast  a person  dwelt  who  seemed 
friendly,  and  promised  to  let  them  hold  a meeting' at 
his  house ; but  when  the  appointed  time  came,  the 
man  absented  himself,  and  his  wife  refused  to  allow 
them  to  meet  there.  They  concluded  to  hold  their 
meeting  at  a short  distance,  in  the  public  road,  where 
three  lanes  met;  and  having  taken  their  seats,  the 
people  came  around  them,  wmnderiug  at  a proceeding 
so  unusual.  After  a time  of  silence,  some  words 
were  spoken  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  people  to 
God’s  spirit  in  their  own  hearts ; and  this  exercise, 
though  performed  in  much  weakness  and  fear,  had  a 
salutary  effect;  the  cause  of  truth  was  advanced,  and 
some  members  were  added  to  the  little  meeting  of 
Friends  at  Lurgan. 

After  John  Tiffin  had  left  on  his  return  for  England, 
the  meeting  continued  to  increase,  and  William  Ed- 
mundson sometimes  felt  a religious  concern  to  utter  a 
few  words  in  their  meetings,  which  he  did  in  much 
fear,  ‘Gest  a wrong  spirit  should  get  entrance  and 
deceive  him,  under  the  likeness  of  an  angel  of  light.” 

About  this  time  he  was  drawn  by  a sense  of  reli- 
gious ,duty  to  visit  England,  in  order  to  confer  with 
George  Fox,  whom  he  had  not  yet  seen.  He  met 
L— 23 


266  WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON.  [lb5D. 

with  him  at  Badgley,  in  Leicestershire,  where  there 
was  a great  meeting  of  Friends  assembled  from  seve- 
ral places.  ‘‘When  the  meeting  was  ended,”  he 
whites,  “I  went  to  George  Fox,  and  he  took  notice 
of  me;  we  went  into  the  orchard,  and  kneeling 
down,  he  prayed.  The  Lord’s  heavenly  power  and 
presence  were  there  ; he  was  tender  over  me.  I told 
him  wLere  I lived,  of  several  being  convinced  in  Ire- 
land, of  the  openness  among  the  people,  in  the  north 
of  that  nation,  to  hear  the  truth  declared,  and  of  the 
want  of  ministering  Friends  in  the  gospel  there.  He 
wrote  the  following  epistle  to  Friends,  which  he  sent 
with  me,  viz : 

“Friends:  — In  that  which  convinced  you,  wait, 
that  you  may  have  that  removed  you  are  convinced 
of ; and  all  my  dear  Friends,  dwell  in  the  Life,  and 
Love,  and  Power,  and  Wisdom  of  God,  in  unity  one 
with  another  and  with  God ; and  the  peace  and  wis- 
dom of  God  fill  all  your  hearts,  that  nothing  may  rule 
in  you  but  the  Life  which  stands  in  the  Lord  God. 

“ G.  F.” 

“ He  bid  me,  when  I came  to  Ireland,  to  go  to  Ed- 
ward Burrough  and  Francis  .Howgill,  for  they  were 
come  into  the  south  of  that  kingdom,  in  the  service 
of  truth.  So  when  I had  been  at  Swarthmore,  and 
some  other  places  in  England,  to  visit  Friends,  I re- 
turned to  Ireland,  and  read  the  foregoing  epistle  to 
Friends  in  the  meeting;  there  the  power  of  the  Lord 
seized  on  us,  whereby  we  were  mightily  shaken  and 
broken  into  tears  and  weeping.” 

About  this  time,  William  Clayton,  from  England, 
came  to  Heland  on  a religious  visit,  and  went  directly 


1655.] 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


267 


to  the  house  of  William  Edmundson  ; who,  after  some 
days,  accompanied  him  in  his  travels ; both  going  a- 
foot,  on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  accom- 
modations on  the  journey. 

At  Colerain  they  preached  repentance  in  the  streets, 
and  circulated  several  papers  on  religious  subjects, 
one  of  which  they,  posted  on  the  door  of  a place  of 
worship.  The  inhabitants  would  not  receive  their 
testimony,  nor  allow  them  to  lodge  in  the  town,  but 
conveyed  them  across  the  river,  and  forbade  their 
return.  That  night  they  lodged  in  a cabin  in  the 
mountains,  and  next  day  came  to  Londonderry.  There 
they  had  two  meetings,  in  which  several  persons  were 
convinced,  and  at  one  of  them  the  governor  was 
present,  who  acknowledged  the  truth  of  their  doc- 
trines. 

Proceeding  on  their  way,  and  preaching  at  several 
places,  they  came  to  the  house  of  Margery  Atkinson, 
near  Killmore  in  the  county  of  Armagh.  She  re- 
ceived them  kindly,  was  convinced  of  their  doctrines, 
and  continued  steadfast  in  the  Truth.  At  her  house 
they  had  a religious  meeting,  at  which  many  prose- 
lytes were  made,  and  a Friends’  meeting  was  settled 
there,  which  afterwards  became  large. 

William  Clayton  returned  to  England,  and,  about 
the  same  time,  two  women  Friends,  Anne  Gould  and 
Juliana  Westwood,  arrived  from  London  on  a gospel 
mission.  They  came  from  Dublin  to  Londonderry, 
and  thence  to  Colerain,  on  foot,  in  the  winter  season, 
wading  through  the  streams  and  miry  roads,  until 
Anne  Gould,  becoming  exhausted,  gave  way  to  dis- 
couragement, and  concluded  that  ‘‘  God  had  forsaken 
her,  and  that  she  was  there  to  be  destroj’ed.” 

At  this  time,  William  Edmundson  and  his  brother 


268 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


[1655. 


were  at  a fair  in  Antrim,  and  started  homeward,  in- 
tending to  lodge  at  Glenary.  Before  they  reached 
that  place,  William  Edmundson  felt  a strong  impres- 
sion on  his  mind,  which  he  took  to  be  a divine  inti- 
mation, that  his  shop  was  in  danger  of  being  robbed 
that  night.  He  mentioned  it  to  his  brother,  and  they 
concluded  to  hasten  home  ; but  soon  after,  he  believed 
it  was  required  of  him  by  the  Lord  to  go  back  to 
Clough.  This  brought  him  into  a strait  between  con- 
flicting prospects,  one  of  which  was  to  return  home, 
and  preserve  his  property,  the  other  to  go  back  for  an 
unknown  service.  Being  under  deep  exercise  of  mind, 
he  waited  in  stillness,  and  a clear  intimation  was  re- 
ceived to  this  efiect : That  which  draws  thee  back, 

will  preserve  thy  shop.”  Having  faith  in  the  teach- 
ings of  divine  grace,  and  the  protection  of  God,  he 
turned  about,  and  proceeded  towards  Clough,  where 
he  arrived  the  next  morning.  On  going  into  the  inn, 
he  found  there  Anne  Gould  in  a state  of  despair,  and 
Juliana  Westwood  with  her.  When  the  poor  discon- 
solate woman  heard  his  name,  she  revived,  and  met 
him  rejoicing.  He  then  saw  the  service  for  which  he 
w'as  sent,  and  told  them,  “ How  he  had  been  brought 
there  by  the  good  hand  of  God,  led  as  a horse  by  the 
bridle  to  the  place  where  they  were.”  Anne  Gould 
was  relieved  of  her  trouble,  and  saw  she  had  been 
under  a temptation.  William  Edmundson  conveyed 
the  women  to  his  house,  and  when  he  arrived  there, 
he  found  that  his  shop  had  really  been  in  danger  of 
robbery  at  the  time  he  received  the  intimation ; but 
the  shop-window  being  broken  down,  fell  wdth  such 
violence  on  the  counter  that  it  awakened  the  family, 
and  frightened  the  robbers,  who  made  their  escape. 

As  William  Edmundson  attended  to  his  gift  in  the 


]6oo.] 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


269 


gospel  ministry,  it  was  increased  by  experience,  and 
the  sphere  of  his  usefulness  was  enlarged.  He  held 
meetings  in  various  places,  and  sometimes  went  to 
houses  of  public  worship,  where  he  met  with  rough 
usage ; but  his  labors  were  effectual  to  the  convince- 
ment  of  many,  and  the  meetings  of  Friends  were 
increased.  On  account  of  his  religious  testimony,  he 
was  committed  to  prison  at  Armagh,  where  the  jail 
being  out  of  repair,  he  was  confined  to  a room  in  the 
jailer’s  house.  He  was  brought  before  the  magis- 
trates of  the  county  at  the  sessions,  when  Justice 
Cunningham,  the  president  of  the  court,  being  fond 
of  religious  disputation,  began  to  question  him,  in 
order  to  provoke  a controversy.  "William  Edmundson 
entered  into  it  with  reluctance,  but  his  reliance  being 
placed  on  divine  aid,  he  was  enabled  to  foil  his 
antagonist,  who  grew  angry,  and  threatened  him  with 
the  exercise  of  his  authority.  Justice  Powel  then 
stood  up,  and  said  to  his  colleague:  ^‘You  do  not 
deal  fairly  wfith  him ; for,  if  you  will  dispute  of  reli- 
gion, you  must  come  on  equal  terms,  lay  aside  your 
authority  of  a justice,  and  give  liberty  to  be  opposed 
as  well  as  to  oppose.”  He  then  commended  what 
William  Edmundson  had  said,  and  the  court  set  him 
at  liberty. 

Soon  after  his  liberation,  he  felt  a religious  obliga- 
tion laid  upon  him  to  leave  shop-keeping,  and  to  take 
a farm,  in  order  that  he  might  set  an  example  of 
bearing  a testimony  against  tithes,  for  as  yet  no  one 
had  borne  this  testimony  in  Ireland.  Accordingly, 
he  and  several  other  Friends,  removed  into  the 
county  of  Cavan,  where  they  rented  land  and  com- 
menced farming.  They  held  a meeting  for  diviue 
worship  twice  a-week,  and  they  were  sweetly  united 
23* 


270 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


[1655. 


together  in  the  fellowship  of  the  gospel.  ‘‘  In  those 
days,”  writes  William  Edmundson,  “ the  world  and 
the  things  of  it  were  not  near  our  hearts,  but  the  love 
of  God,  his  truth  and  testimony  lived  in  our  hearts; 
we  were  glad  of  one  another’s  company,  though 
sometimes  our  outward  fare  was  very  mean,  and  our 
lodging  on  straw.  We  did  not  mind  high  things,  but 
w^ere  glad  of  one  another’s  w^elfare  in  the  Lord,  and 
his  love  dwelt  in  us.”  ^ 

It  was  not  long  before  they  experienced  the  suffer- 
ings they  anticipated,  and  which  they  were  prepared 
cheerfully  to  endure  in  obedience  to  the  Master’s 
wull.  For  the  non-payment  of  tithes  and  church- 
rates,  and  for  declining  to  keep  holy  days,  they  were 
spoiled  of  their  goods,  and  some  of  them  subjected  to 
imprisonment. 

William  Edmundson,  under  a sense  of  religious 
duty,  travelled  from  place  to  place  holding  meetings, 
in  which  he  preached  the  word  of  life  with  success, 
but  not  without  much  opposition.  At  Belturbot,  the 
Provost  broke  up  the  meeting  of  Friends,  and  sent 
both  men  and  women  to  prison.  They  were  exposed 
to  much  suffering  from  cold  during  a severe  night  in 
winter ; but,  next  morning,  they  were  all  liberated, 
except  William  Edmundson,  who  was  put  in  the 
stocks  at  the  market-place.  -While  confined  there, 
he  preached  to  the  people,  who  crowded  around  him ; 
and  they  heard  him  with  attention.  Among  them 
was  Robert  Warded,  then  a youth,  who  was  convinced 
of  Friends’  principles,  and  afterwards  became  a 
valuable  minister  of  the  gospel.  The  people  being 
much  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  Provost,  he 


* William  Edmundson^s  Journal,  30. 


1655.] 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


271 


sent  his  officer  to  release  William  Edmundson  from 
the  stocks:  but  William  said  to  him,  ‘‘I  have  been 
grossly  abused,  and  made  a public  spectacle  to  the 
people^  as  though  I had  done  some  great  offence ; but 
I have  not  been  convicted  of  the  breach  of  any  law ; 
so  let  the  Provost  come  himself  and  take  me  out,  for 
he  put  me  in.”  The  Provost  then  came  and  opened 
the  stocks,  bidding  him  take  out  his  leg.  “ I7o,”  said 
William,  “ let  him  take  out  my  leg  that  put  it  in.” 
The  Provost  then  opened  the  stocks  wdth  one  hand, 
and  took  out  the  leg  with  the  other. 

A declaration  having  been  issued  by  Oliver  Crom- 
well, “ That  such  should  be  protected  in  their  religion, 
as  owned  God,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  Christ  Jesus, 
the  Savior  of  man,  and  the.  Scriptures,”  the  governor 
of  the  garrison  sent  for  William  Edmundson  to  appear 
at  the  court-house,  and  answer  whether  such  was  the 
belief  of  himself  and  his  friends.  His  answer  was  so 
satisfactory,  that  the  governor  and  other  officers  gave 
their  judgm-ent,  that  the  Friends  w^ere  to  be  protected 
in  their  religion. 

William  Edmundson  then  called  on  them,  in  pre- 
sence of  the  large  crowd  in  attendance,  to  bear  wit- 
ness how  long  the  Friends  had  been  imprisoned 
illegally,  and  that  be  had  been  exposed  in  the  stocks 
wrongfully  — adding  that  the  law  provided  reparation 
in  such  cases. 

The  Provost,  knowing  that  he  was  liable  to  prose- 
cution, was  much  alarmed ; but  the  Friends  did  not 
take  advantage  of  the  law,  choosing  rather  to  follow 
the  example  of  Christ,  who  “ When  he  was  reviled, 
reviled  not  again ; when  he  suffered  he  threatened 
not,  but  committed  himself  to  Him  that  judgeth 
righteously.” 


272 


WILLIAM  EDMUNDSON. 


[1656. 


On  account  of  Ms  religious  principles,  William 
Edmundson  was,  in  the  year  1656,  imprisoned  four- 
teen weeks  in  the  jail  at  Craven.  He  was  confined 
among  thieves  and  robbers,  in  a dungeon  so  exceed- 
ingly filthy  that  persons  who  came  to  the  grate  to  see 
him  could  scarcely  endure  the  smell  of  it.  In  the 
day  the  prisoners  would  beg  for  turf,  which  at  night 
they  burned  in  the  cell,  and  being  accustomed  to  live 
in  smoky  cabins  they  appeared  to  suffer  very  .little 
inconvenience ; but  to  William  Edmundson  it  was 
exceedingly  oppressive,  and  on  one  occasion  he  was  so 
nearly  suftbcated  that  he  fell  senseless  to  the  ground. 

When  the  Assizes  came,  one  of  the  justices  who 
had  committed  him,  passing  by  the  prison  window, 
stopped  and  expressed  hm  regret  for  what  they  had 
done,  saying  that  he  had  been  much  troubled  on 
account  of  it.  William  Edmundson  desired  that  he 
would  ask  leave  for  him  to  appear  before  the  judge 
to  answer  for  himself,  as  a report  was  in  circulation 
that  the  Quakers  were  for  no  law  or  government,  but 
the  light  in  man.  This  privilege  being  granted,  he 
came  into  court  and  said : “ I have  been  a close  pris- 
oner fourteen  weeks,  for  my  religion  and  faith  towards 
God.  I want  justice,  and  to  be  tried  by  the  law  now 
established,  for  I know  no  law  that  I have  broken ; 
and  I am  one  that  have  ventured  my  life  to  establish 
the  government  as  it  now  stands,  and  I own  the 
government  and  the  laws.”  He  was  then  remanded 
to  prison,  but  next  day  was  released  without  any  trial.^ 

His  faithful  services,  and  severe  sufiTerings  for  the 
cause  of  Truth,  will  again  claim  our  attention  in  the 
progress  of  this  work. 


William  Edmundson’s  Journal. 


1655.] 


EDWARD  BURROUGH. 


273 


In  the  year  1654,  Miles  Halbead,  James  Lancaster, 
and  Miles  Bateman,  came  from  England  into  Ireland 
as  messengers  of  the  gospel.  They  had  some  service 
with  the  civil  and  military  officers,  and  preached  with 
success  in  several  towns.  After  a short  stay  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  island,  they  embarked  at  Belfast 
for  England.^ 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1655,  Elizabeth  Fletcher, 
and  Elizabeth  Smith,  came  from  England  and  landed  _ 
at  Dublin,  where  they  preached  the  gospel  of  Christ 
and  made  some  proselytes.  For  speaking  at  a house 
of  public  worship  the}-  were  committed  to  E'ewgate 
prison.  After  their  release  they  had  a meeting  at  the 
chamber  of  Kichard  Fowkes,  a tailor,  near  Polegate, 
which  was  the  first  meeting -of  Friends  known  to  have 
been  held  in  Dublin  ; but  the  first  established  meeting 
in  that  city  was  at  George  Latham’s,  near  Polegate.^ 

These  faithful  women  were  the  first  Friends  who 
came  to  the  city  of  Cork.  They  held  many  meetings 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  island,  particularly  at 
Younghall,  where  several  were  convinced  through 
their  ministry. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  Edward  Burrough 
and  Francis  Howgill,  arrived  in  Ireland.  They 
labored  together  in  Dublin  about  three  weeks,  hold- 
ing meetings  wffiich  were  well  attended ; and  then  F. 
Howgill,  leaving  his  companion,  went  towards  Cork. 
After  their  separation,  Edward  Burrough  remained 
two  weeks  in  Dublin,  and  then  proceeded  to  the 
southern  part  of  the  island.  From  Waterford  he  wrote 
to  Margaret  Fell  as  follows,  viz. ; 

“ Sister  beloved,  whom  I forget  not,  but  do  remem- 

* Rutty's  Rise  of  Friends  in  Ireland,  and  Besse's  Sufferings. 

^ Rutty's  History,  92. 


274  EDWARD  BURROUGH.  [1655. 

ber  with  kindness,  and  of  whom  I am  not  forgotten  ; 
with  my  heart  and  soul  I do  salute  thee,  being  bound 
up  with  thee  in  the  covenant  of  life  everlasting.” 

“ Two  weeks  was  I in  Dublin  city,  in  the 

ministry  of  Christ,  laboring  in  season  and' out  of 
season ; and  my  suffering  was  not  little  in  that  place, 
and  I have  none  to  bear  the  yoke  with  me  in  my 
travails ; and  yet  I was  not  alone,  but  the  Father  was 
with  me  in  power,  and  wisdom,  and  boldness.  It  is 
a bad  place,  a very  refuge  for  the  wicked : being 
moved,  I passed  through  it  to  this  place,  for  our  ser- 
vice lies  only  in  great  towns  and  cities  ; for  generally 
the  country  is  without  inhabitant,  except  bands  of 
robbers,  which  wait  for  their  prey  and  devour  many ; 
from  which  yet  we  are  preserved. 

‘‘  I had  great  opposition  in  this  city ; five  times  op- 
posed by  the  rulers,  who  are  Baptists,  and  once  was 
I tried  for  a vagabond,  and  once  examined  by  them 
for  a Jesuit:  but  to  this  day,  out  of  snares  and  plots 
am  I preserved,  and  walk  as  a bird  among  fowlers’ 
snares,  and  as  an  innocent  dove  that  hath  no  mate  — 
nay,  none  unto  w'hom  I can  open  my  cause,  but  the 
Lord  my  God  only.  About  sixteen  days  was  I at 
Kilkenny  city,  twenty  miles  from  this,  where  I gave 
a warning  to  the  inhabitants,  and  was  twice  among 
the  Baptists ; and  one  time,  by  command  from  the 
governor  of  the  city,  was  I hauled  out  of  their  assem- 
bly rudely,  in  the  manner  of  their  generation  ; but  a 
few  in  that  city  received  our  report. 

‘‘  I have,  not  long,  [since],  heard  from  my  chiefest 
companion,  Francis  Howgill,  whose  love  in  the  same 
measure  salutes  thee  with  mine.  It  is  now  four 
months  since  we  parted  at  Dublin,  and  what  I have 
said  in  respect  of  suffering  and  trials,  he  can  seal  the 


1655.] 


EDWARD  COOK. 


275 


same  with  me ; who  have  been  companions  in  tribu- 
lation and  in  patience,  and  are  now  in  joy  and  re- 
joicing ; hoping  to  receive  the  end  of  our  labors,  and 
to  see  the  travail  of  our  souls,  that  we  may  bring  the 
sheep  with  us  into  the  fold,  and  may  return  to  our 
camp  with  victory  from  our  Lord.”^ 

Francis  Howgill  held  meetings  at  Kinsale,  where 
his  labors  were  blessed  with  success.  At  Bandon  he 
was  hospitably  entertained  by  Edward  Cook,  a man 
of  ability  and  influence,  cornet  of  Oliver  Cromwell’s 
troop  of  horse.  They  went  together  to  the  public 
house  of  worship,  where  Francis  preached  the  gospel, 
and  then  Edward  Cook  invited  the  people  to  a meet- 
ing to  be  held  at  his  house  that  evening.  Many 
attended,  and  gladly  heard  the  wmrd  of  life.  Among 
those  who  embraced  the  principles  of  Friends  were 
Edward  Cook,  and  Lucretia  his  wife.^  Concerning 
Edward  Cook,  the  following  testimony  has  been  left 
by  his  friends : ‘‘  He  embraced  the  Truth  wuth  his 
whole  heart,  and  retained  it,  was  given  up  to  serve 
the  Lord,  and  lived  and  walked  under  the  cross  of 
Christ  Jesus  in  great  self-denial  to  the  world,  and  the 
glory  and  greatness  of  it,  to  his  dying  day,  and  laid 
down  his  head  in  peace  with  God,  and  sweet  unity 
with  true-hearted  Friends.”^ 

Edward  Burrough  and  Francis  Howgill  having 
again  met  in  their  travels,  went  to  the  city  of  Lime- 
rick, and  were  accompanied  by  Edward  Cook.  The 
next  morning  after  their  arrival,  they  went  to  the 
public  place  af  worship,  and  after  waiting  some  time, 
they  attempted  to  speak,  but  they  were  rudely  treated, 
and  compelled  ,to  desist.  The  following  day,  they 


* Barclay's  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  CVI. 

2 Rutty’s  History  of  Friends  in  Ireland,  95. 


® Ibid. 


276 


THOMAS  WIGHT. 


[1655. 


were,  by  order  of  tbe  public  authorities,  conducted 
out  of  the  city.  As  they  rode  through  the  streets, 
Edward  Burrough  preached  on  horseback,  and  after 
passing  the  gates,  he  and'  his  companions  had  an  ^ 
opportunity  of  speaking  to  a great  multitude  that 
followed  them.  A number  of  persons  became  prose- 
lytes to  their  doctrines,  and  a meeting  was  subse- 
quently gathered  there,  of  those  who  felt  concerned 
to  assemble  in  silence  for  the  worship  of  God.  They 
encountered  much  opposition  in  their  self-denying 
course ; and  the  magistrates  even  forbade  the  other 
citizens  from  dealing  with  them.  Richard  Pearce, 
an  apothecary,  was  the  first  to  entertain  Friends  in 
Limerick,  and  meetings  were  held  at  his  house  for 
many  years.  During  several  months,  his  custom  was 
withdrawn,  and  his  business  interrupted;  but  it  was 
afterwards  re-established,  and  continued  prosperous  to 
the  end  of  his  days. 

At  Cork,  Edward  Burrough  and  Francis  Ilowgill 
were  arrested  and  carried  to  Dublin  by  the  high-sherifi* 
of  the  county,  in  obedience  to  an  order  from  Henry 
Cromwell,  then  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland.  As  they 
were  conducted  on  their  way,  the  guard  of  soldiers 
that  attended  them,  being  very  lenient,  allowed  them 
to  hold  meetings  at  the  tovvns  through  which  they 
passed,  and  many  were  convinced  of  their  principles. 
After  being  examined  by  the  governor  and  council, 
they  were  imprisoned  about  a week,  and  then  com- 
pelled to  embark  for  England.^ 

Among  the  many  in  Ireland  convinced  of  Friends’ 
principles,  by  the  preaching  of  these  two  eminent 
ministers,  was  Thomas  "Wight,  who  afterwards  became 


* Letters  of  Early  Friends,  CVIII. 


I 


1655.]  THOMAS  WIGHT.  277 

known  as  the  author  of  “An  Historical  Account  of 
the  Rise  and  Progress  of  Friends  in  Ireland.”  He 
was  born  in  the  city  of  Cork,  in  the  year  1640,  and 
was  an  apprentice  to  a clothier  in  Bandon  when  he 
first  attended  a Friends’  meeting.  Finding  that  the 
people  sat  silent  for  a long  time,  he  began  to  be  very 
uneasy,  for  he  had  heard  that  the  Quakers  were 
witches,  and  he  feared  that  he  might  be  bewitched 
if  he  should  stay  any  longer.  At  length,  Francis 
Howgill  stood  up  and  uttered  these  words : “ Before 
the  eye  can  see*,  it  must  be  opened ; before  the  ear 
can  hear,  it  must  he  unstopped ; and  before  the  heart 
can  understand,  it  must  be  illuminated.”  These  three 
sentences  he  opened  with  such  clearness  and  energy, 
that  a deep  impression  was  made  on  the  mind  of 
Thomas  Wight ; but  through  prejudice  and  the  oppo- 
sition of  his  relatives,  he  was  prevented  at  that  time 
from  making  open  profession  with  Friends.  He  after- 
wards heard  Edward  Burrough,  whose  preaching  was 
so  powerful,  and  accompanied  with  such  an  evidence 
of  truth,  that  he  could  no  longer  withstand  it;  hut 
resolved,  with  divine  assistance,  to  be  faithful  accord- 
ing to  the  light  received.  From  a sense  of  duty,  he 
attended  the  meetings  of  Friends,  and  conformed  to 
their  practice  in  plainness  of  dress  and  address ; for 
which  he  incurred  the  reproaches  of  his  relatives,  and 
became  a by-word  among  his  acquaintance.  He 
counted  nothing  too  dear  to  he  sacrificed  for  peace  of 
mind,  and  continuing  faithful,  he  became  an  exem- 
plarj’  and  useful  member  of  the  Society. 

WTien  he  became  engaged  in  a prosperous  business, 
with  a fair  prospect  of  amassing  wealth,  he  received, 
as  he  thought,  a divine  intimation,  that  “ he  could 
not  be  heir  of  two  kingdoms,”  and  thenceforth  he 
L — 24 


278 


BARBARA  BLAUGDON. 


[1655. 


grew  more  retired  from  the  world,  devoting  the  re- 
mainder of  a long  life  to  the  promotion  of  religious 
concerns.^ 

On  the  same  day  that  Edward  Burrough  and  Francis 
Howgill  left  Dublin,  Barbara  Blaugdon  arrived  there. 
She  came  from  England  in  a vessel  bound  for  Cork, 
but  which  was  by  foul  weather  carried  to  Dublin. 
When  the  storm  was  raging  with  violence,  the  seamen 
imputed  the  cause  of  it  to  her,  because  she  was  a 
Quaker,  and  were  conspiring  to  throw  her  overboard ; 
but  she  overheard  their  conversation,  and  told  the 
captain  that  if  he  did  not  prevent  them,  her  blood 
would  be  required  at  his  hands.  He  interposed  his 
authority,  and  frustrated  their  wicked  purpose.  The 
storm  continuing,  and  it  being  the  first  day  of  the 
week,  she  went  on  deck,  being  moved  by  a sense  of 
duty  to  exhort  the  seamen  and  to  pray  for  them. 
They  were  very  quiet  and  sedate  ; acknowledging  that 
they  were  obliged  to  her  for  her  prayers,  at  a time 
when  the  chaplain  of  the  ship  was  silenced  through 
fear. 

On  landing  at  Dublin,  she  went  directly  to  the 
Deputy’s  house ; but  was  told  that  she  could  not  speak 
with  him,  and  that  he  had  just  banished  two  others 
of  her  persuasion.  She  applied  to  the  secretary,  and 
at  length  got  permission  to  see  the  Deputy. 

When  she  came  into  the  withdrawing  room,  a per- 
son came  out  of  the  Deputy’s  chamber  covered,  while 
those  who  attended  him  stood  bareheaded ; for  they, 
knowing  she  had  never  seen  the  Deputy,  designed  to 
impose  on  her  by  substituting  another  person  in  his 
stead.  The  room  being  nearly  full  of  people,  some 


Rutty’s  Rise  of  Friends  in  Ireland,  p.  299. 


1655.  J 


BARBARA  BLAUGBON. 


279 


of  them  asked  her  Why  she  did  not  speak  to  their 
lord.”  But  she,  having  a sense  that  a deception  was 
intended,  answered,  “ When  I see  your  lord,  I shall 
deliver  my  message  to  him.”  Soon  afterwards  the 
Deputy  himself  came  forth,  and  sat  down  on  a couch. 
She  then  stood  up  and  spoke  to  him ; cautioning  him 
to  beware  that  he  was  not  found  fighting  against  God, 
in  opposing  the  truth,  and  persecuting  the  innocent, 
but,  like  wise  Gamaliel,  to  let  them  alone ; for,  if  it 
was  of  God,  it  would  stand,  but,  if  of  man,  it  would 
fall.”  She  added,  that  the  enmity  did  not  lie  so  much 
in  himself,  as  in  the  magistrates  and  priests  by  whom 
he  was  instigated  to  persecute  the  people  of  God. 
After  she  had  thus  spoken,  she  returned  to  her  lodging 
at  the  house  of  Captain  Kich,  who  coming  home  told 
her  the  Deputy  was  so  much  troubled,  and  so  melan- 
choly, that  he  could  not  go  to  bowls,  nor  engage  in 
any  other  pastime. 

Barbara  having  performed  her  service  in  Dublin, 
went  to  Cork,  where  she  had  some  relatives;  but 
feeling  a religious  engagement  to  appear  at  places  of 
public  resort,  and  to  preach  repentance  and  amend- 
ment of  life,  she  met  with  much  abuse,  and  was  sub- 
jected to  imprisonment.  It  was  remarked,  however, 
that  in  almost  every  place  where  she  published  the 
principles  of  truth,  some  of  the  audience  embraced 
her  doctrines.^ 

After  her  release  from  prison,  in  1656,  she  embarked 
for  England ; but  did  not  remain  long  at  her  home  in 
Bristol,  until  she  again  returned  to  Ireland  in  the 
service  of  the  gospel.  The  vessel  in  which  she  came 
foundered  near  the  Irish  coast ; but  her  life  was  provi- 


‘ Besse,  II.  458. 


280 


JOHN  BURNYEAT. 


[1659. 


dentially  saved,  and  after  landing  she  pursued  the 
same  course  as  before,  preaching  with  zeal  and  suc- 
cess ; but  her  sufferings  for  conscience’  sake  were 
even  greater  than  on  her  former  visit.  She  was  im- 
prisoned both  at  Dublin  and  at  Limerick,  and  on  her 
passage  homeward  she  was  robbed  by  a privateer  of 
all  the  property  she  had  with  her.^ 

In  the  year  1657,  Thomas  Loe,  of  Oxford,  in  Eng- 
land, came  to  Ireland  on  a religious  mission.  He  had 
an  excellent  gift  in  the  ministry,  being  sound,  clear 
and  powerful  in  expounding  the  truths  of  the  gospel. 
At  Munster  he  was  successfully  engaged  in  gospel 
ministry,  and  from  thence  he  travelled  on  foot  to 
Dublin,  where  he  preached  in  the  streets  the  doctrines 
of  life  arid  salvation.  He  also  visited  Ulster,  and 
many  other  places  throughout  the  island,  in  most  of 
which  he  was  instrumental  in  convincing  many  of  the 
spiritual  views  he  promulgated.  His  visits  to  Ireland 
were  frequent,  and  his  labors  so  successful,  that  by 
some  he’ was  called  the  ‘Apostle  of  Ireland.”  ^ 

In  the  year  1659,  John  Burnyeat  landed  at  Dona- 
ghadee,  in  Ulster,  and  travelled  on  foot  through  the 
greater  part  of  that  province,  preaching  the  gospel  of 
Christ.  He  held  meetings-  in  several  counties  in  the 
north  of  Ireland,  and  many  were  convinced  of  the 
principles  of  Friends  through  his  ministry.  He  then 
came  to  Dublin,  where  he  had  much  religious  service, 
and  from  thence  proceeded  to  Mountmelick,  Kil- 
kenny, Munster,  and  other  places.  At  Lurgan  he 
met  with  Kohert  Lodge,  an  able  minister  of  the 
gospel,  lately  arrived  from  England,  and  they  gene- 
rally travelled  together  during  their  stay  in  Ireland, 

• Besse,  II.  459.  ^ Barclay's  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  CIX. 


1654.] 


THOMAS  HOLMES. 


281 


which  was  about  twelve  months.  They  were  -closely 
united  in  Christian  fellowship,  and  their  labors  were 
blessed  with  peace  to  themselves  and  consolation  to 
many.  They  had,  however,  to  endure  numerous  hard- 
ships, from  cold  hunger,  and  personal  abuse.  They 
were  imprisoned  once  in  Armagh,  once  in  Dublin, 
and  twice  in  Cork ; but  they  were  willing  to  endure 
all  things  for  Christ’s  sake.^ 


CHAPTER  X. 

WALES. 

1654-60. 

In  the  Journal  of  George  Fox,  under  date  1654,  it 
^ is  mentioned  that  Thomas  Holmes  travelled  into 
AVales,  about  this  time,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  he  was  one  of  the  first  that  preached  the  doctrines 
of  Friends  in  that  principality.^  In  the  following 
letter,  supposed  to  be  addressed  to  George  Fox,  he 
gives  some  account  of  his  religious  labors : — 

“ Cardiff,  27th  of  12th  month,  1654. 

‘‘  Dear  Brother  : — 

This  is  to  let  thee  know  of  my  journey  and  service 
in  "Wales.  I came  out  of  Cheshire  about  five  weeks 
■ ago,  and  I stayed  two  days  in  Radnorshire,  in  the 


^ Burnyeat’s  Works,  28,  and  Rutty’s  Hist.,  117.. 

2 Besse,  I.  740 

24* 


282 


THOMAS  HOLMES. 


[1654. 


mountains,  wlien  I had  divers  meetings,  where  many 
of  the  people  called  Baptists  are  convinced  of  the 
Truth.  There  is  a great  convincement  in  that  part, 
but,  the  most  are  Welsh,  and  some  cannot  understand 
English.  There  are  three  who  have  the  Welsh 
tongue,  who  are  serviceable,  and  labor  among  them, 
which  three  Friends  came  out  of  the  north  of  Wales. 
There  is  one  who  is  a justice  of  peace  convinced,  and 
is  very  faithful  and  serviceable  in  his  place.  I was 
five  nights  in  his  house,  and  had  a great  meeting  at 
his  house ; he  dwells  in  the  mountains  of  Montgomery- 
shire. After  I had  been  two  First-days  in  Radnor- 
shire, I passed  into  Monmouthshire  to  a town  called 
Abergavenny,  where  I got  a meeting  that  evening  in 
the  inn  where  I lodged ; and,  the  next  day,  I was 
moved  to  speak  in  the  market.  I drew  the  people 
into  a convenient  place,  and  spoke  a pretty  time  to 
them ; it  cast  a sound  through  the  town  and  country, 
for  not  any  Friend  had  spoken  there  before.  The 
next  day  I met  with  my  wife  and  Alexander  Birket, 
at  a place  where  they  had  a meeting.  Alexander  ^ 
Birket  is  in  Monmouthshire;  two  Justices  of  peace 
are  convinced  there.  The  last  First-day,  I had  a 
meeting  four  miles  from  Chepstow,  and  another  on 
the  Third-day ; and  this  being  the  Fourth-day,  I had 
a meeting  six  miles  beyond  Cardifl*,  at  the  sea-side, 
To-morrow,  I pass  to  a general  meeting  in  Newport, 
at  a Justice’s  house.^ 

Thomas  Holmes.” 

Very  few  particulars  concerning  this  Friend  have 
been  preserved.  It  appears  that  he  was  imprisoned 


’ Barclay's  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  LXXXVII. 


1654.] 


THOMAS  HOLMES. 


283 


in  the  year  1658,  for  speaking  to  a priest  at  a house 
of  worship,  in  Curwent,  in  Monmouthshire.  He  wag 
also  imprisoned  upwards  of  three  months  at  Cardifl’ 
and  his  wife,  Elizabeth  Holmes,  coming  to  visit  him, 
was  taken  into  custody  by  the  magistrate  and  im- 
prisoned with  him.^ 

About  the  time  that  Thomas  Holmes  began  his 
religious  labors  in  Wales,  Morgan  Eloyd,  a clergy- 
man of  that  country,  sent  two  of  his  congregation  into 
the  north  of  England  to  inquire  into  the  reports  he 
had  heard  concerning  the  people  called  Quakers. 
These  triers,  as  they  were  called,  when  they  came 
among  the  Friends,  remained  some  time,  and  were 
convinced  that  the  doctrines  they  heard  were  gospel 
truths.  On  their  return  to  Wales,  one  of  them  de- 
parted from  the  principles  he  had  embraced ; but  the 
other,  whose  name  was  John  Ap-John,  remained 
steadfast,  and  became  a useful  minister  of  the  gospel.^ 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1657,  George  Fox 
visited  Wales,  and  was  instrumental  in  making  many 
proselytes.  The  first  town  he  entered  was  Cardiff, 
where  he  had  a meeting  in  the  town-hall,  and, 
although  some  disturbers  were  present,  he  writes 
that  “the  Lord’s  power  was  over  all,”  and  many  were 
gathered  to  his  name. 

At  Swansea  he  was  instrumental  in  establishing  a 
meeting,  and  proceeding  thence  to  Brecknock,  he 
there  met  with  Thomas  Holmes  and  John  Ap-John. 
At  this  place  the  rude  populace^  incited  by  the  magis- 
trates, kept  up  a continual  clamor  for  many  hours, 

* Besse,  I.  748.  In  Whiting’s  Catalogue,  it  is  stated  that 
Thomas  Holm,  of  Westmoreland,  died  in  Wales,  in  the  days  of 
King  Charles  II. 

* G.  Fox’s  Journal. 


284 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1657. 


and  George  Fox,  having  written  a paper  addressed  to 
the  citizens  on  their  unchristian  conduct,  proceeded 
on  his  way,  accompanied  by  his  friends. 

The  next  meeting  they  held  was  in  a churchyard. 
There  being  many  professors  of  religion  present, 
George  Fox  was  moved  to  open  the  Scriptures  to 
them,  turning  their  attention  ‘Go  Christ  who  had 
enlightened  them,  with  which  light  they  might  see 
the  sins  and  trespasses  they  had  been  dead  in,  and 
their  Saviour  who  came  to  redeem  them  out  of  them, 
who  was  to  be  their  way  to  God,  the  truth  and  the 
life  to  them,  and  their  priest  made  higher  than  the 
heavens ; so  that  they  might  come  to  sit  under  his 
teaching.”^  It  was  a peaceable  meeting  in  which 
many  were  convinced  and  settled  in  the  truth.  From 
thence  they  went  to  Pqntemoil,  where  a great  con- 
course of  people  assembled  to  hear  them ; many  were 
convinced  of  their  doctrines,  and  a large  meeting  of 
Friends  was  gathered  and  “settled  in  the  name  of 
Jesus.” 

After  this  meeting,  George  Fox  travelled  for  a short 
time  in  England,  and  then  returning  to  Wales,  he 
passed  through  Montgomeryshire  into  Kadnorshire, 
where,  he  says,  “ there  was  a meeting  like  a leaguer 
for  multitudes.  While  the  people  were  gathering,  he 
desired  John  Ap-John  to  go  to  them,  and  if  he  had 
anything  for  them  from  the  Lord,  to  speak  to  them  in 
Welsh,  and  thereby  gather  and  settle  the  meeting. 
When  they  were  well  gathered,  George  Fox,  being 
under  much  religious  exercise,  went  into  the  meeting 
and  stood  a considerable  time  in  silence.  At  length, 
feeling  the  power  of  divine  life  to  arise  and  go  over 


^ George  Fox^s  Journal. 


1657.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


285 


the  assembly,  he  began  to  speak,  opening  the  Scrip- 
tures to  them,  and  directing  their  attention  “ to  the 
light  of  Christ  the  heavenly  man,  that  by  it  they 
might  see  their  sins,  and  Christ  Jesus  to  be  their 
Saviour,  their  Redeemer,  their  Mediator,  and  come  to 
feed  upon  him  the  bread  of  life  from  heaven.”  ^ Many 
were  turned  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  his  free 
teaching ; and  all  were  bowed  down  under  the  power 
of  God,  so  that,  though  the  multitude  was  so  great 
that  many  sat  on  horseback  to  hear,  there  was  no 
opposition. 

At  Leominster,  in  Herefordshire,  G.  Fox  attended 
a meeting  where  many  hundreds  of  ^people  were 
gathered,  among  wLom  were  six  congregational 
preachers.  While  he  was  speaking  of  the  heavenly 
divine  Light  which  enlightens  every  one  that  comes 
into  the  world,  the  priest  of  Leominster,  whose  name 
was  Tombs,  cried  out,  That  is  a natural  light,  and  a 
made  light.”  George  Fox  desired  the  people  to  take 
out  their  bibles,  and  directing  their  attention  to  the 
text,  John  i.  4,  ‘‘In  him  (to  wut,  in  the  Word)  was 
life,  and  the  life  was  the  light  of  men;”  he  showed 
that  this  is  not  a natural  or  created,  but  a spiritual 
and  eternal  light.”  He  cited  also  the  prophecy  of 
Isaiah,  “I  will  give  thee  for  a light  to  the  Gentiles, 
that  thou  mayest  be  my  salvation  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth  ;”  and  he  added,  “ So  Christ  in  his  light  is  sa\ung, 
as  the  Apostle  said,  ‘ The  light  which  shined  in  their 
hearts,  was  to  give  them  the  knowledge  of  the  glory 
of  God  in  the  face  of  Jesus  Christ,’  which  was  their 
treasure  in  their  earthen  vessels.” 

Continuing  his  journey,  he  came  to  Teuby,  in 


* George  Fox’s  Journal. 


286 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1657. 


Pembrokeshire,  where,  as  he  rode  up  the  street,  a 
justice  of  the  peace  stepped  out  of  his  door,  desiring 
him  to  alight  and  to  stay  at  his  house,  which  he  ac- 
cordingly did.  On  First-day  they  had  a precious 
meeting,  attended  by  the  mayor  and  his  wife,  with 
many  respectable  citizens.  John  Ap-John  left  the 
meeting  and  went  to  the  parish  house  of  worship, 
where  he  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  governor, 
and  cast  into  prison.  The  next  morning  the  governor 
sent  one  of  his  officers  for  George  Fox,  which  grieved 
the  mayor  and  justice,  who  went  in  advance  of  him 
to  the  governor’s  office.  When  George  came  in,  the 
following  dialogue  ensued : 

George  Fox,  — Why  hast  thou  cast  my  friend  into 
prison  ? 

Governor,  — For  standing  with  his  hat  on  in  the 
church. 

G,  Fox,  — Had  not  the  priest  two  caps  on  his  head, 
a black  one  and  a white  one  ? Cut  off  the  brim  of 
the  hat  and  then  my  friend  w’ould  have  but  one,  and 
the  brim  of  the  hat  was  but  to  defend  him  from  the 
weather. 

Governor,  — These  are  frivolous  things.” 

G,  Fox, — Why  dost  thou  cast  my  friend  into  prison 
for  frivolous  things  ? 

Governor,  — Ho  you  own  election  and  reprobation  ? 

G,  Fox,  — Yes,  and  thou  art  in  the  reprobation. 

• Governor  \in  an  angry  tone'\,  — I will  send  you  to 
prison  till  you  prove  it. 

G,  Fox.  — I will  prove  it  quickly  if  thou  wilt  con- 
fess truth.  Are  not  wrath,  fury,  rage,  and  persecution, 
marks  of  reprobation  ? He  that  was  born  of  the  flesh 
persecuted  him  that  was  born  of  the  Spirit ; but  Christ 
and  his  disciples  never  persecuted  any. 


1657.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


287 


G-overnor. — I acknowledge  that  I have  too  much 
wrath  and  passion  in  me. 

G.  Fox.  — Esau  is  up  in  thee,  the  first  birth,  not 
Jacob,  the  second  birth.” 

The  governor  heins;  conscious  that  this  was  the 
truth,  acknowledged  it,  and  as  George  was  going 
away,  invited  him  to  dinner,  and  set  his  friend  at 
liberty. 

They  went  hack  to  the  house  of  the  justice,  and 
he,  with  the  mayor,  accompanied  by  their  wives  and 
several  other  persons,  went  with  the  Friends  to  the 
water-side,  about  half  a mile  out  of  town.  There 
George  Fox  “knelt  down  with  them  and  prayed  to 
the  Lord  to  preserve  them.”  After  commending 
them  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  their  Saviour  and  free 
teacher,  he  and  his  companions  went  on  their  way, 
ascribing  praises  to«the  Most  High. 

Accompanied  by  John  Ap-John,  George  Fox  con- 
tinued his  travels,  and  came  to  Haverford-^Yest, 
where  they  were  instrumental  in  establishing  a 
Friends’  meeting.  After  passing  through  two  large 
towns,  where  they  preached  in  the  markets  and  in  the 
streets,  they  were  overtaken  by  a man  of  rank  who 
thought  at  first  they  were  highwaymen,  and  proposed 
to  have  them  arrested  at  the  next  town.  But  George 
Fox  was  impelled  by  a sense  of  duty  to  speak  to  him, 
which  so  effectually  reached  his  feelings,  and  awoke 
his  conscience,  that  he  invited  them  to  his  house,  and 
entertained  them  kindly.  He  and  his  wife  desired  to 
he  furnished  with  some  Scripture  proofs  of  the  doc- 
trines of  Friends,  which  George  Fox  willingly  sup- 
plied. As  he  dictated  the  passages,  their  host  wrote 
them  down,  and  was  convinced  both  by  the  spirit  of 
God  in  his  own  heart,  and  by  the  corroborating 
of  Scripture. 


288 


RICHAED  DAVIES. 


[1657. 


As  the  travellers  proceeded  on  their  way,  they  came 
to  a hill,  said  to  be  two  or  thuuse  miles  high,  from  the 
top  of  which  an  extensive  prospect  was  spread  out 
before  them.  Here  George  Fox  was  favored  with  a 
sense  of  spiritual  vision,  which  enabled  him  to  point 
out  to  his  companion  the  several  places  where  “ God 
would  raise  up  a people  to  himself  to  sit  down  under 
his  own  teaching.”  These  places  were  remembered 
by  John  Ap-John,  and  he  lived  to  see  the  prediction 
fulfilled. 

Having  passed  through  every  county  in  Wales,  and 
been  instrumental  in  settling  many  meetings  of 
Friends,  George  Fox  came  to  Westchester,  and 
thence  to  Liverpool,  and  Manchester,  holding  meet- 
ings and  preaching  the  gospel  of  Christ.  He  then 
went  to  Swarthmore,  and  remained  more  than  a week 
visiting  the  neighboring  meetings,  and  writing  epis- 
^ ties  to  Friends  on  the  momentous  concerns  of  re- 
ligion. 

One  of  the  earliest  proselytes  to  the  principles  of 
Friends  in  Wales,  was  Richard  Davies,  who  became 
an  earnest  and  successful  laborer  in  the  Lord’s  vine- 
yard. He  was  born  in  Welch-Pool,  Montgomery- 
shire, North  Wales,  in  the  year  1635.  In  his  youth, 
his  mind  was  seriously  impressed  with  the  duty  of 
abstaining  from  evil,  in  order  to  prepare  for  death ; 
and,  forsaking  his  gay  companions,  he  sought  the 
society  of  those  who  were  accounted  the  most 
religious.  He  frequented  the  meetings  of  the  Inde- 
pendents, and  was  diligent  in  writing  out  the  sermons 
he  heard,  while  followii^  their  ministers  from  one 
parish  to  another.  These  sermons  he  sometimes  re- 
peated to  others,  and  being  well  acquainted  with  the 
historical  parts  of  the  Scriptures,  he  gained  applause 


1657.] 


RICHARD  DAVIES. 


'289 


by  his  religious  knowledge,  which  puffed  up  his  mind 
with  vanity.  ‘‘We  were  diligent,”  he  says,  “in 
searching  the  Scriptures,  which  was  good  in  its  place, 
but,  the  main  matter  and  substance  of  pure  religion, 
is  the  enjoyment  of  eternal  life  to  the  soul  from 
Christ.”^ 

With  the  consent  of  his  parents,  he  bound  himself 
apprentice  to  a felt-maker,  who  was  a professor  of 
religion  among  the  Independents,  and  had  family 
prayers  in  his  house.  Here  he  continued  in  the 
practice  of  writing  and  repeating  sermons,  and  he 
joined  in  the  family  prayers,  until  he  became  con- 
scious that  they  were  dry  and  formal,  being  per- 
formed in  his  own  will  and  time  without  the  anoint- 
ing of  divine  grace.  His  first  acquaintance  with  the 
principles  of  Friends  is  thus  related  in  his  own 
language : — 

“About  the  year  1657,  thjere  came  a poor  man  in  a 
mean  habit  to  my  master’s  house,  named  Morgan 
Evan,  of  South  Wales;  he  hspd  met  with  the  people 
called  Quakers  in  his  travels,  and  was  convinced  of 
the  Truth.  The  poor  man  discoursed  with  my 
master  about  the  principles  of  Tlruth ; and  I being  in 
the  shop  about  my  calling,  my  mistress  came  and 
said^  ‘Why  do  you  not  go  to  help  your  master,  for 
here  is  a Quaker  at  the  door  that  hath  put  him  to 
silence  ?’  I hearing  this,  made  haste,  and  took  my 
bible  under  my  arm,  and  put  on  what  courage  I 
could  to  dispute  with  the  poor  man ; but  he  proved 
too  hard  for  us  all.  When  I went  to  them,  they  were 
upon  the  words  thee  and  thou;  but  I very  per* 


E — 25 


Account  of  Richard  Daviel)  London,  1770, 


290  * 


RICHARD  DAVIES. 


[1657. 


omptorily  asked  him,  ‘What  command  he  had  to 
speak  thee  and  thou  V For  I acknowledged  to  him, 
that  it  was  the  language  of  God  to  Adam,  and  the 
language  of  the  Scriptures ; hut,  said  I,  that  is  not 
enough  for  us  now  in  this  day,  we  must  have  a com- 
mand for  it.  To  which  he  answered,  ‘ Hold  fast  the 
form  of  sound  words,  which  thou  hast  heard  of  me.’ 
I asked  him  whether  this  was  Scripture  ? He  asked 
me  whether  I would  deny  it.  I told  hini  he  w^as  to 
prove  it.  Then  he  took  the  hible  out  of  my  hand, 
and  turned  to  2 Timothy,  i.  13,  which  he  read,  and 
told  me  that  ^ Hold  fast,'  there  was  a command,  which 
I knew  very  well  both  the  Scripture  and  the  com- 
mand. But,  to  prove  him  farther,  I desired  him  to 
read  a little  more  of  that  chapter,  both  backward  and 
forward,  which  he  freely  did,  and  asked  me  why  I 
required  that  of  him  ? I told  him  that  we  heard  the 
Quakers  denied  the  Scriptures,  and  that  they  would 
not  read  them.  He  said  there  were  many  false  re- 
ports of  them.  And  ti»uly,  when  he  read  the  Scrip- 
tures so  readily,  I concluded  in  myself,  that  what  was 
reported  of  them  was  not  true;  and  he  saw  that  he 
had  reached  to  the  witness  of  God  in  me.  Then  he 
exhorted  me  to  take  heed  to  the  Light  that  shined  in 
my  heart,  and  showed  me  my  vain  thoughts,  and  re- 
proved me  in  secret  for  every  idle  word  and  action, 
saying,  that  that  was  the  true  Light  which  lighteth 
every  man  that  cometh  into  the  world,  and  in  that 
Light  I should  see  more  light,  and  that  would  open 
the  Scriptures  to  me : and  .that  I should  receive  a 
measure  of  the  same  Spirit  that  gave  them  forth. 
And  farther  he  told  me,  it  was  ‘ the  more  sure  word 
of  prophecy,  unto  which  I did  well  if  I took  heed  as 


1657.] 


RICHARD  DAVIES. 


291 


unto  a light  that  shineth  in  a dark  place  until  the 
day  dawn,  and  the  day  star  arise  in  your  hearts.’ 

Such  was  the  effect  of  this  interview  upon  the  mind 
of  Kichard  Davies,  that  he  could  not  escape  from  the 
words  of  life  and  power  that  took  hold  upon  him, 
and  the  more  he  waited  upon  that  Light  which  shines 
in  the  soul,  the  more  clearly  did  he  see  that  the  rituals 
in  which  he  had  been  trusting  were  comparable  to 
‘‘wood,  hay,  or  stubble,”  which  shall  be  tried  by  fire.^ 
It  was  then  he  put  up  his  petition,  in  deep  humility, 
to  the  Most  High,  that  he  might 'be  enabled  to  build 
upon  that  Eock  on  which  the  true  church  of  Christ 
is  established. 

Being  thus  brought  to  rely  upon  Christ’s  inward 
teaching,  he  forsook  his  former  teachers,  and  fre- 
quently withdrew  into  the  woods  or  other  secluded 
places  to  wait  upon  the  Lord ; where  his  heart  was 
much  tendered  and  contrited  by  the  power  of  divine 
grace.-  After  much  research  and  reflection  in  rela- 
tion to  the  use  of  water-baptism  and  the  sacrament  of 
bread  and  wine,  he  became  fully  satisfied  that  they 
are  not  required  under  the  gospel  dispensation ; but 
his  mind  underwent  a painful  confiict  before  he  could 
renounce  the  use  of  the  plural  pronoun  in  addressing 
a single  person.  He  says,  “I  was  conscientiously 
concerned  to  speak  the  pure  language  of  thee  and  thou 
to  every  one  without  respect  of  persons,  which  was  a 
great  cross  to  me,  though  it  seems  to  some  but  a weak 
and  foolish  thing ; yet  when  the  Lord  lays  the  neces- 
sity of  speaking  the  truth  to  all  in  that  language  that 
God  and  all  his  servants  used,  it  comes  to  be  of  a 
greater  weight  than  many  light  and  airy  persons  think 


* Richard  Davies’  Life,  IX.  12. 


2 1 Cor.  iii.  12. 


292 


KICH  ARD  DAVIES. 


[1658. 


it  is.  The  saying  of  Christ  came  to  my  mind,  ^ Who- 
soever will  he  my  disciple,  let  him  deny  himself,  and 
take  up  his  cross  daily,  and  follow  me.’  ” Being  under 
the  necessity  of  using  this  language  to  his  master  and 
mistress,  the  former  was  not  offended ; hut  the  latter 
was  so  much  incensed  that  she  struck  him  a severe 
blow  on  the  head  with  a stick,  and  swore  that  she 
would  kill  him,  though  she  should  be  hanged  fof  it.” 
She  continued  to  persecute  him  for  a considerable 
time ; but  afterwards,  being  brought  very  low  in  sick- 
ness, she  sent  for  him,  and  asked  his  forgiveness,  be- 
fore she  could  die  in  peace. 

The  first  meeting  of  Friends  he  attended  was  in 
1658,  near  Shrewsburry,  distant  eighteen  miles  from 
his  residence.  It  was  held  in  silence,  but  proved  to 
be  a season  of  deep  instruction.  Concerning  this 
meeting,  he  writes : The  w'ord  of  the  Lord  God  was 
among  us,  it  was  a hammer  and  a fire,  it  was  sharper 
than  any  two-edged  sword,  it  pierced  through  our 
inward  parts,  it  melted  and  brought  us  into  tears, 
that  there  was  scarcely  a dry  eye  among  us ; the  Lord’s 
blessed  power  overshadowed  our  meeting,  and  I could 
have  said  that  God  alone  was  minister  of  that  assem- 
bly.” He  was  preparing  to  return  home,  greatly  com- 
forted with  the  goodness  of  God  and  the  love  of  the 
brethren,  when  he  heard  that  Jolm  Ap-John  was  come 
to  town,  and  was  to  have  a meeting  there.  He  stayed, 
and  heard  for  the  first  time  a Friend  engaged  in  gos- 
pel ministry.  He  thought  John  Ap-John  spoke  as 
one  having  authority,  and  not  as  the  scribes,  his  words 
being  sound  and  piercing.” 

On  his  return  home,  having  found  three  young  men 
of  his  acquaintance  who  were  convinced  of  Friends’ 
principles,  they  four  met  together  for  divine  worship. 


1659.] 


RICHARD  DAVIES. 


293 


and  having  no  house  of  their  own,  they  concluded 
to  meet  on  a hill  in  a common.  There  they  sat  to-^ 
gether  in  silence,  a spectacle  of  wonder  to  their  neigh- 
bors, and  when  the  wind  and  rain  beat  upon  them  on 
one  side  of  the  hill,  they  removed  to  the  other  side, 
still  adhering  to  their  meeting. 

When  the  time  of  his  apprenticeship  expired,  in 
1659,  he  went  to  London,  and  there  followed  his  trade 
as  a felt-maker,  attending  meetings,  and  enjoying  the 
society  of  his  friends.  In  the  course  of  a few  months, 
a religious  concern  came  upon  his  mind  to  return  to 
his  native  country,  and  there  stand  as  a witness  for 
the  Truth ; but  the  prospect  being  disagreeable  to 
him,  he  endeavored  to  put  it  from  him.  In  this  state 
of  disobedience  he  continued  until  lie  lost  the  sense 
of  the  divine  presence,  and  was  smitten  with  anguish 
of  spirit  and  bodily  pain  ; when  at  length  being  made 
to  bow  to  the  divine  will,  he  renewed  his  covenant 
with  God,  and  was  restored  to  peace  and  health.  Soon 
after  this,  he  was  united  in  marriage  to  a pious  woman 
in  London,  who  agreed  to  go  with  him  to  Wales,  and 
they  settled  at  Welch-Pool,  his  former  residence. 
Here  he  continued  steadfast  in  bearing  an  open  testi- 
mony to  the  Truth ; for  which  he  suffered  much  per- 
secution ; but  the  frequent  imprisonments  he  endured 
promoted  the  spreading  of  his  principles,  and  he  re- 
joiced in  being  thought  worthy  to  suffer  for  the  cause 
of  righteousness. 


25* 


294  J.  LANCASTER  AND  M.  HALHEAD.  [1654. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

SCOTLAND. 

1654-60. 

Among  the  first  of  the  English  Friends  who  tra- 
velled into  Scotland  in  the  service  of  the  gospel,  were 
Christopher  Fell,  George  Wilson,  John  Grave,  Sarah 
Cheevers,  and  Katherine  Evans,  about  the  year  1654 ; 
but  there  appears  to  be  no  particular  account  of  their 
labors  now  extant.  In  the  same  year.  Miles  Halhead 
and  James  Lancaster  were  at  Dumfries,  and  being  at 
the  parish  house  of  worship,  they  waited  till  the 
minister  had  ended  the  service,  when  Miles  testified 
against  the  deceit  and  hypocrisy  of  the  people.  This 
so  incensed  the  congregation  that  they  forced  the  two 
Friends  out  of  the  town  to  the  side  of  the  river,  in- 
tending to  stone  them ; but  they  made  their  escape 
by  wading  through  the  stream.  They  then  went  to 
Edinburgh  and  Leith,  and  remained  about  ten  days, 
where  Miles  delivered  to  the  officers  of  the  army  a 
message  to  this  effect : ‘‘  That  the  anger  of  the  Lord 
was  kindled  against  them,  because  they  had  not  per- 
formed their  promises  which  they  made  to  him  in  the 
day  of  their  distress,  when  the  enemies  compassed 
them  on  every  side  ; for  the  Lord  delivered  them,  and 
gave  them  the  victory,  but  they  had  returned  him  evil 
for  good,  and  committed  violence  against  those  he 
had  sent  to  declare  his  word  amongst  them.”  Having 
performed  the  service  which  they  believed  was  re- 


1656,] 


WILLIAM  CATOX. 


295 


quired  of  them,  they  went  to  Glasgow  and  Stirling, 
and  then  returned  to  England.^ 

It  appears,  however,  that  at  least  a year  prior  to 
this  date,  there  had  heen  religious  meetings  held  after 
the  manner  of  Friends  in  the  South  of  Scotland,  at 
Drumhowy  and  Heads.  They  were  composed  of  se- 
rious persons  who  had  become  weary  of  the  formality 
and  superstition  of  the  national  religion,  and  who 
longed  for  the  purity  and  spirituality  of  gospel  wor- 
ship. Having  withdrawn  from  the  national  church, 
they  met  in  silence,  and  came  to  experience  the 
quickening  virtue  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  by  which  some 
of  them  were  called  to  proclaim  to  others  the  way  of 
salvation. 

Among  these  native  preachers  were  "William  Os- 
borne, who  had  been  a Colonel  in  the  army,  Eichard 
Eae,  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  They  were  not  then 
known  to  the  Society  of  Friends  in  England,  but 
were  afterwards  recoo-uised  and  united  with  them. 

In  the  year  1655,  William  Caton  and  John  Stubbs 
visited  their  brethren  in  Scotland,  preaching  the  gos- 
pel and  administering  counsel  .adapted  to  their  condi- 
tion. John  Stubbs  returning  to  England,  W.  Caton 
went  to  Stirling,  where  he  was  arrested  and  carried 
before  the  governor,  who  at  first  accosted  him  in  a 
rough  and  angry  manner;  but  William  being  of  a 
meek  temper,  by  soft  answers  appeased  his  wrath,  so 
that  he  became  cool  and  tender.  He  was  also  at 
Glasgow,  and  went  into  the  great  cathedral,  where, 
after  their  worship  was  ended,  he  had  an  opportunity 
of  speaking  to  the  people  in  the  yard,  the  English 


* Besse,  I.  495. 


296  GEORGE  FOX.  [1654. 

soldiers  in  garrison  there  not  permitting  any  injury 
to  be  done  to  him.^ 

In  the  autumn  of  1657,  George  Fox,  accompanied 
by  Robert  Widders,  visited  Scotland,  and  preached^ 
the  doctrine  of  the  Light  of  Christ,  which  is  God’s 
gift  for  man’s  salvation.  He  was  led  to  expose  the 
fallacy  of  the  doctrine  of  election  and  reprobation  as 
taught  by  the  clergy,  who  maintained  that  God  had 
ordained  the  greatest  part  of  men  and  women  for 
hell,  and  that  a certain  number  were  elected  for  hea- 
ven, let  them  do  what  they  would,  as  David  an  adul- 
terer, and  Paul  a persecutor,  yet  elected  vessels  for 
heaven.  He  showed  that  God  had  warned  those  that 
rebelled  against  his  law,  as,  for  example,  Cain,  Corah, 
and  Balaam,  and  had  said  to  Cain,  ^‘If  thou  doest 
well,  shalt  thou  not  be  accepted  ?”  Their  reprobation 
was  the  result  of  their  disobedience.  Does  not  Christ 
say,  Go  preach  the  gospel  to  all  nations  ?”  He  died 
for  all  men,  the  ungodly  as  well  as  the  godly,  and  he 
enlightens  every  man  that  cometh  into  the  world, 
that  through  him  they  might  all  believe.  ‘‘How  all 
that  believe  in  the  light  of  Christ  as  he  commands, 
are  in  the  election,  and  sit  under  the  teaching  of  the 
grace  of  God,  which  brings  their  salvation.  But  such 
as  turn  from  this  grace  into  wantonness  are  in  the 
reprobation  ; and  such  as  hate  the  light  are  in  the 
condemnation.”^ 

The  promulgation  of  these  views,  and  the  increase 
of  Friends’  meetings,  exasperated  the  clergy,  who,  in 
order  to  deter  the  people  from  embracing  them,  drew 
up  a number  of  curses  to  be  read  in  their  congrega- 
tions ; as,  for  instance,  “ Cursed  is  he  that  saith,  — ■ 


* Besse,  I.  495. 


2 G.  F.^s  Journal. 


1657.] 


GEORaE  FOX. 


29T  ' 


‘Every  man  hath  a light  within  him  sufficient  for 
salvation cursed  is  he  that  saith,  ‘ Faith  is  without 
sin ‘cursed  is  he  that  denieth  the  Sabbath-day.’  ” 

To  these  maledictions  a suitable  answer  was  re- 
turned, showing  that  Christ  commands  all  to  believe 
in  the  light,  that  they  may  become  children  of  the 
light ; that  faith  is  the  gift  of  God,  and  every  gift  of 
God  is  pure ; and  that  the  Sahhath-day ^ which  is  the 
Seventh-day  of  the  week,  is  no  longer  a day^of  rest. 

At  Edinburgh,  “ many  thousands  were  gathered  to- 
gether about  the  burning  of  a wutch,”  and  George 
Fox  being  in  the  city,  “ was  moved  to  declare  the  day 
of  the  Lord  amongst  them.”  He  then  went  to  Friends’ 
meeting,  where  many  rude  people  came,  who,  being 
reproved  by  him,  left  the  house  ; after  which  they  had 
“ a blessed  meeting  in  the  Lord’s  power,  which  was 
over  all.” 

The  clergy,  having  petitioned  the  national  council 
against  G.  Fox,  he  was  summoned  to  appear  before 
it,  and  was  questioned  concerning  his  motives  for 
coming  into  Scotland.  He  told  them  that  “he  came 
to  visit  the  seed  of  God  which  had  long  lain  in  bon- 
dage under  corruption ; that  all  in  the  nation  who 
professed  the  Scriptures,  the  words  of  Christ,  of  the 
prophets  and  apostles,  might  come  to  the  light,  spirit 
and  power,  which  they  were  in  who  gave  them  forth ; 
that  in  and  by  the  spirit  they  might  understand  the 
Scriptures,  and  know  Christ  and  God  aright,  have 
fellowship  with  him,  and  one  with  another.”  After 
some  further  discourse,  they  commanded  him  to  “ de- 
part from  Scotland  by  that  day  Seven-night.” 

He  returned  to  his  inn,  and  continued  in  the  city 
preaching  the  gospel.  During  his  stay  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  council,  expostulating  with  them  for  their 


298 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1657. 


unchristian  conduct  in  passing  an  order  to  banish 
him,  ‘‘  an  innocent  man,  who  only  sought  their  salva- 
tion and  eternal  good.”  On  leaving  Edinburgh  he 
returned  to  Heads,  where  Friends  were  suffering  much 
from  the  intolerance  of  the  clergy,  who  had  excom- 
municated them,  and  interdicted  the  people  from 
dealing  with  them,  or  supplying  them  with  food  or 
drink. 

These  uncharitable  proceedings  were,  however,  ar- 
rested by  Colonel  Ashfield,  who  was  a justice  of  the 
peace  for  that  county.  He  protected  the  Friends,  and 
afterwards  being  convinced  of  their  principles,  had  a 
meeting  at  his  house,  and  became  a minister  of  the 
gospel. 

At  Glasgow,  George  Fox  and  his  companions  ap- 
pointed a meeting,  but  none  of  the  citizens  attended. 
The  guard  took  them  before  the  governor,  with  whom 
they  had  much  discourse,  and  then,  after  preaching 
in  the  streets,  they  left  the  city.  At  Stirling  they 
could  not  obtain  a meeting,  but  there  being  a horse- 
race near  the  town,  George  Fox  embraced  the  oppor- 
tunity to  preach  the  word  of  life  to  the  people. 

At  Perth,  a persecuting  spirit  was  manifested  to- 
wards them,  especially  by  the  Baptists.  Finding  they 
could  not  ^prevail  by  disputation,  they  applied  to  the 
governor,  who  sent  a company  of  soldiers  to  expel  the 
Friends  from  the  town.  George  Fox  was  now  accom- 
panied by  Kobert  Widders,  Alexander  Parker,  and 
James  Lancaster.  As  they  were  guarded  through  the 
streets,  ‘‘  James  Lancaster  was  moved  to  sing  with  a 
melodious  sound  in  the  power  of  God,”  and  George 
Fox  preached  the  gospel  to  the  people,  who  came  out 
of  their  doors  and  filled  the  streets.  The  soldiers 
were  so  much  ashamed  of  the  part  they  were  required 


1657.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


299 


to  act,  that  they  said,  They  had  rather  have  gone  to 
Jamaica  than  to  have  guarded  the  Friends.”^ 

At  another  market  town  they  desired  to  hold  a 
meeting,  and  were  told  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison 
that  they  should  have  the  town  hall ; hut  the  magis- 
trates, in  order  to  prevent  it,  appointed  a meeting 
there  for  public  business.  The  officers  and  soldiers 
advised  the  Friends,  nevertheless,  to  occupy  the  hall. 

' They  answered,  J^o,  by  no  means  ; for  then  it  would 
be  said  we  took  it  by  force.  'We  will  go  to  the  mar- 

I ket-place.”  The  others  said,  ‘‘It  was  market  day.” 
“So  much  the  better,”  said  George  Fox,  “for  we 
would  have  all  people  to  hear  the  truth  and  know  our 
principles.”  Accordingly  they  went,  and  Alexander 
Parker  stood  upon  the  cross  with  a bible  in  his  hand, 
preaching  to  the  soldiers  aud  market  people,  with  but 
little  effect.  Presently,  George  Fox  “ was  moved  to 
stand  up,  and  with  a loud  voice  to  proclaim  the  day 
of  the  Lord,  that  was  coming  upon  all  sin  and  wick- 
edness.” This  awakening  call  aroused  the  people, 
who  came  flocking  from  the  town  hall,  and  a large 
company  was  gathered,  to  whom  the  word  of  life  was 
declared.  “ The  people  were  turned,”  he  says,  “ to  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  died  for  them,  and  had  en- 
lighted  them,  that  with  his  light  they  might  see  their 
evil  deeds,  be  saved  from  their  sins  by  him,  and  might 
come  to  know  him  to  be  their  teacher.  But  if  they 
would  not  receive  Christ  and  own  him,  it  was  told 
them  that  this  light,  which  came  from  him,  would  be 
their  condemnation.”  This  discourse  was  well  re- 
ceived, especially  by  the  English  troops,  who  were 
quartered  there. 


* George  Fox^s  Journal. 


^ * 


800 


JOHN  BURNYEAT. 


[1658. 


At  Leith,  George  Fox  was  informed  by  the  inn- 
keeper that  the  Council  at  Edinburgh  had  granted  a 
warrant  to  apprehend  him,  because  he  had  not  left  the 
State  in  obedience  to  their  order.  He  replied,  ‘‘If 
there  were  a cart-load  of  warrants,  I do  not  regard 
them,  for  the  Lord’s  power  is  over  them  all.”  He 
proceeded  to  Edinburgh,  and  went  to  the  same  inn 
where  he  lodged  before.  After  visiting  his  friends  in 
the  city,  he  again  went  to  Perth,  from  which  he  had 
recently  been  banished,  and  then  returning  to  the 
metropolis,  he  went  to  Friends’  meeting  on  First-day, 
which  was  attended  by  many  officers  and  soldiers. 
It  was  a solemn  meeting ; the  power  of  God  reigned 
over  all,  and  no  man  attempted  to  disturb  them.  The 
next  da}^,  George  Fox  and  his  companions  set  forward 
on  their  return  to  England ; and  on  coming  to  Dun- 
bar, they  appointed  a meeting  to  he  held  in  the 
church-yard.  It  was  large,  and  highly  favored  with 
the  divine  presence,  the  truths  of  the  gospel  being 
declared  with  baptizing  power.  This  was  the  last 
meeting  they  held  in  Scotland.^ 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1658,  John  Burnyeat 
visited  Scotland,  and  spent  about  three  months  in 
labors  connected  with  the  gospel  ministry.  The  first 
intimation  he  received,  that  this  service  would  be  re- 
quired of  him,  was  during  his  imprisonment  at  Car- 
lisle.^ Being  then  young  in  the  ministry,  the  prospect 
of  so  weighty  a service  brought  him  under  deep  exer- 
cise, attended  with  discouragement,  but  as  he  became 
resigned  to  the  divine  will,  the  power  of  the  Lord  was 
revealed,  with  the  assurance  of  His  support.  On  his 


* George  Fox’s  Journal. 


^ See  Chapter  V. 


1658.  J 


TVILLIAM  DEWSBURY. 


301 


release  from  prison,  he  returned  to  his  house,  and  fol- 
lowed his  temporal  calling  that  summer,  attending 
meetings  with  diligence,  and  growing  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  truth.  ’ 

In  the  Eighth-month,  he  proceeded  on  his  journey 
to  Scotland,  and  travelled  as  far  north  as  Aberdeen, 
then  back  again  to  Edinburgh,  and  thence  to  Lithgow, 
Hamilton,  Ayr,  and  Port  Patrick.  ‘‘  Our  service,” 
he  writes,  “ was  at  their  steeple-houses  and  markets, 
and  other  places  where  we  met  with  people,  and 
sometimes  at  Friends’  meetings,  where  there  were 
any.  And  our  work  was  to  call  people  to  repentance, 
out  of  their  false,  hypocritical  profession,  and  dead 
formalities,  wherein  they  were  settled  in  ignorance  of 
the  true  and  living  God ; and  so  to  turn  them  to  the 
true  light  of  Christ  Jesus  in  their  hearts,  that  therein 
they  might  come  to  know  the  power  of  God,  and  so 
come  to  know  remission  of  sin,  and  to  receive  an 
inheritance  among  the  sanctified.”' 

In  the  same  year,  AVilliam  Dewsbury  went  on  a 
religious  mission  to  Scotland,  travelling  on  foot,  he 
says,  “ with  great  joy  ;”  preaching  to  the  people  in  the 
fields  and  in  the  highways,  who  heard  the  truth  with 
nyich  tenderness. 

He  was  three  times  at  the  meeting  of  Friends  at 
Edinburgh;  he  then  journeyed  towards  the  west, 
attended  Friends’  meetings  at  Badcow  and  Heads,  and 
thence  went  to  Hamilton,  Glasgow,  and  Stirling.  In 
a letter  to  Margaret  Fell,  written  during  this  journey, 
he  writes : “ Dear  sister,  in  a short  time  the  Lord  led 
me  on  foot  some  hundreds  of  miles  with  much  joy. 


L— 26 


• J.  Burnyeafs  Works,  p.  26. 


302 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


[1659. 


for  the  seed’s  sake ; my  bread  I am  casting  on  the 
waters,  assured  I am,  I shall  find  it  in  the  time  ap- 
pointed.” ^ 

In  the  year  1659,  Stephen  Crisp  travelled  through 
Scotland  on  foot,  encountering  many  difficulties,  and 
preaching  the  gospel  of  Christ. 

The  labors  of  these  faithful  messengers  were  efiectual 
in  bringing  many  to  the  knowledge  of  the  ‘‘  Truth  as 
it  is  in  Jesus but  a most  violent  opposition  was 
manifested  by  the  clergy,  who  aspersed  them  with 
gross  calumnies,  and  exerted  their  influence  with  the 
magistrates  and  people  to  persecute  all  who  bore  the 
name  ofi  Quakers.  Their  principles,  however,  con- 
tinued to  spread,  and  the  persecutions  they  endured 
with  Christian  meekness  were  the  means  of  inducing 
large  numbers  to  attend  their  meetings,  where  the 
power  of  divine  grace  was  manifested  in  the  conver- 
sion of  many. 


* Life  of  William  Dewsbury. 


1655.] 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


303 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ESSEX,  BEDFORDSHIRE,  AND  LONDON. 
1655-60. 

In  the  year  1655,  Stephen  Crisp,  of  Colchester,  in 
Essex,  was  convinced  of  the  principles  of  Friends. 
From  his  own  account  of  his  religious  experience,  it 
appears  that  in  his  childhood,  as  soon  as  he  was 
capable  of  understanding,  he  became  conscious  of  a 
seed  of  divine  grace  that  witnessed  against  all  evil, 
and  gave  him  peace  when  he  hearkened  to  its  counsel ; 
but  there  was  also  a seed  of  a contrary  nature  which 
inclined  him  to  evil,  and  a struggle  for  dominion  was 
then  begun  between  the  powers  of  light  and  darkness. 

When  about  seven  or  eight  years  of  age,  feeling 
condemned  for  transgression,  he  prayed  and  wept  in 
secret,  and  was  led  to  covenant  with  God  for  more 
watchfulness  in  future.  Being  again  overcome  by 
temptation,  and  led  into  evil  thoughts,  words,  and 
actions,  he  lamented  his  condition  day  and  night. 
At  nine  or  ten  years  of  age  he  diligeutly  sought  for 
the  knowledge  of  God  with  strong  cries  and  many 
tears ; being  then  willing,  if  it  were  in  his  power,  to 
give  the  whole  world  to  obtain  the  mastery  over  his 
corrupt  propensities.  When  he  observed  the  careless- 
ness and  profanity  of  other  children,  who  seemed  not 
to  think  of  God  nor  to  be  troubled  for  their  sins,  he 
felt  great  concern  for  them,  and  said  within  himself ; 
“Ah,  Lord!  what  will  become  of  these,  seeing  thy 
hand  is  so  heavy  upon  me  that  I can  find  neither 


304 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


[1655. 


peace  nor  assurance  of  thy  love  ?”  Then  he  was  tempted 
to  seek  for  rest  by  comparing  himself  with  others,  and 
thinking  he  was  better  than  they ; but  this  false  rest 
was  broken,  for  the  pure  witness  followed  him  night 
and  day,  and  sutfered  him  not  to  rely  on  his  own 
works. 

^‘Then,”  he  says,  grew  a very  diligent  hearer 
and  regarder  of  the  best  ministers,  as  they  were 
reputed,  and  went  with  as  much  diligence  and  cheer- 
fulness to  reading  and  hearing  sermons,  as  other 
children  went  to  their  play  and  sportings.  And  when 
I heard  any  one  treat  of  election,  and  how  a.  man 
might  know  if  he  were  elect,  and  would,  in  their  dark 
wisdom,  lay  down  signs  of  a true  believer,  and  signs 
of  an  elect  soul;  then  would  I try  myself  in  their 
measure,  and  weigh  myself  in  their  balance,  and  so 
gather  up  a little  peace  to  myself,  finding  such  things 
in  me  as  they  spoke  of  for  signs : as  a desire  against 
sin,  a loathing  of  myself  for  sin,  a love  to  them  that 
were  counted  the  best  people,  a longing  to  be  rid  of 
sin,  &c.  But  alas ! here  was  but  the  blind  leading 
my  poor  blind  soul.  This  was  not  the  balance  of  the 
sanctuary,  and  when  I had  gotten  a little  peace  and 
quietness,  and  thought  to  hold  it,  alas ! it  would  soon 
be  shattered  and  broken ; and  when  God’s  pure  wit- 
ness arose  in  me,  that  I must  be  weighed  in  the  true 
balance.  Oh  ! then  I found  I was  much  too  light. 
Then  anguish  would  again  kindle  in  me,  and  a cry 
was  in  me.  Oh,  whither  shall  I go  ? and  what  shall  I 
do  ? that  I may  come  to  a settled  state  before  I go 

hence  and  be  seen  no  more.” ‘‘When  1 was 

about  twelve  years  old,  my  general  and  constant  cry 
was  after  the  power  by  which  I might  overcome  cor- 
ruptions. and  although  I heard  the  teachers  of  those 


1655.] 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


305 


times  daily  saying,  none'Could  live  without  sin,  and 
the  doctrine  of  perfection  holden  as  a dangerous  error, 
yet  that  did  not  abate  my  cry,  though  indeed  it  did 
often  weaken  my  belief  of  obtaining,  and  made  my 
prayer  almost  faithless,  and  so  without  success.  But 
I knew  that  without  the  power  of  God  I must  perish, 
and  I could  not  reckon  myself  saved  while  I was 
captivated  with  a corrupt  and  a rebellious  nature,  let 
them  all  say  what  they  could ; for  I remembered  the 
words  of  Christ,  ‘ He  that  committeth  sin  is  the  ser- 
vant of  sin,’  and  that  I knew  was  I.” “As 

^ for  the  priests  and  professors  of  those  times,  the  most 
I of  them  would  boast  of  experiences  and  of  zeal,  and 
1 of  assurances  of  the  love  of  God,  and  what  comfort 
I they  enjoyed  by  thinking  or  meditating  of  the  suffer- 
! in^  of  Christ  for  their  sins.  Alas  ! thought  I,  I could 

I think  of  these  things  as  well  as  you,  but  my  wound 

still  remains  fresh,  and  I see  that  I am  as  one  of  the 
crucifiers  while  I live  in  sin,  for  which  he  died;  and 
my  soul  longed  after  some  other  kind  of  knowledge 
of  him  than  that  which  was  to  be  obtained  by  reading, 
for  I saw  that  the  worst  as  well  as  the  best  could 

1 attain  to  that.” 

“ Then  I began,  when  I was  about  seventeen  or 
eighteen  years  of  age,  to  seek  yet  further,  and  hear- 
ing, of  a people  that  held  forth  the  death  of  Christ 
J for  all  men,  I went  to  hear  them,  and  after  some  time 

' I came  to  see  that  there  was  more  light  and  a clearer 

I understanding  of  the  Scriptures  among  them,  than 

among  the  former ; so  I began  to  be  conversant  with 
I them,  and  frequent  their  meetings,  and  came  to  be 
I established  in  that  belief,  that  there  was  a dear  son  of 

j hope,  and  way  or  means  of  salvation  prepared  for  all 

I people,  and  none  positively  by  any  eternal  decree 

26* 


806 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


[1655. 


excluded,  as  by  name  or  person ; but  as  unbelievers 
or  disobedient.  So  this  ministered  comfort  awhile, 
and  I set  myself  to  beli-eve  and  to  get  faith  in  Christ, 
and  to  reckon  myself  a believer,  and  found  it  hard 
work,  even  too  hard  for  me,  though  I cried  aloud 
many  times  to  have  my  unbelief  helped  : yet  when  I 
saw  sin  prevail  over  me,  Alas ! said  I,  where  is  that 
faith  that  purifies  the  heart,  and  giveth  victory;  mine 
is  not  such.”  . . . 

In  this  condition  Stephen  Crisp  remained  some 
years,  making  but  little  progress  in  the  spiritual  life, 
and  at  length  becoming  discouraged  by  observing  the 
inconsistency  of  ihany  who  professed  to  be  religious ; 
he  began  to  lose  his  tenderness  of  conscience,  to  in- 
dulge an  inclination  for  mirth,  and  to  associate  with 
wicked  company.  He  was,  however,  through  divine 
mercy,  restrained  from  the  gross  eyils  that  his  com- 
panions indulged  in,  and  even  in  the  midst  of  his 
mirth,  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  heavy  upon  him ; 
causing  him  to  mourn  in  secret,  and  to  lament  his 
captivity  to  sin. 

On  conferring  with  some  professors  of  religion,  he 
was  advised  to  comply  with  what  they  termed  the 
ordinances  of  Christ,  and  in  accordance  with  their 
counsel,  he  submitted  to  the  rite  of  water-baptism, 
lie  now  made  a renewed  eflbrt  to  restrain  his  evil 
propensities;  not,  however,  from  the  pure  love  of 
God,  but  rather  with  an  eye  to  his  reputation  as  a 
professor  of  religion.  This  motive  was  not  sufficient 
to  preserve  him;  temptation  w^as  again  too  strong 
for  him,  and  he  fell  under  condemnation  for  trans- 
gression. He  then  saw  that  he  had  been  grasping  at 
a shadow ; the  fiery  baptism  of  Christ,  which  burns 
up  the  chaff,  was  still  wanting,  and  he  became  dis- 


1655.] 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


307 


satisfied  witli  himself  and  with  the  form  of  religion 
he  had  adopted.  He  told  the  elders  of  the  church 
that  God  would  overturn  those  religions  which  stood 
in  outward  and  carnal  ordinances,  and  would  make 
known  a more  spiritual  way  that  should  stand  for 
ever. 

His  mind  being  thus  prepared  for  the  reception  of 
the  Truth,  he  heartily  embraced  it,  as  appears  from 
the  following  passage  in  his  narrative : “At  last  the 
' Lord  sent  his  faithful  servant  and  messenger  of  the 
everlasting  gospel,  James  Parnel,  to  our  town  of 
I Colchester  about  the  Fourth-month,  1655,  and  in  the 
27th  year  of  my  age,  who  came  in  the  name  and 
I power  of  the  Most  High  God,  in  which  he  turned 
many  to  righteousness,  both  there  and  in  other  coun- 
I tries  before,  of  whom  some  remain,  and  many  are 

I fallen  asleep.  Wfien  I saw  this  man,  who  was  but  a 

, youth,  and  knew  not  the  power  nor  spirit  that  was  in 
' him,  I thought  to  withstand  him,  and  began  to  query 
and  seek  discourse  with  him ; but  I quickly  came  to 
feel  the  spirit  of  sound  judgment  was  in  him,  and  the 
witness  of  God  arose  in  me,  and  testified  to  his  judg- 
ment, which  I found  was  just  and  true;  and  I,  the 
same  day  and  hour,  testified  that  all  our  rods  of  pro- 
fession would  be  lost  or  devoured  by  his  rod,  alluding 
to  that  of  Moses  and  the  magicians  of  Egypt,  which 
shall  certainly  come  to  pass.  That  day  I went  to  a 
meeting,  and  heard  him  declare  the  everlasting  gos- 
pel in  the  name  and  authority  of  the  Lord,  which  I 
could  not  with  all  my  wisdom  and  knowledge  with- 
stand, but  was  constrained  to  own  and  confess  the 
truth.” 

Stephen  Crisp  saw,  however,  at  the  very  first  of  his 
convincement,  that  a new  danger  attended  him.  Hav- 

I 


308 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


[1665. 


ing  found  that  he  could  not  withstand  the  cogent  ar- 
guments addressed  to  him  in  support  of  the  truth,  his 
understanding  was  con-vinced,  and  he  was  disposed  to 
rely  upon  his  intellectual  powers  to  maintain  the  views 
he  had  embraced,  instead  of  waiting  upon  God  in 
humility  of  soul,  in  order  to  grow  in  the  root  of  divine 
life.  He  soon  felt  that  his  sacrifice  was  not  accepted, 
and  a painful  confiict  arose  in  his  mind.  The  judg- 
ments of  the  Lord  seized  upon  him,  and  being  brought 
down  into  the  valley  of  humiliation,  he  felt  that  he 
was  poor,  and  blind,  and  naked.  Doleful  nights  and 
sorrowful  days  were  then  his  portion ; all  temporal 
enjoyments  were  blasted,  and  the  glory  of  the  world 
passed  away  like  a scroll  that  is  burnt  with  fire.  He 
heard  of  joy  and  salvation,  but  could  scarcely  think 
he  should  ever  partake  of  them,  for  he  yet  wanted 
that  living  faith  which  is  the  gift  of  God.  But  he  still 
felt  the  true  seed  groaning  to  be  delivered  from  the 
burden  of  sin,  and  after  long  travail,  and  many  bitter 
tears,  he  found  a little  hope  springing  up  that  ‘Ghe 
Lord  would,  in  his  own  time,  bring  forth  his  elect 
seed,  — the  seed  of  his  covenant,”  — to  rule  in  his 
heart. 

He  then  waited  in  hope;  but  on  one  occasion,  be- 
ing at  a meeting  of  Friends,  he  concluded  it  was  use- 
less for  him  to  sit  there,  with  such  a wandering  mind, 
wdiich  he  had  in  vain  endeavored  to  control;  and 
therefore  he  was  on  the  point  of  withdrawing ; but 
his  mind  was  powerfully  impressed  with  the  language. 
That  which  is  weary  must  die.”  He  then  returned 
to  his  seat,  and  waited  in  the  .belief  that  divine  good- 
ness would  enable  him  to  overcome  the  carnal  nature  ; 
that  so,  being  crucified  with  Christ,  the  life  of  Christ 
might  reign  in  him.  Having  thus  taken  up  the  cross 


1655.] 


STEPHEN  CRISP. 


309 


of  self-denial,  he  was  enabled  to  walk  in  newness  of 
life;  and  the  more- he  came  to  feel  and  perceive  the 
love  of  God  to  flow  forth  towards  him,  the  more  was 
he  humbled  and  bowed  in  mind  to  obey  him,  and  to 
serve  the  least  of  his  people. 

As  he  waited  to  receive  instruction  daily  from  on 
high,  he  became  qualifled  to  administer  counsel  to 
others  who  were  tempted  as  he  had  been  ; and  as  the 
church  increased  in  numbers,  his  attention  to  the 
poor,  and  his  care  over  the  younger  members,  called 
into  exercise  the  precious  gifts  with  which  he  was 
endowed.  About  four  years  after  he  had  embraced 
the  principles  of  Friends,  he  was  called  to  the  gospel 
ministry,  and  became  a noble  instrument  in  the  Lord’s 
hand  to  promote  the  cause  of  righteousness  in  the 
earth. 

The  early  experience  and  flrst  religious  services  of 
James  Parnel  have  already  been  mentioned.^  His 
testimony  was,  “ That  God  was  Light,  and  that  Christ, 
who  proceeded  and  came  from  God,  did  enlighten 
every  man  that  cometh  into  the  world,  that  all  men 
through 'him  might  believe.”^  Having  heard  of  a 
people  in  the  county  of  Essex  who  were  seeking  the 
Lord,  he  held  meetings  among  them,  and  they  re- 
ceived the  Truth  with  gladness.  But  as  he  went  from 
place  to  place  preaching  the  gospel,  he  met  with  much 
abuse,  and  was  sometimes  hauled  out  of  their  meet- 
ing-houses.^ After  having  planted  several  good  meet- 
ings, and  conflrmed  them  that  believed,  he  came  on 
the  Seventh-day  of  the  week,  about  the  middle  of 
summer,  in  the  year  1655,  to  the  town  of  Colchester. 


’ See  Chapter  Y.  ^ Thomas  Bayle’s  Test,  of  J.  Parnel. 

® Fruits  of  a Fast,  by  J.  Parnel. 


310 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


[1667. 


On  the  First-day  following,  he  preached  the  gospel  to 
many  thousands  of  people;  first  at  his  lodgings,  next 
at  the  parish  house  of  worship  after  the  sermon,  and 
then  at  a great  meeting  appointed  on  purpose.  He 
afterwards  disputed  with  the  town-lecturer  and  an- 
other priest  in  the  French-school  all  one  day,  in  which 
the  wisdom,  power,  and  patience  of  Christ  were  mani- 
fested through  him  to  the  convincement  of  many. 
Among  these  proselytes  was  Stephen  Crisp,  as  already 
related.  He  says,  in  his  testimony  concerning  James 
Parnel,  that  ‘‘  He  spent  that  week  in  preaching,  pray- 
^ ing,  exhorting  and  admonishing,  turning  the  minds 
of  all  sorts  of  professors  to  the  light  of  Jesus,  which 
did  search  their  hearts  and  show  their  thoughts,  that 
they  might  believe  therein,  and  so  might  become 
children  of  the  light ; and  many  did  believe,  and  found 
it  so,  but  others  were  hardened  and  rebelled  against 
the  appearance  of  Truth,  and  became  enemies.” 

The  opposers  of  James  Parnel  undertook  to  second 
the  arguments  of  the  priests  by  subjecting  him  to 
personal  violence,  which  be  bore  with  great  patience. 
One  of  them  struck  him  with  a stafl‘  as  he  came  out 
of  Mcholas  meeting-house,  saying,  There,  take  that 
for  Christ’s  sake.”  He  meekly  ansTvered,  ‘‘Friend, 
I do  receive  it  for  Jesus  Christ’s  sake.” 

After  having  been  zealously  engaged  for  about  ten 
days  in  Colchester,  he  went  to  Coggeshal,  where  a 
meeting  had  beeo  appointed  by  the  clergy  to  fast  and 
pray  against  the  errors  of  the  people  called  Quakers. 
He  w^ent  into  their  place  of  worship,  where  an  Inde- 
pendent preacher  named  Willis  was  railing  against 
the  Quakers  as  false  prophets  and  deceivers.^  James 

* Fruits  of  a Fast,  by  James  Parnel. 


1655.] 


JAMES  PARCEL. 


311 


Parnel  stood  still  until  ’XTillis  had  done,  and  then  he 
attempted  to  vindicate  the  principles  of  Friends, 
commencing  with  these  words,  This  is  the  order  of 
the  true  church,  that  all  may  speak  one  by  one ; and 
if  anything  be  revealed  to  him  that  stands  by,  let  the 
first  hold  his  peace.”  As  he  was  about  to  proceed 
with  his  vindication,  he  was  interrupted  by  the  cler- 
gyman, who  asked,  ‘‘^WFat  he  had  to  object  against 
Mmf  James  Parnel  answered, Thou  hast  reviled 
the  people  called  Quakers,  and  said  they  are  built 
upon  a sandy  foundation  ; but  I will  prove  their  foun- 
dation not  to  he  sandy,  and  thee  to  he  a false  prophet.” 
Being  accused  by  some  present,  that  he  owned  no 
church,  he  said,  ‘‘It  was  false.”  Then  he  was  asked 
what  church  he  owned ; he  replied,  “ The  Church  in 
God.”  Willis  then  stood  up  and  told  him  “he  spoke 
nothing  but  nonsense.”  “Aame  one  word  of  non- 
sense that  I have  spoken,”  said  Parnel.  Willis  re- 
plied that  it  was  nonsense  to  say,  “ The  Church  in 
God.”  Then  Parnel  took  out  his  bible,  and  read, 
from  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  where 
the  apostle  writes,  “ To  the  Church  which  is  in  God 
the  Father.” 

One  of  the  clergymen  being  thus  put  to  silence, 
another  ascended  the  pulpit  and  began  to  pray ; hut 
Parnel  not  taking  ofi*  his  hat,  the  magistrates  ordered 
him  to  put  it  off.  He  answered,  “ Order  the  priest  to 
put  off  his  cap and  then  withdrawing,  he  added, 
“Before  I will  be  subject  to  your  wills,  I shall  leave 
the  meeting.”’ 

As  he  was  going  quietl}'  on  his  way  to  a friend’s 
house.  Justice  Wakering  followed,^  and,  striking  him 


ParnePs  Works,  p.  255,  261. 


312 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


[1655. 


on  the  back,  said,  I arrest  you  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord  Protector.”  Some  Friends  being  present,  en- 
gaged that  he  should  be  forthcoming  as  soon  as  their 
meeting  was  ended,  which  being  agreed  to,  he  went 
to  a Friend’s  house,  knd  preached  the  gospel  to  those 
who  were  there  assembled.  The  meeting  being  over, 
he  went  before  the  justices,  four  of  whom  were  met  to 
examine  him,  and  six  or  seven  clergymen  were  pre- 
sent. Justice  Wakering  plucked  off  James  Parnel’s 
hat  and  threw  it  away ; they  then  began  to  ask  him 
many  questions,  which  he  answered.  At  length  they 
wrote  a mittimus,  and  sent  him  to  the  common  jail 
at  Colchester,  where  none  of  his  friends  were  suffered 
to  come  to  him.  The  chief  instigators  of  this  perse- 
cution were  four  preachers  of  Independent  congrega- 
tions, who  occupied  the  station  of  parish  priests, 
having  got  possession  of  benefices,  and  being  sup- 
ported by  tithes.^ 

The  time  of  the  assize  being  come,  they  fastened 
him  to  a chain  with  several  felons  and  murderers,  and 
led  him  in  this  manner  eighteen  miles  to  Chelmsford. 
He  remained  fastened  to  the  chain  day  and  night,  so 
that  he  could  not  obtain  his  natural  rest,  hut  he  says, 
“ The  truth  was  preached  in  all  this,  and  prevailed  in 
the  hearts  of  the  people,  so  that  I could  rejoice  in  all, 
and  triumph  over  mine  enemies.”^ 

Before  he  was  brought  into  court,  the  irons  were 
removed  from  his  hands,  and  then,  in  the  presence  of 
the  judge,  his  hat  was  taken  off  by  the  jailer,  and 
thrown  upon  the  floor.  The  indictment,  which  was 
full  of  falsehoods,  being  read,  the  prisoner  was  asked 


* Fruits  of  a Fast,  ParneFs  Works,  p.  243. 

* ParneFs  Works,  p.  243, 


1655.] 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


313 


if  he  was  guilty.  He  answered  that  he  denied  all 
guilt,  and  called  for  his  accusers.  Judge  Hills  told 
him  he  might  see  them.  The  jury  was  then  called, 
whose  foreman  was  a drunkard ; priest  "^-Villis  and 
two  magistrates  appeared  as  witnesses,  and  were 
sworn.  The  accusations  were,  that  in  a riotous  man- 
ner he  entered  the  parish  church  at  Great  Coggeshall, 
that  he  there  stood  up  and  told  the  minister  he  blas- 
phemed and  spoke  falsely,  using  many  reproachful 
words  against  him ; that  afterwards  he  went  into  the 
common  highway,  with  a great  number  of  his  fol- 
lowers, who  kept  there  unlawfully  together,  and  some 
of  them  gave  out  menacing  and  threatening  speeches, 
tending  to  the  breach  of  the  peace ; and  also,  that 
the  said  James  cannot  give  a good  account  where  he 
was  last  settled,  or  of  his  life  and  conversation.”^ 

He  answered,  that  he  went  to  the  steeple-house 
alone  and  quietly ; when  he  came  there,  several  boys 
and  children  would  have  flocked  in  after  him ; but  he 
bade  them  go  in  flrst,  rather  than  make  any  disturb- 
ance; he  then  we^it  in  very  orderly,  aud  stood  quietly, 
not  speaking  one  word  until  their  priest  had  done 
aud  was  leaving  his  seat,  although  the  priest  had 
been  openly  reviling  the  people  called  Quakers.  He 
did  not  deny  that  he  told  priest  Willis  he  blasphemed, 
in  saying  that  ’■'■the  Church  in  God'"  was  nonsense, 
inasmuch  as  that  is  a scriptural  expression.  As  to  the 
r accusation  that  he  went  into  the  common  hi^hwav, 
^and  there  with  his  followers  kept  unlawfully  together, 
llitwasan  abominable  falsehood,  for  he  was  passing 
[quietly  on  his  way  to  a friend’s  house  when  he  was 
1 arrested.  And  lastly,  as  to  his  life  and  conversation. 


\ 1—27 

ll 


* ParneFs  Works,  p.  151, 


314 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


[l6oO. 


let  that  speak  for  itself,  and  if  any  could  accuse  him, 
let  them  do  it.”- 

Judge  Hills,  in  charging  the  jury,  endeavored  to 
incense  them  against  the  prisoner,  and  told  them  ‘‘If 
they  did  not  find  him  guilty,  the  sin  would  lie  upon 
their  own  heads.”  When  James  Parnel  wished  to 
speak  to  the  jury  in  his  defence,  the  judge  interrupted 
him  and  would  not  suffer  it,  although  one  of  the  jury- 
men desired  to  hear  him. 

When  the  jury  came  in  with  their  verdict,  they  did 
not  find  him  guilty  of  the  charges  in  the  indictment, 
but  only  of  having  written  a paper  in  answer  to  the 
mittimus,  after  he  was  imprisoned,  which  paper  he 
had  avowed  in  his  defence.  The  judge,  however, 
being  determined  on  persecution,  imposed  two  fines 
upon  him  to  the  value  of  about  forty  pounds,  one  of 
which,  he  said,  was  for  contempt  of  the  magistracy, 
and  the  other  for  contempt  of  the  ministry ; and 
Parnell  was  again  committed  to  prison  until  the  fine 
should  be  paid.’  The  place  of  his  confinement  was 
an  old  ruinoua  castle  at  Colchester,  supposed  to  have 
been  built  in  the  time  of  the  Romans. 

The  jailer  was  charged  not  to  allow  any  giddy- 
headed  people  to  come  to  him,  by  which  was  meant 
the  Friends,  and  they  were  accordingly  excluded. 
Sometimes  the  victuals  which  his  friends  brought 
were  taken  away  from  him,  and  he  was  not  permitted 
to  have  a bed  which  they  offered  to  furnish ; but  was 
compelled  to  lie  on  a damp  stone  floor.  He  was  then 
put  into  a place  called  “The  hole  in  the  wall,”  which 
was  a little  cell  arched  over  and  very  high  from  the 
ground.  The  ladder  by  which  he  ascended  to  his  cell 


^ Pamelas  Works,  249. 


1655.] 


JAMES  PARNEL. 


315 


being  six  feet  too  short,  he  had  to  climb  up  and  down 
by  a rope  in  order  to  obtain  his  food,  for  the  jailer 
would  not  permit  him  to  use  a cord  and  basket  to 
draw  it  up. 

After  remaining  some  time  in  this  hole,  his  limbs 
were  benumbed  with  cold,  and  while  in  the  act  of 
climbing  up  with  his  victuals  in  one  hand,  he  missed 
the  rope  and  fell  from  a great  height  -on  the  stone 
floor,  by  which  he  was  so  much  stunned  and  bruised 
that  he  was  taken  up  for  dead.  Then  he  was  put 
into  another  cell  called  “ The  oven.”  It  was  nearer 
the  floor,  not  larger  than  some  bakers’  ovens,  and  had 
no  means  of  ventilation,  so  that  when  the  door  was 
shut  the  prisoner  was  almost  sufibcated. 

Some  of  his  friends  offered  to  be  his  sureties  for 
the  flne  of  forty  pounds,  or  to  lie  in  jail  in  his  stead, 
in  order  that  he  might  breathe  a little  fresh  air ; but 
the  offer  was  refused.  A request  was  then  made  that 
he  might  walk  in  the  castle  yard,  but  this  privilege 
was  denied  him ; and  the  door  being  left  open,  James 
stepped  into  the  yard,  but  the  inhuman  jailer  closed 
the  door  and  kept  him  out  all  night  during  the  coldest 
time  of  winter. 

His 'friends,  seeing  that  his  unrelenting  persecutors 
were  determined  to  cause  his  death,  used  every  effort 
for  his  release,  and  laid  his  case  before  those  who 
were  ‘‘highest  in  authority;”  but  they  turned  a deaf 
ear  to  the  recital  of  his  wrongs,  and  showed  no  mercy 
to  the  innocent  sufferer. 

At  length,  after  ten  or  twelve  months  of  imprison- 
ment, being  exhausted  by  suffering  and  benumbed 
with  cold,  the  time  drew  nigh  when  he  should  find 
relief  in  death.  Two  of  his  friends,  Ann  Langly  and 
Thomas  Shortland,  were  then  permitted  to  visit  him ; 


316 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1656. 


to  whom  he  said,  ^‘Here  I die  ianocently  — now  I 
must  go and  turning  to  Thomas  he  said,  “ This 
death  I must  die  — Thomas,  I have  seen  great  things 
— do  not  hold  me,  hut  let  me  go.”  Again  he  said, 
“Will  you  hold  me?”  to  which  Ann  replied,  “Dear 
heart ! we  wull  not  hold  thee.”  He  had  often  said 
that  one  hour’s  sleep  would  cure  him  of  all.  His  last 
words  were,  “How  I go.”  Then  he  stretched  himself 
out  and  fell  into  a sweet  sleep,  which  having  con- 
tinued about  an  hour,  he  quietly  breathed  his  last.^ 
He  died  about  the  19th  year  of  his  age,  in  the  year 
1656. 

The  patience  and  resignation  of  this  youthful 
martyr  affords  one  of  the  most  instructive  evidences 
of  the  power  of  divine  love  to  sustain  the  soul  under 
all  the  trials  of  life,  and  to  light  the  passage  of  the 
purified  spirit  through  the  shades  of  death.  The  per- 
secutions he  endured  at  the  instigation  of  the  Inde- 
pendent preachers,  and  under  the  protectorate  of 
Cromwell,  show  that  the  high  professors  of  religion 
then  in  power,  Tvere  intolerant  bigots  and  strangers  to 
the  benign  spirit  of  the  gospel. 

The  labors  and  sufferings  of  George  Whitehead, 
up  to  the  period  of  his  release  from  Edmundsbury 
prison'  have  been  related  in  a preceding  chapter.^  In 
the  winter  of  1656,  being  soon  after  his  liberation,  he 
proceeded  to  London,  and  remained  some  time,  at- 
tending the  meetings  of  Friends,  in  which  his  re- 
ligious labors  were  satisfactory,  and  blessed  with  en- 
couraging results.  Leaving  the  city,  he  travelled  into 
Essex  and  Suffolk,  holding  meetings.  At  Saffron- 


’ Testimony  of  Ellis  Hookes,  in  ParneFs  Works. 
2 Chap.  V 


1656.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


317 


Walden,  lie  had  a good  meeting,  little  disturbance 
being  attempted ; but,  in  the  evening,  while  he  sat 
at  supper,  the  bailiff  of  the  town  with  a constable 
entered,  and  took  him  into  custody.  Without  allega- 
tion of  crime  or  form  of  trial,  they  put  him  into  the 
stocks,  and  kept  him  there  during  part  of  the  night. 
Xext  morning,  he  went  to  the  bailiff*  to  inquire  “ if  he 
had  any  matter  of  fact  against  him,”  but  could  obtain 
no  satisfaction. 

At  Xayland,  in  Suffolk,  he  held  a meeting,  that 
was  disturbed  by  the  populace,  who  threatened  to  pull 
down  the  house  in  which  they  were  assembled.  He 
advised  the  con^res^ation  to  withdraw  to  a meadow 
near  the  town,  which  being  done,  they  had  a satis- 
factory meeting,  the  power  of  divine  Truth  being 
spread  over  the  large  assembly.^ 

Some  weeks  afterwards,  he  had  another  meeting  at 
is’ayland,  which  was  held  in  an  orchard.  After  a 
time  of  silent  waiting  on  the  Lord,  George  Whitehead 
stood  upon  a stool,  and  preached  the  gospel  of  life  and 
salvation,  “ testifying  against  all  sin  and  wickedness, 
against  the  Beast  and  false  prophet.”  While  he  was 
thus  engaged,  a pretended  gentleman,”  accompanied 
by  a constable,  came  rushing  in,  and  with  violence 
pulled  him  down.  They  conducted  him  before  John 
Gurden  and  his  son  Bobert,  both  justices  of  the  peace, 
who  had  with  them  the  priest  of  the  parish.  On  ex- 
amination, nothing  being  proved  against  him,  one  of 
the  mas^istrates  read  from  a law  book  an  old  statute 
against  vagrants  and  sturdy  beggars,  and  then  wrote 
a warrant,  requiring  the  constable  to  whip  him,  and 
to  pass  him  on  to  the  constable  of  the  next  parish,  and 


* George  Whitehead’s  Christian  Progress,  100. 

27* 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


318 


[1G57. 


thence  from  parish  to  parish  to  Orton,  in  W estmore- 
land,  the  place  of  his  residence. 

George  Whitehead  pointed  out  the  injustice  and 
illegality  of  this  sentence,  showing  that  he  “was 
neither  found  vagrant  nor  wandering  at  E’ayland,  but 
in  a religious  meeting  for  the  worship  of  God.” 

The  sentence  was  executed  most  unmercifully  ; his 
hack  and  breast  being  lacerated  by  the  whip  until  the 
blood  flowed  copiously.  A great  crowd  being  present, 
many  were  affected  to  the  shedding  of  tears,  and  they 
cried  out  to  stop  the  cruel  infliction. 

George  Whitehead,  in  relating  it  many  years 
afterwards,  says,  “It  is  very  memorable  to  me  how 
wonderfully  the  Lord,  by  his  divine  power,  supported 
me,  even  at  that  very  instant,  while  they  were  inflict- 
ing their  cruelty  and  punishment  upon  my  body, 
that  even  then  my  spirit  w^as  raised,  and  my  mouth 
opened  to  sing  aloud  in  praises  to  the  Lord  my  God, 
for  that  he  counted  me  worthy  to  sufler  for  his  name 
and  truth’s  sake.”^ 

The  scourging  being  over,  he  mounted  his  horse, 
and  was  attended  by  the 'constable  to  the  next  parish, 
thence  he  was  passed  from  constable  to  constable, 
until  he  reached  the  edge  of  Cambridgeshire.  There 
he  was  delivered  to  an  ofiicer,  who,  being  unwilling 
to  go  with  him,  gave  him  the  warrant  to  proceed 
alone  as  he  thought  proper.  Being  thus  set  at 
liberty,  he  changed  his  course  to  the  south;  and  trav- 
elling into  Essex,  he  held  meetings  in  Colchester  and 
other  places,  until  he  came  to  Sudbury,  near  Hayland. 
“The  country,”.he  pays,  “ being  alarmed  and  awaken- 
ed by  my  suffering,  the  people  were  the  more  stirred 


^ Christian  Progress,  106. 


1G57.] 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


319  • 


up  to  come  to  meetings,  and  to  see  and  hear  the 
young  man  that  was  so  cruelly  whipped  at  ITayland; 
and  many  were  tenderly  affected  and  convinced,  and 
the  truth  of  our  testimony  was  the  more  spread  and 
prevailed,  so  that  the  dark  wrath  of  man  turned  to 
the  praise  of  God,  and  I had  great  joy  and  consolation 
in  Christ  Jesus,  my  Lord,  for  whom  I w^as  freely  given 
up  to  suffer,  and  he  did  powerfully  sustain  and  stand 
by  me  therein ; glory  to  his  name  and  dominion  be  to 
him  forever.  I was  the  more  deeply  concerned  in 
spirit  to  travel  and  labor  in  the  gospel  ministry  in 
that  country,  and  those  parts  where  I had  so  greatly 
and  openly  suffered,  and  often  to  visit  those  eastern 
counties;  being  supported  in  spirit,  and  borne  up 
above  all  the  threats  of  branding,  hanging,  &c.,  and 
above  the  envy  of  that  cruel  persecuting  spirit,  and 
made  to  despise  all  the  shame  it  could  cast  upon  me 
by  reproach  and  contempt.”  George  Whitehead  was 
then  only  twenty-one  years  of  age,  having  been  about 
three  years  engaged  in  the  gospel  ministry. 

In  the  summer  of  1657,  being  joined  by  his  friend, 
Kichard  Hubberthorn,  they  travelled  together  from 
Huntingdonshire  to  Leicester,  Coventry,  Warwick, 
and  Worcester,  visiting  FriendSj  and  attending  meet- 
ings. iSTear  Gloucester,  at  the  house  of  Justice  Grimes, 
they  met  with  George  Fox,  and  they  held  a meeting 
there  in  the  court-yard.  ‘‘ The  justice,  with  his  wife 
and  family,  were  convinced  of  the  blessed  truth  as  it 
is  in  Christ  Jesus,  his  life  and  powder.”  The  next 
day  George  Whitehead  went  to  Gloucester,  and  thence 
to  Worcestershire  and  Herefordshire,  visiting  Friends, 
holding  meetings,  and  encountering  adversaries  in 
public  disputations.  These  controversies  mostly  re- 
lated to  the  light  of  Christ  or  immediate  revelation, 


' 320 


GEORGE  WHITEHEAD. 


[1657. 


and  the  doctrine  of  perfection  or  freedom  from  sin, 
w^hich  were  maintained  by  Friends,  and  opposed  by 
others. 

After  a large  meeting  held  in  the  open  air  at  Lei- 
cester, George  Whitehead  was  taken  sick,  and  became 
so  ill  that  his  recovery  was  doubted ; but  he  had  a 
sense  given  him  that  the  Lord  had  more  work  for 
him  to  do,  and  that  he  should  recover,  which  was 
speedily  verified.  Soon  after  his  recovery,  he  travelled 
northward,  through  Yorkshire,  visiting  meetings  until 
he  came  to  his  father’s  residence  in  Westmoreland. 
Having  been  absent  three  years,  he  was  received  by 
his  parents  wfith  joy  and  kindness.  They  had  heard 
of  his  severe  suflerings  under  persecution,  and  they 
received  him  as  one  risen  from  the  dead. 

He  had  much  religious  service  in  the  north  of 
England,  and  then,  in  the  year  1658,  returned  to 
Essex  and  Suffolk.  While  riding  through  the  town 
of  Hoxen  in  Suflblk,  he  met  Edward  Will  an,  a clergy- 
man residing  there,  who  accused  him  of  “seducing 
his  flock  from  the  church.”  This  led  to  a discussion 
on  the  proper  acceptation  of  the  word  church.  The 
clergyman  applied  it  to  the  house  in  wLich  his  con- 
gregation met ; but  George  Whitehead  told  him,  the 
church  of  Christ  was  built  up  of  living  stones,  and 
-when  the  apostle  WTote  to  the  church  of  God,  he 
wrote  to  them  that  were  sanctified  in  Christ.  He 
wu’ote  to  the  sanctified  people,  and  not  to  a house  of 
wood  and  stone.  Willan,  being  foiled  in  argument, 
became  exasperated,  and  seizing  George  Whitehead’s 
horse  by  the  bridle,  forcibly  detained  him.  With  the 
assistance  of  some  others,  he  forced  George  to  go 
before  a justice  of  the  peace,  who  wrote  a mittimus 
for  his  imprisonment  at  Ipswich,  under  the  pretence 
that  he  had  reviled  the  priest. 


1658.] 


GEORGE  FOX. 


321 


He  was  put  into  the  common  ward,  usually  appro- 
priated to  felons,  where  he  found  William  Alexander 
of  Xeedham,  and  two  other  worthy  Friends,  who  had 
been  imprisoned  for  non-payment  of  tithes.  At  the 
quarter  sessions,  George  Whitehead  being  arraigned 
for  trial,  his  clerical  accuser  appeared  against  him, 
and,  by  a false  or  exaggerated  testimony,  caused  him 
to  be  fined  and  returned  to  prison,  where  he  was 
detained  until  after  the  death  of  the  Protector,  being 
about  sixteen  weeks. 

In  the  year  1658,  a general  Yearly  Meeting  for  the 
whole  nation,  was  held  at  John  Crook’s,  in  Bedford- 
shire. George  Fox,  who  attended  this  meeting,  writes 
in  his  Journal,  that  ‘‘it  continued  three  days,  and  many 
Friends,  from  most  parts  of  the  nation,  came  to  it;  so 
that  the  inns  and  towns  thereabouts  were  filled ; for 
many  thousands  of  people  were  at  it.”  Although  there 
was  some  disturbance  from  rude  people,  “ the  Lord’s 
power  came  over  all,  and  it  was  a glorious  meeting,”  ^ 
for  “ the  everlasting  gospel  was  preached,  and  many 
received  it.”  George  Fox  was  led  to  open  to  the 
people,  “ the  promise  of  God,  how  it  was  made  to  the 
seed ; not  to  seeds  as  many,  but  to  one,  which  seed 
was  Christ ; and  that  all  people,  both  male  and  female, 
should  feel  this  seed  in  them,  which  was  heir  of  the 
promise,  that  so  the}"  might  all  witness  Christ  in 
them  the  hope  of  glory,  the  mystery  which  had  been 
hid  from  ages  and  generations,  and  which  was  revealed 
to  the  apostles,  and  is  revealed  now,  after  this  long 
night  of  apostasy ; so  that  all  might  come  unto  this 
seed,  Christ  Jesus,  and  walk  in  it,  and  sit  down  toge- 
ther in  heavenly  places  in  Christ  Jesus,  who  was  the 
foundation  of  the  prophets  and  apostles,  the  rock  of 
ages,  and  is  our  foundation.” 


822 


GEORGE  FOX. 


[1658. 


He  was  also  led  to  address  much  salutary  counsel 
to  Friends  engaged  in  the  gospel  ministry,  concerning 
the  exercise  of  their  spiritual  gifts  in  the  church.  His 
remarks  being  taken  down  by  one  present,  and  pre- 
served in  his  Journal,  are  worthy  of  attention  by  all 
who  are  engaged  in  that  solemn  service.  The  follow- 
ing passages  are  selected  from  the  discourse,  viz  : “ It 
is  a weighty  thing  to  be  in  the  work  of  the  ministry 
of  the  Lord  God,  and  to  go  forth  in  that.  It  is  not  a 
customary  preaching.  It  is  to  bring  people  to  the 
end  of  all  outward  preaching.  For  when  ye  have 
declared  the  truth  to  the  people,  and  they  have  re- 
ceived it,  and  come  into  that  which  ye  spoke  of,  the 
utterance  of  many  words  and  long  declarations  out 
of  the  life  may  beget  them  into  a form.”  . . . ‘‘And 
take  heed  of  running  into  inordinate  affections ; for 
when  people  come  to  own  you,  there  is  danger  of  the 
wrong  part  getting  up.  There  was  a strife  among  the 
disciples  of  Christ,  who  should  be  the  greatest. 
Christ  told  them,  ‘The  heathen  exercise  lordship,  and 
have  dominion  over  one  another,  hut  it  shall  not  he 
so  among  you.’  ” . . . “ This  is  the  word  of  the  Lord 
to  you  all  — keep  down,  keep  low,  that  nothing  may 
rule  nor  reign  in  you,  hut  the  life  itself.”  . . . “And 
all  Friends,  be  careful  not  to  meddle  with  the  powers 
of  the  earth,  but  keep  out  of  all  such  things ; as  ye 
keep  in  the  Lamb’s  authority,  ye  will  answer  that  of 
God  in  them,  and  bring  them  to  do  justice,  which  is 
the  end  of  the  law.” 

It  was  at  this  meeting,  and  through  the  ministry 
of  George  Fox,  that  Isaac  Pennington  was  convinced 
of  the  principles  of  Friends.^  He  was  born  in  the 


‘ Testimony  of  Alexander  Parker  in  Pennington’s  Works,  vol. 
I.,  London,  1761. 


1658.] 


ISAAC  PENNINGTON. 


323 


year  1617,  being  the  son  of  Isaac  Pennington,  a 
wealthy  alderman  of  London,  and  a noted  member 
of  the  Long  Parliament,  who,  perceiving  the  natural 
abilities  of  his  son,  was  careful  to  give  him  all  the 
advantages  of  education  that  schools  or  colleges  could 
supply.  From  his  childhood  he  was  inclined  to  piety, 
and  being  very  early  brought  under  the  tendering 
impressions  of  divine  grace,  he  was,  in  a great  mea- 
sure, preserved  from  evil,  and  separated  from  the 
spirit  of  the  world.  As  he  advanced  to  manhood,  he 
became  a subject  of  wonder  to  his  relatives  and  ac- 
quaintances, on  account  of  his  serious  deportment 
and  his  declining  all  company  that  might  interrupt 
his  meditations,  for  he  was  disposed  to  lead  a life  of 
mourning.  ‘‘Yet  this  sorrow  did  not  flow  from  a 
sense  of  former  vices,  for  he  was  virtuous  from  his 
childhood ; but  with  Habakkuk,  from  the  dread  he 
had  of  the  majesty  of  God,  and  his  desire  to  And  a 
resting  place  in  the  great  day  of  trouble.  In  the 
midst  of  these  exercises,  nothing  gave  him  ease  or 
comfort  but  the  smiles  of  God  upon  his  souL”  ^ His 
inward  exercises  and  enjoyments  being  of  a very 
peculiar  nature,  made  him  take  little  comfort  in  any 
of  the  religious  societies  then  known  to  him.  He 
was  as  one  alone,  for  he  saw  so  little  evidence  of  life 
among  religious  professors,  that  he  longed  for  a more 
full  and  satisfactory  knowledge  of  God,  which  he  be- 
lieved had  been  experienced  in  former  times,  as  was 
testified  in  the  Scriptures.^  “This,”  he  says,  “made 
me  sick  at  heart  indeed,  and  set  me  upon  deep  crying 

’ Preface  to  Pennington's  letters,  and  W.  Penn’s  testimony,  in 
Pennington’s  Works.  . 

* W.  Penn’s  and  T.  Elwood’s  testimony,  in  Pennington’s  Works. 


324 


ISAAC  PENNINGTON. 


[1057. 


to  God,  close  searching  the  Scriptures,  and  waiting 
on  God,  that  I might  receive  the  pure  sense  and  un- 
derstanding of  them,  from  and  in  the  light  and  by 
the  help  of  his  Spirit.” 

In  the  year  1648,  he  married  Mary,  the  widow  of 
Sir  William  Springett,  a pious  woman,  who  entered 
fully  into  sympathy  with  him  in  his  religious  exer- 
cises ; but  they  both  continued,  for  some  years  after 
their  marriage,  in  a seeking  state  of  mind,  earnestly 
longing  for  a nearer  acquaintance,  and  a closer  union, 
with  the  Author  of  their  being.  At  length  he  met 
with  some  of  the  writings  of  the  people  called  Qua- 
kers, which  he  then  slighted,  because  they  seemed  to 
him  to  fall  very  far  short  of  that  wisdom  and  power 
for  which  he  had  long  been  seeking.  He  afterwards 
met  with  some  of  the  Friends,  which  was  probably 
in  the  year  1657.  When  they  spoke  to  him,  under  a 
feeling  of  divine  life,  ‘‘at  the  very  first,”  he  says, 
“they  reached  to  the  life  of  God  in  me,  which  life 
answered  their  voice,  and  caused  a great  love  in  me 
to  spring  towards  them ; but  still  in  my  reasonings 
with  them,  and  disputes  alone,  in  my  mind,  concern- 
ing them,  I was  very  far  from  owning  them,  as  so 
knowing  the  Lord,  or  so  appearing  in  his  life  and 
power,  as  my  condition  needed  and  my  soul  waited 
for.”  ^ He  had  not  then  come  into  that  simplicity  of 
heart,  in  which  alone  the  gospel  can  be  received. 
Being  strong  in  intellect,  and  afiluent  in  language,  he 
despised  the  apparent  weakness  of  those  humble 
instruments,  who  had  little  of  the  world’s  erudition, 
hut  were  deeply  instructed  in  the  school  of  Christ. 

Alexander  Parker,  who  travelled  much  with  George 


* I.  Pennington's  relation  in  Elwood's  testimony. 


1658.]  ISAAC  PENNINGTON.  325 

Fox,  and  was  probably  with  him  at  the  memorable 
meeting  in  Bedfordshire,  has  left  a testimony  con- 
cerning Isaac  Pennington,  in  which  he  says,  ‘‘  He  did 
not  hastily  join  in  society  with  us,  but  for  some  time 
did  reason  about  many  things.  Though  he  owned 
the  principal  doctrines  of  Truth,  yet  the  instruments 
that  declared  it,  and  their  way  and  manner,  seemed 
very  contemptible  to  him,  until  he  heard  that  faithful 
servant  of  God,  George  Fox,  at  a meeting  at  John 
Crooks,  in  Bedfordshire,  at  the  time  called  Whitsun- 
tide, in  the  year  1658.”  At  which  meeting  the  mys- 
tery of  iniquity  was  so  opened,  and  the  mystery  of 
the  gospel  of  peace  so  plainly  manifested,  that  he  was 
fully  satisfied,  and  from  that  time  gave  himself  up  to 
the  obedience  of  Truth,  and  took  up  the  cross  and 
became  a disciple  and  follower  of  Christ,  sufifering 
with  us  for  the  name  and  testimony  of  Jesus.”  Isaac 
Pexinington  thus  writes  concerning  the  same  meeting : 
‘‘  When  I came,  I felt  the  presence  and  power  of  the 
Most  High  among  them,  and  words  of  truth  from  the 
Spirit  of  Truth  reaching  my  heart  and  conscience, 
opening  my  state  as  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord. 
Yea,  I did  not  only  feel  words  and  demonstrations 
from  without,  but  I felt  the  dead  quickened,  the  seed 
raised ; insomuch  that  my  heart,  in  the  certainty  of 
light  and  clearness,  said,  This  is  he,  this  is  he,  there 
is  no  other ; this  is  he  whom  I have  waited  for  and 
sought  after  from  my  childhood;  who  was  always 
near  me  and  had  often  begotten  life  in  my  heart;’  but 
I knew  him  not  distinctly,  nor  how  to  receive  him  or 
dwell  with  him.  And  then  was  I given  up  to  the 
Lord  to  become  his,  both  in  waiting  for  the  further 
revealing  of  his  seed  in  me,  and  to  serve  him  in  the 
life  and  power  of  his  seed.”  ....  ‘‘But  some  may 
L — 28 


326 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1654. 


desire  to  know  what  I have  at  last  met  with?  I 
answer,  I have  met  with  the  Seed.  Understand  that 
word  and  thou  wilt  he  satisfied,  and  inquire  no  further. 
I have  met  with  my  God;  I have  met  with  my 
Saviour,  and  he  hath  not  been  present  with  me  with- 
out his  salvation ; but  I have  felt  the  healing  drop 
upon  my  soul  from  under  his  wings.”  ^ 

Being  united  in  religious  fellowship  with  Friends, 
Isaac  Pennington  became  a diligent  attendant  of  their 
meetings,  and  a faithful  supporter  of  their  principles. 
He  wrote  much  and  wisely  on  religious  subjects,  and 
became  an  able  minister  of  the  gospel.  He  was  re- 
markable for  the  tenderness  of  his  feelings,  the  depth 
of  his  knowledge  in  heavenly  mysteries,  and  his 
patience  in  enduring  severe  persecution.  His  labors 
and  sufierings  will  again  be  adverted  to  in  the  pro- 
gress of  this  work. 

The  services  and  sufierings  of  James  Hayler,  up  to 
the  time.of  his  release  from  imprisonment  at  Appleby, 
in  the  summer  of  1653,  were  related  in  the  second 
chapter  of  this  work.  He  remained  in  the  north  of 
England  engaged  in  religious  services  until  the  year 
1654,  when  he  went  to  London.^ 

On  reaching  that  great  city,  he  says,  I entered  it 
with  the  greatest  fear  that  ever  into  any  place  I came, 
in  spirit  foreseeing  somewhat  to  befall  me  therein,  but 
not  knowing  what  it  might  be.”^. 

Prior  to  his  arrival  in  the  metropolis,  Francis  How- 
gill  and  Edward  Burrough  had  been  holding  meetings 
there  with  remarkable  success,  and  many  proselytes 


* Pennington's  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  xxxviii. 

2 J.  Nayler's  Works,  Cincinnati  Edition,  p.  61. 

* Ibid,  xxxii. 


1655.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


327 


were  gathered  by 'their  ministry,  as  already  related. 
A letter  of  James  ISTayler’s  to  Margaret  Fell,  dated 
3d  of  l^inth  month  [Eleventh  month],  1654,  speaks 
of  a meeting  he  attended  at  Lady  Darcy’s,  which  was 
attended  by  many  of  the  court  and  some  of  the  no- 
bility, and  several  officers  of  the  army.  He  adds, 
that  some  of  the  most  eminent  priests  of  the  city 
were  present,  but  he  knew  not  how  many,  for  they 
got  behind  a partition. 

In  a letter  of  Alexander  Parker’s,  dated  London, 
28th  of  Fifth  month,  1655,  he  says,  “James  Hayler, 
on  Fourth-day,  had  a great  dispute, with  some  of  the 
chief  of  the  separated  congregations,  and  it  being 
public,  a great  meeting  there  was ; it  was  in  one  of 
their  own  meeting-houses,  and  truly  it  w^as  much  for 

the  advancement  of  the  Truth.” “James  is 

very  serviceable  here,  and  his  fame  begins  to  spread 
in  the  city,  seeing  that  he  hath  had  public  disputes 
with  many.”^ 

Among  many  in  London  who  were  convinced  of 
the  principles  of  Friends  by  the  ministry  of  James 
Hayler,  was  Kebecca  Travers,  who  had  been  a zealous 
professor  with  the  Baptists.  Being  invited  to  a dis- 
cussion between  James  Hayler  and  some  ministers  of 
her  own  society,  held  in  1654,  she  went,  and  would 
have  been  glad  to  see  the  Baptists  gain  the  victory, 
[t  proved,  however,  quite  the  contrary,  for  when  the 
plain  county-man  stood  up  to  argue  with  the  more 
learned  clergy  of  the  city,  they  could  not  withstand 
the  power  that  attended  his  discourse.  After  one  or 
two  of  them  had  relinquished  the  discussion,  another 
came  forward  with  much  confidence ; but  the  passages 


* Letters  of  Early  Friends,  Nos.  XIV.  and  XV. 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1654. 


828 

of  Scripture  he  cited  were  turned  against  him,  and 
Rebecca  Travers  being  deeply  interested  in  the  views 
held  forth  by  James  Rayler,  desired  to  hear  him  again. 
She  soon  after  attended  Friends’  meeting,  called  the 
Bull  and  Mouth,  where  she  heard  him  in  gospel 
ministry,  and  on  returning  home  she  said  if  she  bad 
lived  in  the  Apostles’  days,  she  could  not  have  heard 
Truth  more  plainly,  nor  in  greater  demonstration  of 
the  Spirit,  than  she  had  that  day. 

She  was  afterwards  invited  to  dine  with  James 
Rayler  and  others,  at  the  house  of  a Friend.  There 
was  a person  of  rank  among  the  company,  who  asked 
James  Rayler  many  questions,  which  be  answered 
with  great  wisdom,  but  not  so  plainly  as  she  would 
have  desired,  for  she  coveted  to  know  things  that  have 
been  hidden  from  human  researches.  James  FTayler, 
putting  his  hand  over  the  table  and  taking  her  by  the 
hand,  said,  “Feed  not  on  knowledge,  it  is  as  truly 
forbidden  to  thee  as  ever  it  was  to  Eve.  It  is  good 
to  look  upon,  but  not  to  feed  on ; for  who  feeds  on 
knowledge  dies  to  the  innocent  Life.”  She  found 
this  to  he  true  in  her  own  experience,  for  the  more 
she  came  to  be  divested  of  all  self-sufficienc}',  the  more 
did  she  ^row  in  the  root  of  divine  life.  Having  been 
washed  in  the  “laver  of  regeneration,”  she  was  called 
to  the  gospel  ministry,  and  preserved  in  the  Truth  to 
the  end  of  her  days.^ 

There  were,  however,  some  other  women  who  be- 
came so  infatuated  with  admiration  for  the  eloquence 
of  James  Rayler,  that  they  undervalued  the  services 
of  Francis  Howgill  and  Edward  Burro  ugh,  and  one 
of  them,  Martha  Simmonds,  was  so  bold  as  to  oppose 


* John  Whiting’s  Memoirs,  p.  176. 


1656.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


329 


them  openly  in  their  public  ministry.  This  disorderly 
behavior  being  very  properly  reproved  by  Howgill 
and  Burrough,  gave  so  much  displeasure  to  Martha 
that  she  and  another  woman  went  and  complained  to 
James  Xayler,  endeavoring  to  incense  him  against 
them.  But  he  did  not  seem  disposed  to  condemn  his 
brethren  ; upon  which  Martha  fell  into  a kind  of 
passionate  grief,  exclaiming  in  a shrill  but  mournful 
voice:  “I  looked  for  judgment,  but  behold  a cry.” 
Her  piercing  lamentations  so  wrought  upon  the  feel- 
ings of  James  Xayler,  that  he  became  dejected  and 
suffered  doubts  to  take  possession  of  his  mind,  by 
which  his  spiritual  vision  was  clouded.^ 

About  the  same  time,  Hannah  Stranger,  another 
deluded  enthusiast,  addressed  to  him  several  very 
extravagant  letters,  calling  him  the  everlasting  Son 
of  liighteousness,  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  the  only 
begotten  son  of  God.  Letters  were  also  written  to 
him  by  Jane  Woodcock,  John  Stranger,  and  others, 
in  a similar  strain  of  adulation.  It  does  not  appear 
at  what  time  James  Hayler  left  London,  but  it  was 
probably  in  the  year  1656.^  George  Fox  was  then  in 
prison  at  Launceston,  and  Xayler,  while  on  his  way 
to  pay  him  a visit,  was  imprisoned  at  Exeter.  There 
is  reason  to  believe  that  his  frantic  companions  were 
imprisoned  with  him ; for  while  there,  three  of  them, 
Hannah  Stranger,  Martha  Simmonds,  and  Dorcas 
Erbury,  were  so  infatuated  as  to  kneel  down  and  kiss 
his  feet.  Besides  Hayler  and  his  company,  there 
were  other  Friends  in  prison  at  Exeter,  and  after  the 
release  of  George  Fox,  he  went  to  visit  them.  Per- 

* G.  Whitehead^s  Epistle  in  James  Nayler’s  Works,  and  Sewel’s 
History. 

2 Bevan’s  Life  of  Nayler. 

28* 


330 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1656. 


ceiving  that  James  IN’ayler  was  under  a mournful 
delusion,  he  spoke  to  him  on  the  subject.  On  the 
morrow,  being  First-day,  George  went  again  to  visit 
the  prisoners,  and  had  a meeting  with  them;  but 
Nayler-did  not  continue  with  them  till  it  was  ended. 
Next  day,  he  again  spoke  to  Nayler,  but  his  mind,  was 
so  much  darkened  that  he  slighted  the  admonition, 
lie  offered  to  kiss  George  Fox,  but  the  latter  said  to 
him  : Since  thou  hast  turned  against  the  power  of 

God,  I cannot  receive  thy  show  of  kindness.” 

After  the  release  of  Nayler  and  his  companions 
from  Exeter  prison,  they  went  to  Bristol,  and  while 
he  rode  through  the  suburbs  of  that  city,  Thomas 
Woodcock  went  bareheaded  before  him,  one  of  the 
women  led  his  horse,  three  others  spread  their  scarfs 
and  handkerchiefs  before  him,  and  the  company 
cried : “ Holy,  holy,  holy,  is  the  Lord  God  of  Hosts, 
hosannah  in  the  highest.” 

It  is  astonishing  that  persons,  not  entirely  bereft 
of  reason,  should  have  committed  the  absurdity  of 
ascribing  to  a mere  man  the  glory  that  pertains  only 
to  the  Saviour  of  men,  in  whom  dwells  the  fulness 
of  divine  life  and  power;  and  that  Nayler,  who  had 
once  been  so  highly  enlightened,  should  suffer  such 
homage  to  be  offered  him,  affords  a striking  evidence 
of  human  frailty. 

A procession  so  extraordinary  could  not  fail  to 
attract  public  attention,  and  the  police  of  the  city 
having  apprehended  the  company,  brought  them  be- 
fore the  magistrates,  who  committed  them  to  prison. 
On  Nayler’s  examination,  a letter  was  found  in  his 
possession  from  George  Fox,  severely  censuring  him 
for  allowing  such  conduct  on  the  part  of  his  worship- 
pers, and  foiL  not  bearing  a testimony  against  their 
iniquity. 


1656.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


331 


Although  there  was  no  evidence  that  ]N*ayler  had 
uttered  any  expressions  claiming  homage  or  divine 
honors  for  himself,  yet  the  absurd  conduct  of  his 
admirers  being  imputed  to  him,  a charge  of  blasphemy 
was  preferred  against  him,  and  the  case  was  taken  up 
in  Parliament.  It  is  singular  that  the  ilational  Legis- 
lature should  have  undertaken  to  examine  and  pass 
judgment  in  such  a case;  thus  depriving  the  accused 
of  a trial  by  jury,  the  benefit  of  counsel,  and  the  safe- 
guards of  law.  ITor  is  it  less  remarkable  that  the 
companions  of  [N'ayler,  who  committed  the  ofiTence, 
should  have  been  suflered  to  go  almost  unpunished, 
while  he  was  selected  as  the  victim  of  public  ven- 
geance. To  account  for  this  unusual  proceeding,  it 
has  been  conjectured  that  the  object  aimed  at  in  Par- 
liament was  to  crush  the  rising  Society  of  Friends, 
among  whom  F'a^der  had  been  an  eminent  minister; 
whereas  his  companions  were  persons  of  little  in- 
fluence, and  owed  their  notoriety  only  to  the  extrava- 
gance of  their  conduct.’ 

The  case  was  taken  up  by  the  House  on  the  30th 
of  November,  1656,  and  being  referred  to  a committee, 
they  examined  the  prisoner  with  his  associates,  and 
made  their  report  on  the  fith  of  December.  The 
facts,  as  to  kneeling  before  him,  strewing  garments 
in  his  way,  walking  in  procession,  and  singing,  were 
proved,  as  well  by  other  witnesses,  as  by^  the  actors 
themselves,  who  gloried  in  their  conduct.  One  of  the 
charges  was,  ‘‘his  having  assumed  the  name  and  the 
incommunicable  attributes  and  titles  of  our  blessed 
Saviour ; as  the  fairest  of  ten  thousand ; the  only  be- 
gotten son  of  God.”  James  Hayler,  being  asked 


^ Bevan^s  Life  of  James  Nayler. 


332 


JAMES  NAYLEK. 


[1656. 


whether  he  reproved  the  persons  who  gave  him  such 
titles,  replied : ‘‘If  they  had  it  from  the  Lord,  what 
am  I that  I should  judge  it  ?”  . . . . “ If  attributed  to 
the  creature,  then  it  is  reprovahle.  If  they  did  it  to 
the  Lord  (whom  he  believed  to  be  in  him),  then  I 
dare  not  reprove  it.”  At  the  close  of  his  examina- 
tion before  the  committee,  he  said : “ I do  abhor  that 
any  of  that  honor  which  is  due  to  God,  should  be 
given  to  me,  as  I am  a creature ; but  it  pleased  the 
Lord  to  set  me  up  as  a sign  of  the  coming  of  the 
righteous  one ; and  what  hath  been  done  in  my  pass- 
ing through  the  towns,  I was  commanded  of  the  Lord 
to  suffer  such  things  to  he  done  to  the  outward  as  a 
sign.  I abhor  any  honor  as  a creature.” 

The  next  day  after  the  committee  had  reported, 
J.  Nayler  was  brought  before  the  House  and  ordered 
to  kneel;  which  he  refused.  This  requisition,  on  the 
part  of  those  highly  professing  Puritans,  was  strangely 
inconsistent;  for  one  of  the  charges  against  the  pri- 
soner was,  that  he  suffered  others  to  kneel  before 
him.  Two  days  subsequently,  the  Parliament  resolved 
“ That  James  Hayler,  upon  the  whole  matter  of  fact, 
is  guilty  of  horrid  blasphemy ;”  also,  “ That  James 
Hay  lor  is  a grand  impostor  and  seducer  of  the  peo- 
ple.” Having  passed  these  resolutions,  a long  debate 
ensued  in  relation  to  the  penalty  that  should  be  in- 
flicted. After  the  subject  had  been  before  the  House 
twelve  days,  a motion  was  made  that  the  punishment 
should  be  death,  which  was  lost  by  a vote  of  ninety- 
six  against  it,  to  eighty-two  in  favor  of  it.  The  next 
day,  being  the  ITth  of  the  month,  the  punishment 
was  resolved  upon,  and  was  in  substance  as  follows : 
viz.  He  was  sentenced  to  stand  two  hours  with  his 
head  in  the  pillory,  at  the  Palace-yard  Westminster, 


1656.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


333 


to  be  whipped  tlu’ougb  the  streets  of  London  from 
Westminster  to  the  Old  Exchange,  (^.  e.  the  top  of 
Cheapside,)  to  be  there  set  in  the  pillory  two  hours 
more ; to  have  his  tongue  bored  through  with  a hot 
iron,  and  his  forehead  branded  with  the  letter  B. 
Then  to  be  taken  to  Bristol,  carried  through  the 
streets  on  horseback,  with  his  face  backward,  whipped 
again,  and  then  committed  to  Bridewell  prison,  Lon- 
don, placed  at  hard  labor,  secluded  from  all  society, 
denied  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  and  paper,  and  allowed 
no  relief  but  what  he  should  earn  by  his  daily  labor, 
until  released  by  Parliament. 

James  Xayler  was  brought  to  the  House  to  hear  his 
sentence,  but  was  not  allowed  to  speak.  After  the 
sentence  was  pronounced,  he  said,  ‘‘He  that  hath 
prepared  the  body  will  enable  me  to  suffer,  and  I pray 
that  he  may  not  lay  it  to  your  charge.” 

On  the  day  appointed  he  suffered  the  first  part  of 
his  sentence.  Having  stood  with  his  head  in  the 
pillory  two  hours,  he  was  stripped  and  whipped  at  a 
cart  through  the  streets  nearly  two  miles,  until  he 
received  three  hundred  and  ten  stripes,  lacerating  his 
body  from  his  shoulders  to  his  waist,  which  he  bore 
with  great  patience.  He  was  left  with  his  wounds 
undressed  above  an  hour,  when  a woman, ^ well 
esteemed  in  the  Society  of  Friends,  not  one  of  his 
deluded  companions,  came  and  washed  his  stripes. 
Being  much  exhausted  with  his  sufferings,  the  public 
sympathy  was  excited,  and  several  persons  not  in 
membership  with  Friends,  petitioned  Parliament  that 
he  might  have  some  respite.  The  House  accordingly 
granted  a week’s  respite  before  the  remainder  of  the 
sentence  should  be  executed. 


Rebecca  Travers. 


334 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1656. 


Encouraged  by  this,  several  other  persons  in  the 
cities  of  London  and  Westminster  petitioned  Parlia- 
ment that  the  remainder  of  the  sentence  might  be 
remitted.  The  petitioners,  alluding  to  the  respite 
granted  to  I^ayler,  proceed  to  say  that  this  clemency 
‘ hath  refreshed  the  hearts  of  many  thousands  in  these 
cities  altogether  unconcerned  in  his  practice ; and 
hath  opened  their  eyes  to  see  something  more  than  the 
terrors  of  Mount  Sinai  to  dwell  upon  your  honorable 
House^  and  hath  likewise  given  them  some  hopes  to 
see  you  come  forth  in  the  spirit  of  our  Lord  Jesus  yet 
more  and  more,  to  the  convincement  of  those  that 
err  and  are  out  of  the  way.’  They  then  request  that 
the  remaining  part  of  the  sentence  against  James 
Nayler  may  be  remitted,  ‘‘  leaving  him  to  the  Lord 
and  to  such  gospel  remedies  as  he  hath  sanctified.” 

It  has  been  remarked  that  the  language  of  this 
petition,  “which  would  seem  to  erect  the  Parliament 
into  a second  Sinai f might,  if  interpreted  in  a male- 
volent spirit,  be  construed  into  blasphemy;  but  it 
should  be  regarded  as  a specimen  of  the  manners  of 
the  times. ^ 

The  petition  being  read  in  the  House  and  debated 
on,  without  any  favorable  I’esult,  the  same  persons 
petitioned  Cromwell  on  behalf  of  Hayler.  The  Pro- 
tector sent  a message  to  the  house,  desiring  to  know 
the  grounds  on  which  they  had  proceeded ; but  this 
only  led  to  further  debate,  and  the  time  drawing  nigh 
when  the  remainder  of  the  sentence  was  to  be  exe- 
cuted, they  again  applied  to  the  Protector.  It  was 
thought  that  the  clergy  who  surrounded  him  pre- 
vented Cromwell  from  interposing  to  arrest  further 
proceedings. 


‘ Bevan’e  Life  of  Nn  vler. 


1666.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


335 


Prior  to  the  date  of  the  Protector’s  message,  the 
House  had  delegated  four  Independent  ministers  to 
confer  with  Hayler  in  prison.  They  refused  to  allow 
any  witness  to  be  present  at  the  interview,  and  IJIayler, 
believing  that  their  intentions  were  not  good,  refused 
to  answer,  unless  w'hat  passed  between  them  was 
written  down,  and  a copy,  signed  by  them,  given  to 
him,  or  left  with  the  jailer.  This  being  agreed  to, 
they  proceeded  to  question  him,  and  took  his  answers 
in  writing.  They  asked  him  if  he  was  sorry  for  those 
blasphemies  that  he  was  guilty  of?  He  answered, 
‘‘What  blasphemies?  name  them.”  They,  not  being 
able  to  cite  any  particular  instance,  he  added,  “ Would 
you  have  me  recant  and  renounce  you  know  not 
what?”  They  then  asked  him  whether  he  believed 
there  was  a Jesus  Christ?  to  which  he  answered,  he 
believed  there  was,  and  that  Jesus  had  taken  up  his 
abode  in  his  heart.  One  of  the  preachers  said:  “I 
believe  in  a Jesus  that  never  was  in  any  man’s  heart.” 
l^ayler  replied,  “ I know  no  such  Christ,  for  the  Christ 
I witness  fills  heaven  and  earth,  ^and  dwells  in  the 
hearts  of  believers.”  They  next  asked  him,  why  he 
suffered  those  women  to  worship  and  adore  him  ? to 
which  he  replied,  “ Bowing  to  the  creature  I deny ; 
but  if  they  beheld  the  power  of  Christ,  wherever  it 
is,  and  bow  to  it,  I have  nothing  by  which  I may 
resist  or  gainsay  it.”  He  added,  “ What  think  you 
of  the  Shunamite’s  falling  down  at  the  feet  of  Elisha, 
and  bowing  before  him  ? as  also  that  of  Abigail  to 
David,  and  Xebuchadnezzar  to  Daniel  ?”  They  paused 
awhile,  and  then  replied,  “ That  was  but  a civil  act 
or  acknowledgment;”  to  which  he  rejoined,  “So  you 
might  interpret  the  act  of  those  women  also,  if  your 
eye  was  not  evil,  seeing  the  outward  action  is  the 


336 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1656. 


Bame.”  He  added,  ‘‘How  soon  have  you  forgotten 
the  works  of  the  bishops,  who  are  now  seeking  to 
ensnare  the  innocent.”  On  hearing  this,  the  clerg}^- 
men  rose  up  in  displeasure,  burnt  what  they  had 
written,  and  left  him.  As  they  were  going,  he  ex- 
pressed his  desire  that  the  Parliament  would  send  in 
writing  the  questions  thej^  wished  him  to  answer,  and 
he  would  reply  in  the  same  manner. 

It  is  observable  that,  during  this  interview,  the 
mind  of  James  Nayler  was  still  so  much  clouded  that 
he  could  not  condemn  the  homage  he  received  from 
his  deluded  followers.  The  instances  he  cited  from 
the  Old  Testament  must  be  attributed  to  the  customs 
of  Oriental  nations,  where  respect  for  superiors  was 
expressed  by  kneeling  or  prostration  ; but  they  are 
not  recorded  as  examples  for  our  imitation.  We  find 
in  the  Apocalypse  that  when  John  fell  at  the  angel’s 
feet  to  worship  him,  he  was  told,  “ See  thou  do  it  not, 
I am  thy  fellow-servant,  and  of  thy  brethren  that  have 
the  testimony  of  Jesus;  worship  God.”  ’ 

On  the  27th  of  December,  Hayler  was  conveyed 
from  Newgate  to  the  Old  Exchange,  where,  after 
standing  two  hours  with  his  head  in  the  pillory,  his 
tongue  was  bored  through  with  a red-hot  iron,  and  his 
forehead  branded  with  the  letter  B. 

Kobert  Rich,  a merchant  of  London,  who  had  made 
great  efforts  to  obtain  a remission  of  the  sentence, 
went  on  the  pillory,  held  Nayler  by  the  hand,  and 
licked  his  wounds.  Thousands  of  spectators  were 
present,  and  so  great  was  the  sympathy  for  the  poor 
sufferer,  that  with  one  accord  they  uncovered  their 
heads  while  the  red-hot  irons  were  applied,  until  the 
smoke  arose  from  his  burning  flesh.^ 


• Rev.  xix.  10. 


2 Sewel,  and  Bevan’s  Life  of  Nayler, 


1657.] 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


337 


About  three  weeks  afterwards,  he  was  taken  to 
Bristol  to  undergo  the  remainder  of  the  penalty. 
There  he  was  dragged  through  the  streets,  and  pub- 
licly whipped,  after  which  he  was  returned  to  London, 
and  committed  to  Bridewell. 

His  frantic  companions  were  suffered  to  go  at 
liberty,  and  by  appointing  meetings  at  those  public 
places  in  the  city  where  Hayler  had  suffered,  they 
brought  odium  upon  the  Society  of  Friends,  with 
which  they  were  generally  supposed  to  be  connected. 
Kichard  Hubberthorne,  in  a letter  written  in  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1657,  alluding  to  these  disorderly 
persons,  says : “ They  are  a great  offence  to  the  w^ay 
of  Truth  here  for  the  present,  but  the  Truth  will  work 
through  it  all.  Though  t^ie  waters  of  strife  are  up 
in  floods  at  present,  yet  sweetly  doth  the  water  of  life 
flow,  and  pleasant  streams  are  drunk  of  by  those  who 
keep  patient  in  the  will  of  God ; and  life,  power,  and 
glory,  are  more  manifest  than  ever  from  the  Father.” 
In  another  letter,  soon  after,  he  says : “As  for  James 
Hayler,  he  remains  in  Bridewell,  and  is  kept  close  • 
they  will  not  suffer  any  Friends  to  come  at  him,  but 
his  wife  gets  to  him  sometimes.  He  is  still  in  the 
separation  from  Truth  and  from  Friends;  but  the 
work  of  God  goes  on  and  prospers.”  ^ 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  same  year,  it  appears  that 
James  Hayler  became  humbled  in  mind,  and  loving 
towards  Friends.^  In  the  summer  of  1658,  Richard 
Hubberthorne  wrote  to  Margaret  Fell,  saying,  he  had 
been  with  James  iSTayler,  in  prison,  three  times,  and 
found  “that  true  love  and  life  were  springing  up  in 
him.”  He  was  willing  to  make  a public  recantation 


’ Letters  of  Early  Friends,  XIX. 

I.  — 29 


2 Ibid,  XXI. 


•338 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1658. 


of  his  error,  or  to  do  any  thing  to  remove  the  offence 
which  Friends  might  deem  suitable.  He  desired  to 
he  reconciled  to  his  friends,  and  said  that  George  Fox 
was  dearer  to  him  than  ever.  About  the  same  time, 
James  Hayler  wrote  to  Margaret  Fell,  as  follows : 

“ Dearly  Beloved  Sister  : — Thou  art  often  in  my 
remembrance,  and  my  heart  is  to  see  thee,  when  God 
wills ; in  whose  counsel  and  life  I desire  to-  walk,  to 
his  praise  alone,  who  hath  thus  far  redeemed  me  out 
of  deep  adversity ; and  doth  still  work  with  me  and 
forme  — as  I abide  in  his  patience  and  obedience, 
making  way  through  many  oppositions  and  trials.  In 
his  will  I desire  to  rest  and  be  still ; who  in  the  need- 
ful time  hath  still  appeared ; praises  to  his  name  for 
ever.”  . ; , . . 

It  seems  that  the  rigor  of  his  confinement  in  Bride- 
well was  much  relaxed,  for  in  this  letter  he  speaks 
of  having  gone  to  visit  George  Fox,  who  was  then 
sick  at  Beading ; but  he  was  not  permitted  to  have 
access  to  him.  Bichard  Ilubberthorne,  in  a letter 
dated  22d  of  Eighth  month,  [Tenth  mo.]  1658,  says, 

James  Bayler  was  at  two  meetings ; and,  in  the 
afternoon,  he  had  a great  meeting,  where  many  were 
convinced  that  had  not  come  before,  as  there  is  in 
every  meeting  a coming  in  daily.”  ^ It  is  supposed 
that  Cromwell  intended  to  release  him,  but,  on  the 
3d  of  September,  1658,  the  Protector  died,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son.  Bichard  Cromwell,  who  con- 
tinued in  office  only  about  six  months. 

James  Hayler  was  liberated  by  Parliament,  on  the 
9th  of  September,  1659,  having  been  a prisoner  about 


I Letters  of  Early  Friends,  XXVI. 


u 


lC-38.]  JAMES  NAYLER.  ‘ 339 

two  years  and  a half.’  Both  before  and  after  his 
liberation,  he  issued  several  papers  by  way  of  ac- 
knowledgment for  his  transgression,  and  in  thanks- 
giving to  God  for  his  restoration.  From  one  of  these 
the  following  passages  are  selected,  viz  : — 

“ To  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  everlasting  dominion 
upon  earth,  and  His  kingdom  above  all  the  powers  of 
darkness;  even  that  Christ  of  whom  the  Scriptures 
declare,  w^hich  was,  and  is,  and  is  to  come,  the  Light 

of  the  world  to  all  generations ; who  hath  been 

the  rock  of  my  salvation ; and  his  spirit  hath  given 
quietness  and  patience  to  my  soul  in  deep  affliction, 
even  for  his  name  sake,  praises  forever  ! 

‘‘But  condemned  forever  be  all  those  false  worships 
with  which  any  have  idolized  my  person  in  the  night 
of  my  temptation,  when  the  power  of  darkness  was 
above.  All  their  casting  off  ’ their  clothes  in  the  way, 
their  bowings  and  singings,  and  all  the  rest  of  those 
wild  actions  which  did  any  way  tend  to  dishonor  the 
Lord,  or  draw  the  minds  of  any  from  the  measure  of 
Christ  Jesus  in  themselves,  to  look  at  flesh  which  is 
grass,  or  to  ascribe  that  to  the  visible  which  belongs 
to  Christ  Jesus : all  that^  I condemn  by  which  the  pure 
name  of  the  Lord  hath  any  way  been  blasphemed 
through  me  in  that  time  of  temptation ; or,  the  spirits 
of  any  people  grieved  that  truly  love  the  Lord  Jesus 
throughout  the  whole  world,  of  what  sort  soever.”^ 
After  his  liberation,  James  FTayler  went  to  Bristol, 
where  in  a public  meeting  he  acknowledged  his 
errors,  and  spoke  so  feelingly  as  to  bring  the  whole 
audience  to  tears. 


‘ Bevan’s  Life  of  James  Nayler,  p.  86. 

2 James  Nayler’s  Works,  and  Life  of  Nayler,  by  J.  G.  Bevan, 


340 


JAMES  NAYLER. 


[1660 


In  the  time  of  his  estrangement,  the  Society  of 
Friends  having  labored  in  vain  for  his  restoration, 
publicly  testified  their  disunity  with  him ; but,  when 
he  came  to  himself,  acknowledged  his  errors,  and 
walked  in  Christian  humility,  they  could  do  no  less 
than  receive  him  again  into  their  communion. 

They,  doubtless,  rejoiced  that  the  lost  sheep  had 
returned  to  the  fold ; and  when  they  saw  that  he  was 
owned  by  the  great  Shepherd'of  the  fiock,  and  restored 
to  his  place,  they  united  with  him  in  ascribing  praises 
to  the  gracious  Kedeemer. 

George  Whitehead,  who  lodged  with  him  in  London 
after  his  restoration,  says,  “We  had  innocent,  loving, 
and  comfortable  conversation  together,  he  being 
revived  by  the  Lord’s  power,  and  in  measure  restored 
into  his  ancient  testimony,  and  to  bear  the  same 
publicly  in  divers  parts  of  the  nation  as  the  Lord 
enabled  him,  both  in  his  ministry  and  writings.  And 
he  walked  in  much  brotherly  love  and  simplicity 
among  us  until  his  end  came ; and  near  his  departure, 
he  expressed  his  great  care  for  the  lambs  of  Christ’s 
fold,  according  as  was  intimated  to  me  by  a dear 
friend  and  brother,  and  ended  his  day  like  an  innocent 
lamb,  in  peace  and  quietness.” 

He  was  on  his  way  homeward  when  he  was  taken 
ill,  and  died  at  Kings-Hippon,  Huntingdonshire,  in 
the  autumn  of  1660,  aged  about  forty-four  years. 

About  two  hours  before  his  death,  he  spoke  to 
several  Friends  who  were  attending  him,  in  the  follow- 
ing beautiful  and  pathetic  language,  viz : — 

“ There  is  a spirit  which  I feel  that  delights  to  do 
no  evil,  nor  to  revenge  any  wrong,  but  delights  to 
endure  all  things,  in  hope  to  enjoy  its  own  in  the  end. 


1660.]  JAMES  NAYLER.  341 

Its  hope  is  to  outlive  all  wrath  and  contention,  and 
to  weary  out  all  exaltation  and  cruelty,  or,  whatever 
is  of  a nature  contrary  to  itself.  It  sees  to  the  end  of 
all  temptations ; as  it  bears  no  evil  in  itself,  so  it  con- 
ceives none  in  thoughts  to  any  other.  If  it  he  be- 
trayed, it  bears  it,  for  its  ground  and  spring  are  the 
mercies  and  forgiveness  of  God.  Its  crown  is  meek- 
ness ; its  life  is  everlasting  love  unfeigned,  and  takes 
its  kingdom  with  entreaty,  and  not  with  contention, 
and  keeps  it  by  lowliness  of  mind.  In  God  alone  it 
can  rejoice,  though  none  else  regard  it,  or  can  own 
its  life.  It  is  conceived  in  sorrow,  and  brought  forth 
without  any  to  pity  it ; nor  doth  it  murmur  at  grief 
and  oppression.  It  never  rejoiceth  but  through 
sufferings,  for  with  the  world’s  joy  it  is  murdered.  I 
found  it  alone,  being  forsaken.  I have  fellowship 
therein  with  them  who  lived  in  dens  and  desolate 
places  of  the  earth,  who  through  death  obtained  this 
resurrection  and  eternal  holy  life.”^ 


* Bevan's  Life  of  James  Nayler,  and  Sewel’s  Hist. 


29* 


342  MARY  FISHER  AND  ANNE  AUSTIN.  ^666. 


CHAPTEE  XIII . 

NEW  ENGLAND  AND  NEW  NETHERLANDS. 

1656-7. 

In  the  summer  of  1656,  Mary  Fisher  and  Anne 
Austin  arrived  at  Boston,  being  the  first  ministers  of 
the  Society  of  Friends,  of  whom  we  have  any  record, 
that  visited  the  continent  of  America  on  a religious 
mission.  Some  account  of  their  previous  history  may 
not  be  inappropriate  in  this  place. 

Mary  Fisher  was  born  in  the  north  of  England 
about  the  year  1623,  and  joined  in  profession  with- 
Friends  soon  after  the  rise  of  the  Society.  Her  resi- 
dence at  that  time  was  at  Pontefract,  in  Yorkshire. 
In  1652,  she  appeared  in  the  gospel  ministry,  and 
soon  after  was  imprisoned  sixteen  months  in  York 
Castle  for  speaking  in  a house  of  worship  after  the 
public  services  were  ended.  In  the  following  year, 
accompanied  by  Elizabeth  Williams,  she  went  to 
Cambridge,  where  they  pr-eached,  and  conversed  with 
some  of  the  students  “ concerning  matters  of  reli- 
gion,” reproving  them  for  their  ignorance  of  the  true 
God  and  of  that  worship  wdiich  he  requires.  Being  sum- 
moned before  the  mayor,  they  were  sentenced  ‘‘  to  be 
whipped  at  the  market-cross  till  the  blood  ran  down 
their  bodies,”  which  cruel  order  was  literally  executed. 
While  subjected  to  this  barbarous  infliction,  they  re- 
joiced in  spirit,  saying,  The  Lord  be  blessed,  the 


1657.] 


MARY  FISHER. 


343 


Lord  be  praised,  who  hath  thus  honored  us  and 
streuofthened  us  to  suffer  for  his  name’s  sake.”  As 
tliej  were  led  back  to  the  town,  they  exhorted  the 
people  to  fear  God,  not  man  ; telling  them,  ‘‘  this  was 
but  the  beginning  of  the  sufferings  of  the  people  of 
God.”  It  was  the  first  instance  of  a Friend  being 
publicly  scourged,  although  several  had  been  impri- 
soned for  their  religious  testimony.* 

Mary  Fisher  was  imprisoned  at  Pontefract  in  the 
year  1653,  and  in  Buckinghamshire  in  the  year  1655, 
“ for  giving  Christian  exhortations  to  priest  and  peo- 
ple” in  places  of  public  worship. 

Under  an  impression  of  religious  duty,  she  visited 
the  West  Indies;  and  from  Barbadoes  she  addressed 
a letter  to  George  FoXj  from  which  the  following  pas- 
sage is  extracted : 

“ My  dear  Father, 

....  Let  me  not  be  forgotten  of  thee ; but  let  tby 
prayers  be  for  me,  that  I may  continue  faithful  to  the 
end.  If  any  of  our  Friends  be  free  to  come  over,  they 
may  be  serviceable;  here  are  many  convinced,  and 
many  desire  to  know  the  way.  So  I rest, 

Mary  Fisher.” ^ 

From  the  Barbadoes,  the  30th  day  of  the  month,  called 
January,  [Eleventh  month,  0.  S.]  1655. 


From  Barbadoes  she  embarked  in  the  ship  Swallow 
of  Boston,  and  arrived  at  that  port  in  the  early  part 
of  summer. 

Her  companion,  Anne  Austin,  is  described  as  a 
married  woman,  “stricken  in  years,”  and  the  mother 


1 Bowden’s  Hist,  of  Friends  in  Am.,  I.  38. 


2 Ibid. 


344  MARY  FISHER  AND  ANNE  AUSTIN.  [1657. 

of  five  children ; but  very  few  particulars  concerning 
her  have  been  preserved.  Her  residence  was  in  the 
city  of  London. 

The  arrival  of  these  gospel  messengers  in  the  har- 
bor of  Boston  seems  to  have  been  productive  of  much 
alarm  to  the  public  authorities.  The  governor,  John 
Endicott,  being  absent,  an  order  was  issued  by  the 
deputy-governor,  Kichard  Bellingham,  to  have  them 
detained  on  board,  and  he  sent  officers  to  search  their 
trunks,  who  took  from  them  about  one  hundred 
books. 

The  town  council  was  then  assembled,  and  an  order 
passed  that  the  books  taken  from  them  should  be 
burnt  by  the  common  executioner ; that  they  should 
be  kept  close  prisoners  ; no  intercourse  to  be  allowed 
with  them  unless  by  permission  of  the  governor  or 
magistrates  ; and  that  Simon  Kempthorn,  master  of 
the  vessel  that  brought  them,  should  speedily  trans- 
port them  to  Barbadoes,  defraying  all  the  charges  of 
their  imprisonment,  and  giving  bond  and  security  to 
perform  the  same  under  a penalty  of  one  hundred 
pounds  sterling. 

In  accordance  with  this  order  their  books  were 
burnt  by  the  hangman,  in  the  market-place,  the 
Friends  were  committed  to  prison,  their  pens,  ink, 
and  paper  taken  from  them,  no  candle  allowed  them 
at  night,  and,  without  regard  to  decency  or  humanity, 
they  were  stripped  under  pretence  of  being  searched 
for  signs  of  witchcraft.^  At  that  time,  and  for  some 
years  previous,  a mournful  delusion  prevailed  in  Hew 
England  in  relation  to  witchcraft,  and  several  persons 


^ New  England  Judged,  12.  Besse,  II.  178.  Bowden^s  History, 

I.  35. 


1656.],  MARY  FISHER  AND  ANNE  AUSTIN.  345 

had  been  put  to  death  for  this  pretended  crime. 

Two  had  been  executed  at  Boston,  one  in  1648,  and 
another,  Bellingham’s  own  sister-in-law^,  but  a few 
months  before  the  arrival  of  the  tw'o  strangers.”^  It 
w’as  seriously  believed  that  persons  guilty  of  wutch- 
craft  could  be  detected  by  peculiar  tokens  found  upon 
their  bodies,  and  doubtless  many  innocent  persons 
having  moles  or  other  natural  marks  upon  their  per- 
sons, w^ere  subjected  to  an  ignominious  death. 

Mary  Fisher  and  Anna  Austin  being  subjected  to 
a rigid  scrutiny,  no  such  tokens  could  be  found  upon 
them ; but  the  bigoted  rulers  did  not  relent  in  their 
cruel  persecution.  The  wundow  of  the  jail  being 
closed  with  boards  to  prevent  access  of  the  citizens, 
and  no  food  being  supplied  by  the  public  authorities, 
the  prisoners  were  in  danger  of  starvation,  until 
Nicholas  Upshall,  a humane  inhabitant  of  Boston, 
agreed  to  pay  the  jailer  five  shillings  a week  to  supply 
them  with  provisions. 

After  about  five  weeks’  imprisonment,  and  the  loss 
of  their  beds  and  bibles,  which  the  jailer  kept  for  his 
fees,  these  innocent  sufferers  were  put  on  board  a 
vessel  bound  for  Barbadoes,  the  master  being  required, 
under  a penalty  of  one  hundred  pounds,  to  convey 
them  thither,  and  not  to  suffer  them  to  hold  any  inter- 
course with  the  people  of  New  England. 

In  order  to  obtain  a clear  view  of  the  spirit  of  in- 
tolerance and  bigotry  that  actuated  the  ministers  and 
magistrates  of  Massachusetts,  it  is  necessary  to  advert 
to  some  transactions  in  the  early  history  of  that  colony. 

The  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  Rock, 
took  place  the  11th  of  December  (then  the  Tenth 


* Bowden’s  History  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  35. 


34(3 


THE  PURITAN  PILGRIMS. 


[1656. 


month),  1620.  They  were  few  in  number  and  for 
some  years  struggled  with  many  difficulties,  enduring 
much  hardship  from  the  severity  of  the  winter,  scarcity 
of  food,  and  general  sickness. 

The  adjoining  colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  was 
founded  in  the  year  1629.  The  charter  granted  hy 
Charles  I.  established  a corporation,  of  which  the 
governor,  deputy,  and  eighteen  assistants,  were  to.be 
annually  elected  by  the  stockholders,  whose  meetings 
were  then  held  in  England.  The  rights  of  English 
subjects  were  conferred  on  the  colonists,  and  they 
were  strictly  forbidden  to  make  laws  or  ordinances 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England.  The  first  colonists 
were  nearly  all  Puritans,  whose  chief  motive  for  emi- 
grating was  to  escape  the  oppression  of  the  English 
hierarchy,  and  to  establish  for  themselves  an  asylum 
in  the  wilderness,  where  they  might  enjoy,  without 
molestation,  the  privilege  of  worshipping  God  accord- 
ing to  their  convictions  of  duty.  They  were,  however, 
by  no  means  disposed  to  accord  to‘ others  that  religious 
freedom  .which  they  claimed  for  themselves.  On  the 
contrary,  they  insisted  upon  uniformity  in  religious 
faith  and  worship ; and  their  ministers  inculcated  the 
doctrine  that  none  but  the  members  of  their  church 
were  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  freemen. 

This  intolerant  spirit  was  manifested  soon  after 
their  landing ; for  two  of  the  most  respectable  citizens, 
members  of  the  colonial  council,  being  in  favor  of 
using  the  English  liturgy,  were  accused  as  seditious 
persons,  and  expelled  from  the  colony.^  By  a reso- 
lution of  the  company  of  stockholders  in  England, 
the  charter  was  transferred  to  the  freemen  who  should 

^ Bancroft,  I.  349.  Tyson's  Dis.  on  Colonial  Hist,  in  Mem.  of 
Hist.  Soc.  of  Pa.,  Vol.  IV.,  Part  II,  page  19. 


1G56.] 


KOGER  WILLIAMS. 


347 


themselves  inhabit  the  colony,  and  John  Winthrop 
being  appointed  governor,  embarked,  in  the  year 
1680,  for  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  fifteen  hundred 
colonists,  where  they  established  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment at  Boston.  The  following  year  a law  was  en- 
acted, which  declared  that  “no  man  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  freedom  of  the  body  politic,  but  such  as 
were  members  of  some  of  the  churches  within  the 
same.”  This  was  a restriction  of  the  elective  franchise 
to  the  members  of  the  Puritan  or  Independent  church, 
for  no  other  churches  were  tolerated. 

A few  months  after  the  landing  of  Winthrop,  there 
arrived  in  the  colony  a young  man,  who  was  described 
as  a minister,  “ godly  and  zealous,  having  precious 
gifts but  he  was  soon  found  to  entertain  sentiments 
in  relation  to  government  widely  different  from  the 
rigid  Puritans,  who  held  the  reins  of  power.  This 
young  minister  was  Koger  Williams,  since  widely 
known  as  the  able  and  unflinching  advocate  of  reli- 
gious freedom.  He,  too,  was  a Puritan,  and  a fugi- 
tive from  English  persecution ; but  his  benevolent 
heart  and  clear  intellect,  enlightened  by  divine  grace, 
had  taught  him  to  respect  in  others  that  freedom  of 
thought  which  he  claimed  for  himself.  His  distin- 
guishing tenet  was  the  “ sanctity  of  conscience,”  and 
he  maintained  that  “ the  civil  magistrate  should  re- 
strain crime,  but  never  control  opinion  ; should  punish 
guilt,  but*  never  violate  the  freedom  of  the  soul.” 
The  public  authorities  required  the  attendance  of 
every  man  at  public  worship ; Williams  reprobated 
the  law,  and  compared  it  to  the  worst  statute  of  the 
English  code,  which  enforced  attendance  at  the 
parish  church.^ 


* Bancroft,  I.  367. 


348  INTOLERANCE  OF  THE  PURITANS.  [1656. 

The  people  of  Salem  chose  the  3’oung  apostle  of 
liberty  for  their  pastor,  and  listened  with  delight  to 
his  instructions ; hut  the  rulers  of  the  colony  could 
not  tolerate  his  liberal  sentiments,  and  with  inexo- 
rable severity  they  required  him  to  quit  the  colony, 
which  he  was  compelled  to  do  in  the  depth  of  winter. 

During  many  weeks  he  was  exposed  to  great  hard- 
ships; a homeless  exile  in  the  solitudes  of  the  forest, 
often  destitute  of  food,  and  seeking  in  a hollow  tree 
a shelter  from  the  storms.  He  was  kindly  received 
by  Canonicus,  the  chief  of  the  Narragan  setts,  and  being 
permitted  by  the  Indians  to  settle  in  their  territory, 
he  founded,  in  the  year  1636,  a colony  at  Providence, 
where  he  was  enabled  to  carry  out  in  practice  his 
benevolent  principles.  Two  years  afterwards  there 
was  an  accession  to  his  colony,  by  the  expulsion  of 
Anne  Hutchinson  and  her  adherents  from  the  juris- 
diction of  Massachusetts,  on  account  of  their  religious 
opinions.  Among  these  exiles  were  John  Clarke  and 
'William  Coddington,  who  were  welcomed  by  Roger 
Williams,  and  having  obtained  from  the  Indians  a 
grant  of  Rhode  Island,  they  settled  on  that  beautiful 
spot,  established  there  a government  on  the  most 
liberal  basis,  and  being  united  to  the  adjoining  settle- 
ment at  Providence,  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  was 
founded. 

Thus  we  see  that  from  the  first  settlement  of  Massa- 
chusetts, the  rulers  of  that  colony  evinced  towards  all 
who  dissented  from  their  religious  system,  the  most 
unrelenting  hostility.  They  banished  from  their 
jurisdiction  Episcopalians,  Baptists,  and  Antinomians ; 
being  instigated  in  their  intolerant  proceedings  by  the 
counsels  of  the  Puritan  clergy. 

Among  the  earliest  laws  of  the  colony,  those  for 


1656.] 


IMPRISONMENT  OE  FRIENDS. 


349 


the  punishment  of  heretics  were  more  rigorous  and 
severe  than  any  that  existed  in  England,  and  the  pen- 
alties for  non-conformity  in  the  mother  country  have 
been  pronounced  great  lenity,”  compared  with  those 
inflicted  in  Massachusetts.^ 

1656.  A few  days  after  the  expulsion  of  Mary 
Fisher  and  Anne  Austin,  eight  other  Friends  arrived 
in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  in  a ship  from  London. 
Information  being  given  to  the  governor,  John  Endi- 
cott,  he  sent  an  officer  on  board  to  search  the  baggage, 
and  to  bring  before  the  court,  then  sitting,  the  unwel- 
come visiters,  whose  names  were  Christopher  Holder, 
Thomas  Thurston,  Mulliam  Brend,  John  Copeland, 
Mary  Prince,  Sarah  Gibbons,  Mary  Weatherhead,  and 
Dorothy  AYaugh.  After  some  examination,  they 
were  sentenced  to  banishment,  and  to  he  kept  in 
prison,  until  they  could  be  sent  back  whence  they 
came  in  the  same  ship.  The  master  of  the  vessel 
being  required  to  carry  them  hack  at  his  own  charge, 
refused,  and  was  sent  to  prison ; hut  after  some  days’ 
conflnement,  fearing  the  loss  of  his  voyage,  he  com- 
plied with  the  unrighteous  demand.  Richard  Smith, 
of  Long  Island,  was  examined  by  the  court  at  the 
same  time,  and  after  some  weeks’  imprisonment,  was 
sent  by  sea  to  the  province  from  whence  he  came. 

During  the  imprisonment  of  these  Friends,  on  the 
14th  of  the  10th  month,  (October,)  1656,  a law  was 
enacted  by  the  General  Court  at  Boston,  that  any 
master  of  a vessel  bringing  a Quaker  into  the  colony 
should  be  flned  one  hundred  pounds  ; that  any  Quaker 
so  arriving  should  be  severely  wffiipped  and  committed 
to  the  house  of  correction ; that  any  person  importing 


* Tyson’s  Discourse,  Mem.  Pa.  Hist.  Society,  Vol.  IV.,  Part  II.  23. 

I.  — 30 


350  IMPRISONMENT  OF  FRIENDS.  [1656. 

or  circulating  Quaker  books  should  be  fined  five 
pounds ; and  that  any  person  defending  the  heretical 
opinions  of  the  Quakers,  should,  for  the  first  ofience, 
be  fined  forty  shillings ; for  the  second  ofience,  four 
pounds ; and  for  the  third  ofience,  should  be  sentenced 
to  banishment.^ 

This  inhuman  law  being  published  at  the  door  of 
Mcholas  Upshall,  the  good  old  man  expressed  his 
disapprobation  of  it,  for  which  he  was  summoned  be- 
fore the  General  Court,  where  he  declared  that  ‘‘  The 
execution  of  that  law  would  be  a forerunner  of  a 
judgment  upon  their  country,  and  therefore  in  love 
and  tenderness  which  he  bore  to  the  people  and  place, 
he  desired  them  to  take  heed  lest  they  were  found 
fighters  against  God.”  For  this,  although  he  was  one 
of  their  church  members,  and  of  blameless  life,  a fine 
of  twenty  pounds  was  imposed  upon  him ; and  being 
prevented  by  a sense  of  their  wickedness  from  attend- 
ing church,  he  was  fined  three  pounds  more.  The 
court  also  banished  him  from  their  jurisdiction,  allow- 
ing but  one  month  for  his  departure,  although  it  was 
then  the  winter  season,  and  he  was  known  to  be  aged 
and  infirm.  When  Endicott  the  governor  was  applied 
to  for  a mitigation  of  the  sentence,  he  harshly  an- 
swered, I will  not  bate  him  a groat.”  Being  thus 
banished  from  his  home  and  country,  he  went  to 
Khode  Island,  where  he  met  with  an  Indian  prince, 
who  kindly  entertained  him,  saying,  “ If  you  will  live 
with  me  I will  make  you  a warm  house ; and  he  added, 
“What  a God  have  the  English,  who  deal  so  cruelly 
with  one  another  about  their  God ! 

1657.  In  the  following  year,  (1657,)  Anne  Burden, 


» Besse,  II.  179. 


* Ibid.  II.  181. 


1656.] 


MARY  DYER. 


351 


a widow,  who  had  formerly  lived  in  Massachusetts, 
came  to  Boston  to  collect  some  debts  due  to  her  hus- 
band’s estate.  She  was  not  a preacher,  but  Belling- 
ham, the  deputy-governor,  told  her,  She  was  a plain 
Quaker,  and  must  abide  their  law.”  About  the  same 
time,  Mary  Dyer  came  from  Ehode  Island,  and  they 
were  both  sent  to  prison.  The  husband  of  Mary  Dyer 
was  not  a Friend,  and  having  bound  himself  under  a 
penalty  not  to  lodge  her  in  that  colony,  nor  to  allow 
any  one  to  speak  to  her,  he  obtained  her  liberty. 

Anne  Burden  was  detained  in  prison  about  three 
months,  and  then  compelled  to  embark  for  England, 
her  passage  being  paid  by  distraint  out  of  her  own 
property,  and  the  remainder  of  her  goods,  being  pro- 
hibited from  exportation  by  the  public  authorities  of 
Boston,  she  was  obliged  to  abandon. 

Some  of  the  Friends  who,  in  the  year  1656,  had 
been  sent  away  from  Massachusetts,  and  conveyed  to 
England  in  the  same  ship  that  brought  them,  not 
feeling  their  minds  clear  of  religious  service  in  that 
colony,  and  being  willing  to  suffer  for  the  gospel  of 
Christ,  were  meditating  upon  the  means  of  returning 
in  the  following  year.  These  were  William  Brend, 
Christopher  Holder,  John  Copeland,  Sarah  Gibbons, 
Mary  W eatherhead,  and  Dorothy  W augh.  There  were 
also  five  other  Friends  in  England  whose  minds  were 
impressed  with  a similar  concern  ; viz.  Robert  Hodg- 
son, Humphrey  Horton,  Richard  Doudney,  William 
Robinson,  and  Mary  Clark.  It  was  found,  however, 
that  masters  of  vessels,  being  informed  of  the  perse- 
cuting laws  enacted  in  Massachusetts,  were  unwilling 
to  subject  themselves  to  the  penalties  that  would  be 
incurred  by  conveying  Friends  thither.  At  this  June- 


352  VOYAGE  OF  the  WOODHOUSE.  [1656. 

ture,  an  opportunity  for  their  embarkation  was  offered 
that  appeared  providential. 

Robert  Fowler,  a ministering  Friend  of  Burlington, 
in  Yorkshire,  a mariner  hy  profession,  had  just  com- 
pleted a small  vessel,  which,  while  building,  he  was 
led  to  believe  he  must  devote  to  some  purpose  that 
would  promote  the  cause  of  truth. ^ 

He  sailed  in  his  new  vessel  to  London,  and  while 
there,  communicated  to  Gerard  Roberts,  a merchant 
in  that  city,  the  impression  that  rested  on  his  mind 
concerning  her  destination.  Gerard,  being  one  of  the 
Friends  most  active  in  providing  for  the  passage  of 
ministers  visiting  foreign  countries,  immediately  per- 
ceived that  here  was  a way  opened  for  the  gospel 
messengers  called  to  labor  in  Hew  England.  Although 
the  vessel,  was  apparently  too  small  to  venture  with 
safety  across  the  Atlantic,  the  Friends  looked  upon  it 
as  a providential  opening,  and  they  embarked  with 
entire  reliance  upon  that  Almighty  Protector,  who 
can  command  the  winds  and  control  the  raging  bil- 
lows of  the  ocean. 

From  a narrative  of  the  voyage,  written  by  Robert 
Fowler,  a copy  of  which,  endorsed  by  George  Fox,  is 
preserved  among  the  archives  of  the  Society  in 
London,  the  following  particulars  are  taken:  — ^ 

The  vessel,  called  the  Woodhouse,  Robert  Fowler 
master,  sailed  from  London  the  first  of  the  Fourth 
month,  1657,  and  reached  the  Downs  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  Here  William  Dewsbury  and  Michael 
Thompson  paid  a visit  to  the  Friends  on  board, 
administering  a word  of  encouragement,  and  com- 


* Bowden’s  Hist,  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  57. 

2 See  the  narrative  in  Bowden’s  Hist,  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  63. 


1657.]  ARRIVAL  AT  NEW  AMSTERDAM.  353 

mending  them  to  the  Divine  protection.  As  they 
sailed  down  the  Channel,  the  wind  being  high,  they 
put  into  Portsmouth  harbor,  where  some  of  the 
ministers  went  ashore,  and  were  engaged  in  religious 
service,  which  is  thus  described  in  the  narrative. 
“ Certain  days  we  lay  there,  wdierein  the  ministers  of 
Christ  were  not  idle,  but  w^ent  forth  and  gathered 
sticks,  and  kindled  a fire,  and  left  it  burning;  also 
several  Friends  came  aboard  and  visited  us,  in  which 
we  were  refreshed.  Again  we  launched  forth  from 
thence,  about  the  11th  day  of  the  Fourth  month,  and 
were  put  back  again  into  South  Yarmouth,  where  we 
w^ent  ashore,  and  there  in  some  measure  did  the  like.’' 
After  leaving  Yarmouth,  they  w^ere  accompanied 
some  days  by  three  large  ships ; but  the  captains  of 
these,  fearing  men  of  war,  took  to  the  northward, 
while  the  Woodhouse  steered  a straight  course.  The 
Friends  met  together  every  day  to  wait  upon  their 
Heavenly  Guide,  and  they  experienced  the  consoling 
evidence  of  his  presence  in  the  midst  of  them. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  Fifth  month,  1657,  they 
made  land,  which  proved  to  be  a part  of  Long  Island, 
and  their  mouths  were  opened  in  prayer  and  thanks- 
giving.” They  passed  up  the  East-river,  between 
the  Dutch  Plantation  and  Long  Island.”  The  next 
day,  part  of  the  company  being  drawn  to  labor  there 
in  gospel  ministry,  were  put  on  shore  at  Eew 
Amsterdam,  now  called  Yew  York.  These  were 
Robert  Hodgson,  Richard  Doudney,  Sarah  Gibbons, 
Mary  Weatherhead,  and  Dorothy  Waugh.  It  being 
First-day,  Captain  Fowler,  accompanied  by  Robert 
Hodgson,  waited  on  the  governor,  who,  he  says,  “ was 
moderate  both  in  words  and  actions.” 

On  the  3d  of  the  Sixth  month,  leaving  the  five 
30  * 


854 


ROBERT  HODGSON. 


[1657. 


Friends  just  named.  Captain  Fowler  set  sail,  and 
passing  through  Long  Island  Sound,  they  arrived 
safely  at  Khode  Island. 

The  Friends  left  at  Hew  Amsterdan,  proceeded  on 
their  way  preaching  the  gospel  of  Christ;  but  they 
met  with  an  ill  requital  for  their  labor  of  love.  Mary 
Weatherhead  and  Dorothy  Waugh,  for  preaching  in 
the  streets  of  Hew  Amsterdam,  were  arrested  and  cast 
into  miry  dungeons  apart  from  each  other.^  After 
an  imprisonment  of  eight  days,  they  were  brought 
out,  and  having  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  were 
put  on  board  a boat  bound  for  Rhode  Island.^ 

Robert  Hodgson,  Richard  Doudney,  and  Sarah 
Gibbons  visited  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  who 
were  mostly  English.  At  Gravesend,  Jamaica,  and 
Hampstead,  they  met  with  a favorable  reception,  and 
preached  the  gospel  with  acceptance.  Richard  Doud- 
ney and  Sarah  Gibbons,  after  travelling  through  the 
eastern  division  of  Long  Island,  proceeded  to  the 
colony  of  Hew  Haven,  and  thence  to  Rhode  Island. 

At  Hampstead,  Robert  Hodgson,  while  walking  in 
an  orchard,  and  waiting  for  a religious  meeting  to 
assemble,  was  arrested  and  brought  before  an  English- 
man, who  was  a magistrate  under  the  Dutch  govern- 
ment. Two  women  who  had  entertained  him  were 
also  arrested  and  placed  in  a cart.  Robert  Hodgson 
was  then  pinioned,  and  being  tied  to  the  hinder  part 
of  the  cart,  he  was  drawn  through  the  woods  in  the 
night  to  Hew  Amsterdam. 

He  was  there  brought  before  the  court,  and  after 
examination,  his  sentence  was  read  in  Dutch,  which 
was  interpreted  as  follows,  viz : ‘‘  It  is  the  General’s 


' Besse,  II.  182. 


* Bowden^s  Hist.,  I.  312. 


1657.] 


ROBERT  HODGSON. 


355 


pleasure  that  you  work  two  years  at  the  wheel-barrow 
with  a negro,  or  pay,  or  cause  to  be  paid,  600  guilders.” 
He  endeavored  to  make  a defence,  but  was  not  suffer- 
ed to  speak,  being  hurried  away,  and  cast  into  a 
noisome  dungeon,  where  he  was  kept  several  days. 

The  Dutch  governor  Stuyvesant  was  believed  to  be 
instigated  to  this  cruelty,  .by  the  malicious  calumnies 
of  Captain  Willet,  a Puritan,  from  Plymouth,  (now  in 
Massachusetts.)  We  have  seen  that  on  Robert  Hodg- 
son’s first  an’ival,  he  was  favorably  impressed  by  the 
governor’s  conduct;  and,  it  is  well  known  that  the 
laws  of  Holland,  as  well  as  the  instructions  of  the 
States  General,  were  favorable  to  liberty  of  conscience. 
Governor  Stuyvesant,  who  was  called  hard-headed, 
proved  himself  to  be  hard-hearted ; for,  being  pre- 
judiced against  the  Friends  through  the  misrepre- 
sentations of  their  enemies,  he  proceeded  for  awhile 
in  a course  of  brutal  severity. 

Robert  Hodgson,  being  taken  from  prison,  was 
chained  to  a wheel-barrow,  and  required  to  work; 
but  in  the  consciousness  of  his  innocence,  he  declined 
to  comply.  His  refusal  exasperated  the  sheriff,  who 
directed  a stout  negro  to  beat  him  with  a tarred  rope. 
The  blows  were  laid  on  with  unmerciful  severity  until 
Robert  fell  down  in  a swoon.  The  sheriff  directed 
him  to  be  lifted  up,  and  the  beating  was  continued 
until  he  fell  a second  time,  having  received  about  one 
hundred  blows.  He  was  then  taken,  with  the  wheel- 
barrow, to  the  house  of  the  governor,  who  was  in- 
formed that  they  could  not  make  him  work.  The 
governor  resided  at  the  fort,  and  there  Robert  Hodg- 
son was  left  all  day  chained  to  the  wheel-barrow,  and 
exposed  to  the  heat  of  the  sun.  At  night  he  was  put 
into  the  dungeon,  and  the  next  day  again  brought 


356 


EGBERT  HODGSON. 


[1657. 


forth,  chained  as  before,  a sentinel  being  placed  over 
him  to  prevent  any  one  from  speaking  to  him.  The 
third  day,  he  was  brought  before  the  governor,  who 
demanded  that  he  should  work,  and  threatened  that 
he  should  he  whipped  every  day.  After  several  days 
of  great  suffering,  he  was,  by  the  governor’s  order, 
taken  into  a private  room,  and  stripped  to  the  waist ; 
he  was  then  suspended  by  his  hands,  a heavy  log  of 
wood  tied  to  his  feet,  and  a strong  negro  beat  him 
with  rods  until  the  flesh  was  much  lacerated,  and  the 
blood  flowed  copiously.  Two  days  afterwards,  the 
same  barbarous  treatment  was  repeated.^ 

During  these  severe  and  protracted  sufferings,  his 
mind,  he  says,  “ was  stayed  upon  the  Lord,”  and  he 
was  sweetly  refreshed  and  strengthened  by  His  living 
power.^ 

Being  faint  and  exhausted  with  intense  suffering, 
he  requested  that  some  of  the  English  inhabitants 
might  be  permitted  to  see  him,  which  was^ granted, 
and  he  was  visited  by  a humane  English  woman,  who 
washed  his  stripes.  She  found  his  body  so  lacerated, 
and  his  strength  so  reduced,  that  she  told  her  husband 
she  thought  he  could  not  live  another  day.  This 
recital  so  greatly  excited  his  commiseration,  that  he 
went  and  offered  the  authorities  a fat  ox  for  the  release 
of  the  prisoner ; but  it  was  refused  by  the  governor, 
unless  the  whole  flne  of  600  guilders  were  paid.  The 
sufferings  of  Bobert  Hodgson  becoming  generally 
known  through  the  city,  there  were  many  persons, 
both  English  and  Dutch,  whose  sympathies  were 
enlisted,  and  a willingness  was  manifested  to  raise 
the  sum  required  for  his  release,  but  he  was  not  easy 

* New  England  Judged,  214  to  218. 

2 Bowden’e  History,  I.  315. 


1657.]  PERSECUTION.  BY  THE  DUTCH.  357 

to  accept  his  liberation  on  such  terms.  At  length 
Captain  Willet,  who  had  instigated  this  inhuman  per- 
secution, having  received  from  the  citizens  a plain 
intimation  of  their  displeasure,  came  forward  and 
petitioned  the  governor  for  his  release.  This  request 
being  seconded  by  the  governor’s  sister,  Robert 
Hodgson  was  liberated  without  paying  any  portion 
of  the  fine,  and  allowed  to  pursue  his  religious  labors. 
He  was  released  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
month,  1657,  and  soon  after  went  to  Rhode  Island.^ 

Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Long  Island,  who  had 
removed  from  Massachusetts  in  order  to  enjoy  religious 
liberty,  having  embraced  the  principles  of  Friends, 
were  subjected  to  sufierings  on  account  of  their  reli- 
gion. Among  these  were  John  Tilton,  Jane  Chat- 
terton,  Henry  Townsend,  Tobias  Feak,  and  Edward 
Hart.2 

Governor  Stuyvesant  and  some  of  his  council, 
having  abandoned  the  tolerant  policy  of  the  Dutch, 
and  imbibed  the  persecuting  spirit  of  the  Puritans, 
passed  an  ordinance  imposing  a fine  of  fifty  pounds 
on  any  person  who  should  entertain  or  lodge  a Friend, 
even  for  one  night;  and  subjecting  to  confiscation 
any  vessel  in  which  a Friend  should  be  brought 
within  their  jurisdiction.  This  intolerant  law  pro- 
duced much  dissatisfaction  among  the  inhabitants  of 
Long  Island,  and  a meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Flush- 
ing and  its  vicinity  being  called,  they  adopted  a re- 
monstrance, addressed  to  the  governor,  which  was 
signed  by  the  town  clerk  and  two  of  the  magistrates. 
Governor  Stuyvesant  was  highly  indignant  at  this 
proceeding,  which  he  pronounced  mutinous  conduct. 


* Bowden^s  History,  I.  315. 


^ Besse,  II.  183. 


358  PERSECUTION  BY  THE  DUTCH.  [1657: 

and  orders  were  issued  for  the  arrest  of  the  sheriff, 
who  presented  the  remonstrance,  as  well  as  warrants 
requiring  the  appearance  of  the  clerk  and  magistrates 
who  had  signed  it. 

Edward  Farrington  and  William  iN’oble,  the  two 
magistrates,  were  committed  to  prison.  After  a week’s 
imprisonment,  they  addressed  a letter  to  the  governor 
and  council,  pleading  for  the  rights  and  privileges 
guaranteed  to  them  by  the  colonial  charter,  which, 
in  their  view,  embraced  liberty  of  conscience  with- 
out modification.”  Stuyvesant  being,  as  usual,  in- 
flexible, the}^  consented  to  address  a short  petition  to 
the  court,  praying  for  freedom,  on  which  they  were 
released.^ 

The  governor  and  council  being  much  displeased 
with  the  Flushing  remonstrance,  after  they  had  pun- 
ished by  imprisonment  some  of  those  concerned  in 
it,  drew  up  a minute  expressive  of  their  disapproba- 
tion. In  this  document,  after  referring  to  the  remon- 
strance as  a measure  of  the  most  dangerous  tendency, 
“treading  the  authority  of  the  director-general  and 
council  under  their  feet,”  they  proceed  to  state,  that 
being  actuated  “more  by  mercy  than  the  extreme 
rigor  of  justice,”  they  remit  and  forgive  this  trans- 
gression, and  they  conclude  by  advising  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Flushing  “ to  look  out  for  a good  pious  and 
orthodox  minister,”  and  to  provide  for  him  a “ decent 
maintenance.” 

It  appears  that  the  Dutch  governor  aud  his  council, 
after  trying  for  a while  to  repress  dissent  by  persecu- 
tion, relented,  and  pursued  a more  lenient  policy. 
John  Bound  had  been  treated  with  great  severity;  he 


Bowden’s  History,  I.  318. 


1657.] 


MARY  CLARK. 


359 


was  imprisoned  in  a cold  dungeon,  almost  famished, 
and  then  banished  to  Holland.  There  he  was  libe- 
rated bj  the  States  General,  and  returned  home 
again.  After  his  return,  the  governor,  meeting  him 
in  the  street,  said,  I am  glad  to  see  you  safe  home 
again;”  adding,  “I  hope  I shall  never  do  so  any 
more  to  any  of  your  friends.” 

The  rulers  of  the  Puritan  colonies  in  Hew  England, 
far  from  relenting  in  their  feelings  towards  Friends, 
became  more  and  more  hardened  as  they  found  their 
measures  ineffectual. 

The  Friends  who  were  landed  at  Ehode  Island  by 
Captain  Fowler,  of  ^he  Woodhouse,  proceeded  in 
various  directions,  as  they  believed  themselves  led  in 
the  fulfilment  of  their  religious  mission.  William 
Eobinson  was  engaged  for  some  time  in  Ehode  Island ; 
he  then  travelled  to  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  after 
an  absence  of  two  years,  returned  to  Hew  England.^ 

Mary  Clark,  having  left  her  husband  and  children 
in  London,  and  come  to  America,  under  a sense  of 
religious  duty,  felt  bound  to  go  to  Boston,  in  order 
‘‘  to  warn  those  persecutors  to  desist  from  their 
iniquity.”  Having  delivered  her  message,  she  was 
arrested  by  order  of  the  public  authorities,  and  after 
her  back  had  been  sorely  lacerated  by  twenty  stripes 
with  a three-corded  whip,  she  was  committed  to 
prison,  where  she  remained  twelve  weeks  in  the 
winter  season,  suffering  much  from  cold.^ 

John  Copeland  and  Christopher  Holder,  soon  after 
their  arrival  in  Ehode  Island,  went  to  visit  the  Island 
of  Martha’s  Vineyard.  Most  of  the  inhabitants  were 


^ Bowdpn^s  Hist.,  I.  69.  Gough,  I.  410. 

* New  England  Judged,  50,  and  Besse,  II.  281. 


360 


J.  COPELAND  AND  C.  HOLDER. 


[1667. 


Indians  of  the  Algonquin  tribe,  among  whom  a mis- 
sion had  been  established  by  the  Puritans  of  New 
England.  The  two  Friends  believing  themselves 
called  to  some  religious  service  among  the  English 
settlers,  attended  their  meeting  for  public  worship, 
and  after  waiting  until  Mayhew,  the  preacher,  had 
concluded,  they  spoke  a few  words  to  the  company. 
This  gave  much  offence,  and  they  were  forthwith 
‘‘thrust  out  of  doors”  by  the  constable.  In  the  after- 
noon they  again  attended  the  meeting,  and  after 
having  “some  dispute  on  doctrinal  points,  they  were 
allowed  quietly  to  withdraw.” 

The  governor  of  the  island,  attended  by  a con- 
stable, waited  on  them  the  next  morning,  and  ordered 
them  to  leave  the  island  without  delay.  But  the 
Friends  having  come  under  an  apprehension  of  reli- 
gious duty,  replied,  that  “in  the  will  of  God  they 
stood,  as  He  made  way.”  “ It  is  the  will  of  God,” 
rejoined  the  governor,  “that  you  shall  go  to-day.” 
Pie  hired  an  Indian  to  convey  them  to  the  main  land, 
and  required  them  to  pay  their  passage,  which  they 
declined  to  do  until  they  should  be  satisfied  that  their 
religious  service  on  the  island  was  ended.  The 
governor  then  directed  the  constable  to  take  from 
them  by  force  a sufficient  sum  to  pay  for  their  con- 
veyance, and  ordered  the  natives  to  take  them  away 
forthwith.  The  Indians,  however,  seeing  that  the 
Friends  were  not  inclined  to  go,  and  that  the  weather 
was  stormy,  made  no  eflbrt  to  execute  the  order,  but 
entertained  them  three  days  very  hospitably,  which 
afforded  an  opportunity  for  religious  service  among 
these  kind-hearted  people.  When  the  storm  subsided, 
the  Friends  feeling  free  to  depart,  ofiered  to  remune- 
rate the  Indians  for  their  kindness,  but  they  declined 


1657.]  J.  COPELAND  AND  C.  HOLDER.  361 

to  receive  any  compensation,  saying,  “You  are  stran- 
gers, and  Jehovah  has  taught  us  to  love  strangers.” 
Thus  it  appeared  that  these  simple-hearted  Algon- 
quins  manifested  more  of  the  Christian  spirit  than 
the  missionary  who  pretended  to  instruct  them  in  the 
doctrines  of  Christ.^ 

John  Copeland  and  Christopher  Holder  landed  on 
the  coast  of  Massachusetts  on  the  20th  of  the  Sixth 
month,  1657,  and  proceeded  to  the  town  of  Sandwich. 
Here  they  were  welcomed  by  many  sincere  seekers 
after  heavenly  truth,  “ who  had  long  been  burthened 
with  a lifeless  ministry  and  dead  forms  of  religion.” 
There  were,  however,  other  inhabitants  of  the  town 
who  adhered  to  the  Puritan  ministers,  and  could  tole- 
rate no  doctrines  different  from  their  own.  These 
were  greatly  excited  when  it  was  reported  that  two 
English  Quakers  had  arrived.  “ Great  was  the  stir 
and  noise  of  the  tumultuous  town,”  they  remark; 
“yea,  all  in  an  uproar,  hearing  that  we,  who  are  called 
by  such  a name  as  Quakers,  were  come  into  these 
parts.  A great  fire  was  kindled,  and  the  hearts  of 
many  did  burn  within  them,  so  that  in  the  heat 
thereof  some  said  one  thing,  and  some  another ; but 
the  most  part  knew  not  what  was  the  matter.”^ 

After  a short  stay  at  Sandwich,  they  proceeded  to 
Plymouth,  where  their  presence  was  no  less  alarming 
to  the  ministers  and  rulers.  Some  of  the  magistrates 
informed  them,  that  “they  could  not  be  permitted  to 
remain  within  the  limits  of  the  colony.”  The  Friends 
replied,  that  “ they  could  not  leave  the  colony  until 
they  had  again  visited  the  town  of  Sandwich.”  The 


* Bowden’s  History,  I.  70. 

® Norton’s  Ensign,  in  Bowden’s  History, 


I.— 31 


862  J.  COPELAND  AND  C.  HOLDEK.  [1657. 

next  morning  they  were  arrested  and  taken  before  the 
magistrates  for  examination ; but  no  ground  for  im- 
prisonment being  found  against  them,  they  were  or- 
dered by  the  court  ‘‘to  begone  out  of  their  colony.” 

On  the  following  day  they  started  towards  Sand- 
wich, but  were  overtaken  by  a constable  who  had 
orders  to  prevent  their  travelling  in  that  direction. 
He  conveyed  them  six  miles  toward  Khode  Island,  and 
then  left  them.  Being  released  from  constraint,  they 
again  turned  towards  Sandwich,  where  they  arrived 
and  remained  some  days. 

Their  ministry  was  instrumental  in  convincing 
many  of  the  principles  of  Friends,  which  incensed 
the  Puritan  ministers,  and  through  their  instigation 
the  two  strangers  were  arrested  by  the  magistrates 
and  sent  back  to  Plymouth. 

Being  again  required  to  depart  from  the  colony, 
“ they  intimated  to  the  governor  that  they  could  not 
accede  to  his  request,  and  that  it  was  their  intention 
to  return  to  Sandwich.”  The  clergy  of  Plymouth 
being  alarmed  at  the  spreading  of  Friends’  principles, 
exerted  themselves  to  obtain  an  order  for  their  banish- 
ment, and  the  governor,  to  satisfy  them,  issued  a 
warrent  for  the  arrest  of  John  Copeland  and  Christo- 
pher Holder  “ as  extravagant  persons  and  vagabonds.” 
Being  arraigned  before  the  court,  a w’arrant  for  their 
expulsion  w^as  issued,  accompanied  wuth  a threat  that 
if  they  returned  they  should  be  whipped  as  vagabonds. 

The  under-marshal,  in  pursuance  of  the  warrant, 
conducted  them  fifty  miles  towards  Rhode  Island,  and 
they  took  shelter  for  a while  in  that  “ asylum  for  the 
persecuted.” ^ 


* Bowden’s  History,  I,  73, 


1657.]  J.  COPELAND  AND  C.  HOLDER.  363 

About  the  middle  of  the  Seventh  month,  1657, 
they  again  entered  Massachusetts,  being  impelled  by 
a sense  of  religious  duty  to  preach  the  gospel  at 
Salem.  In  that  town  and  its  vicinity,  they  made 
proselytes.  Referring  to  it  afterwards,  they  said, 
“ Having  obtained  mercy  from  God,  and  being  bap- 
tized into  his  covenant  Jesus  Christ,  we  preached 
freely  unto  them  the  things  that  we  had  seen  and 
heard  and  our  hands  had  handled,  which  as  an  en- 
grafted word  took  place  in  them,  such  as  never  can 
be  rooted  out,  so  that  our  hearers  in  a short  time  be- 
came our  fellow-sufferers.”^ 

On  the  First-day  of  the  week,  Christopher  Holder 
and  John  Copeland,  being  at  a place  of  public  wor- 
ship in  Salem,  Christopher  spoke  a few  words  after 
the  clergyman  had  done ; but  he  was  not  allowed  to 
proceed,  for  one  of  the  commissioners  hauled  him  back 
by  the  hair  of  his  head  and  stopped  his  mouth  with  a 
glove  and  handkerchief.  The  two  Friends  were  then 
thrust  out  of  the  house  and  placed  in  confinement 
until  next 'day,  when  they  were  taken  to  Boston, 
Being  there  arraigned  before  the  Governor  and  Com- 
missioners, they  were  sentenced  to  receive  each  thirty 
lashes.  This  punishment  was  inflicted  by  the  hang- 
man by  means  of  a three-corded  knotted  whip,  lace- 
rating the  flesh  with  barbarous  severity.  They  were 
then  committed  to  prison,  where,  during  three  days 
and  nights,  they  were  not  allowed  bedding,  food,  or 
drink.  Their  imprisonment  was  continued  nine  weeks, 
being  the  greater  part  of  winter,  in  a dismal  cell  with- 
out fire.  This  inhuman  treatment  was  well  calculated 
to  endanger  their  lives,  but  through  divine  mercy  they 


‘ Norton’s  Ensign,  in  Bowden’s  History,  I.  88. 


364  L.  AND  C.  SOUTHICZ.  [1657. 

were  preserved  and  enabled  to  rejoice  in  tbeir  suffer- 
ings for  Christ’s  sake.^ 

The  intolerant  spirit  of  the  clergy  and  magistrates 
of  'New  England  was  exhibited  not  only  against 
Friends,  but  towards  all  who  manifested  compassion 
for  their  sufferings.  At  the  time  when  Christopher 
Holder  was  gagged  in  a meeting-house  at  Salem, 
Samuel  Shattock,  a respectable  inhabitant  of  that 
town,  fearing  that  Christopher  would  be  choked  by 
the  glove  and  handkerchief  thrust  into  his  mouth, 
endeavored  to  prevent  it  by  taking  hold  of  the  com- 
missioner’s hand  and  drawing  it  away.  For  this 
interference  he  was  sent  to  Boston  and  imprisoned  as 
“a  friend  of  the  Quakers.”  He  was  released,  on  his 
giving  bond  under  penalty  of  twenty  pounds,  to  ap- 
pear at  the  next  court,  and  not  to  attend  any  of  the 
meetings  of  the  people  called  Quakers.? 

Lawrence  and  Cassandra  Southick,  an  aged  couple 
who  lived  at  Salem,  and  were  members  of  the  Con- 
gregational church,  having  entertained  Christopher 
Holder  and  John  Copeland  at  their  house,  were  im- 
prisoned for  this  act  of  Christian  charity. 

Such  intolerance  and  cruelty,  far  from  suppressing 
the  rising  society  of  Friends,  had  the  contrary  effect 
of  increasing  their  numbers.  Many  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Salem,  becoming  disgusted  with  the  hollow 
profession  of  their  priests  and  rulers,  who  thus 
‘‘mingled  blood  with  their  sacrifices,”  withdrew  from 
their  communion,  and  met  together  at  each  other’s 
houses  to  wait  upon  the  Lord  in  silent  adoration.^ 

These  humble  and  devout  worshippers  did  not  long 


* New  England  Judged. 
3 Ibid.  Besse,  II.  184, 


2 Ibid,  p.  51, 


1657.] 


INTOLERANT  LEGISLATION. 


365 


remain  unmolested ; being  summoned  before  tbe  com- 
missioner, they  were  fined  for  non-attendance  at 
church,  and  three  of  them,  Lawrence  and  Cassandra 
Southick,  with  their  son  Josiah,  were  subjected  to 
severe  scourging  and  imprisonment. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
NEW  ENGLAND. 


165T-9. 

Although  a regard  for  historical  accuracy  requires 
an  impartial  account  of  the  severe  persecution  endured 
by  the  Early  Friends  in  Xew  England,  the  narrative 
cannot  be  continued  without  reluctance ; especially, 
when  we  reflect  that  among  no  people  on  earth  is 
religious  liberty,  in  this  age,  more  highly  appreciated, 
or  more  fully  secured,  than  by  the  descendants  of  the 
Pilgrims.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that,  even  at 
the  time  when  those  intolerant  laws  were  enacted  and 
enforced,  a large  proportion  of  the  people  were  opposed 
to  them  ; but  so  great  was  the  influence  of  the  Puritan 
clergy,  that  they  were  enabled  to  control  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  colonies,  and  even  to  disfranchise  or  banish 
all  who  were  inimical  to  their  measures. 

The  clergy  and  rulers  of  Massachusetts  took  the 
lead  in  this  crusade  against  non-conformity ; but  in 
the  other  colonies  of  Xew  England,  with  the  exception 
31* 


866 


TOLERATION  IN  RHODE  ISLAND.  [1657. 


of  Ehode  Island,  the  same  spirit  of  intolerance  was, 
in  some  measure,  exhibited. 

In  order  to  promote  their  security  and  prosperity, 
the  colonies  of  Masachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connecticut, 
and  I^ew  Haven,  had  formed  a league  or  confedera- 
tion under  the  title  of  the  United  Colonies  of  Hew 
England.  This  compact  left  to  each  colony  its  re- 
spective local  jurisdiction,  and  entrusted  to  a Board, 
consisting  of  two  Commissioners  from  each  colony, 
all  that  related  to  the  general  affairs  of  the  confede- 
racy.^ These  Commissioners,  like  the  local  authori- 
ties of  the  several  colonies,  were  required  to  be  church 
members,  for,  in  the  Puritan  governments,  a profession 
of  the  orthodox  faith,  and  a due  deference  to  the 
clergy,  were  considered  indispensable  in  those  who 
exercised  civil  authority. 

In  the  year  1657,  the  Commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  being  actuated  by  a spirit  of  bigotry  and 
intolerance,  were  greatly  annoyed  by  the  conduct  of 
the  public  authorities  of  Rhode  Island,  in  affording 
to  the  persecuted  and  banished  Friends  a quiet  asylum 
within  their  jurisdiction.  In  order  to  put  an  end  to 
this  liberal  policy,  the  Commissioners  addressed  to 
the  governor  of  Rhode  Island  a remonstrance,  setting 
forth  that  a company  of  Quakers  had  last  year  ‘‘  arrived 
at  Boston  upon  no  other  account  than  to  disperse 
their  pernicious  opinions,  had  they  not  been  prevented 
by  the  prudent  care  of  the  government;”  that,  at  the 
request  of  the  Commissioners,  provision  had  been 
made  “by  the  general  courts  of  all  the  United  Colo- 
nies, that  all  Quakers,  Ranters,  and  such  notorious 
heretics,  might  be  prohibited  from  coming  among 


^ Bancroft,  I.  420,  421. 


1658.]  TOLERATION  IN  RHODE  ISLAND.  367 

them;”  and  that  these  provisions  would  fall  short  of 
their  design  while  such  persons  were  allowed  to  reside 
in  Khode  Island ; they  therefore  desire  that  the 
Quakers  may  he  removed,  and,  for  the  future,  pro- 
hibited from  coming  thither. 

The  governor  of  Rhode  Island  laid  the  communi- 
cation before  the  “ Court  of  Trials,”  and  that  body, 
“ acting  in  unison  with  the  law  of  their  colony,  ‘ that 
none  be  accounted  a delinquent  for  doctrine,’  resolved 
that  no  settler  or  stranger,  within  the  limits  of  their 
jurisdiction,  should  be  persecuted  for  whatever  opin- 
ions in  religion  he  might  either  hold  or  teach.”  ^ The 
court  being  desirous,  however,  to  avoid  any  collision 
with  the  United  Colonies,  returned  a cautious  answer, 
stating  that  the  matter  would  be  laid  before  the 
General  Assembly,  which  was  to  meet  early  in  the 
following  year. 

The  General  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island,  which  met 
in  the  First  month,  1658,  having  taken  into  conside- 
ration the  remonstrance  from  the  Commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies,  returned  a temperate  and  con- 
ciliatory answer;  maintaining,  however,  that  ‘^free- 
dom of  different  consciences,  to  be  protected  from 
enforcements,  was  the  principal  ground  of  their  char- 
ter; which  freedom,”  they  say,  ‘‘we  still  prize  as  the 
greatest  happiness  that  man  can  possess  in  this  world.” 
They  promise,  in  case  the  Quakers  shall  not  perform 
the  duties  required  of  them  as  members  of  civil 
society,  that  they  will,  through  their  agent,  present 
the  case  to  the  supreme  authority  in  England ; and 
they  add : “ ^"e  also  are  so  much  the  more  encour- 
aged to  make  our  address  unto  the  Lord  Protector  for 


' Bowden’s  History  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  83. 


868 


WILLIAM  BREND. 


[1G57. 


his  highness  and  government  aforesaid,  for  that  we 
understand  there  are,  or  have  been,  many  of  the  afore- 
said people  suffered  to  live  in  England;  yea,  even  in 
the  heart  of  the  nation.”  ^ 

This  decisive  answer  manifested  the  prevalence  of 
a noble  and  liberal  spirit  in  Ehode  Island  ; but  it 
seems  to  have  had  no  effect  upon  the  policy  pursued 
in  the  other  colonies.  The  General  Court  at  Boston 
passed  an  order,  dated  14th  of  October,  1657,  direct- 
ing that  whosoever  should  bring  any  known  Quaker 
into  that  jurisdiction,  should  forfeit  one  hundred 
pounds  ; whosoever  should  entertain  a Quaker,  should 
forfeit  forty  shillings  for  every  hour’s  entertainment 
or  concealment;  and,  moreover,  if  any  Quaker,  after 
having  once  suffered  what  the  law  requires,  shall 
return,  every  such  male  Quaker  shall,  for  the  first 
offence,  have  one  ear  cut  off,  and  for  the  second 
offence,  shall  lose  the  other  ear,  and  every  woman 
Quaker  shall  be  severely  whipped,  and  kept  in  the 
house  of  correction  until  sent  away  at  her  own  charge.^ 
It  is  not  deemed  necessary  to  give  a detailed  account 
of  all  the  sufferings  endured  by  Friends  in  Hew 
England ; but,  rather  to  narrate  concisely  the  most 
remarkable  cases,  in  order  to  show  the  oppression  that 
results  from  ecclesiastical  domination,  and  the  fidelity 
of  those  meek  confessors  and  martys,  who  were  will- 
ing to  lay  down  their  lives  ‘‘for  the  word  of  God  and 
the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ.” 

Among  the  Friends  who  arrived  in  the  Woodhouse, 
in  the  year  1657,  the  name  of  William  Brend  has  been 
mentioned.  He  was  the  eldest  of  that  devoted  band, 
being  then  about  seventy  years  of  age.  His  residence 


Bowden,  I.  85. 


^ Besse,  II.  183. 


1657.] 


WILLIAM  BREND. 


369 


was  in  the  city  of  London,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  he  was  called  to  the  gospel  ministry  soon 
after  the  rise  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  that  city.’ 
He  is  spoken  of  by  Francis  Howgill  as  ‘‘a  man  fear- 
ing God,  a sober  man,  known  to  many  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  city  of  Loudon  to  be  a just  man  in 
his  generation.”^ 

After  landing  in  Ehode  Island,  he  remained  some 
time  in  that  colony,  engaged  in  religious  services ; 
and  then,  near  the  close  of  the  year  1657,  being  joined 
by  John  Copeland,  who  had  recently  been  banished 
from  Boston,  he  set  out  to  visit  the  colony  of  Vlj- 
mouth.  At  Scituate,  (now  Pembroke,)  they  met  with 
Sarah  Gibbous,  who  had  lately  come  from  Xew 
Ketherlauds:  and  the  three  Friends  found  a cordial 
reception  at  the  house  of  James  Cudworth,  a magis- 
trate of  Scituate.  The  civil  authorities  at  Plymouth, 
hearing  of  their  arrival,  and  being  disturbed  at  the 
spreading  of  Friends’  principles,  sent  an  officer  to 
arrest  them.  The  attempt,  however,  was  frustrated 
by  the  generous  interposition  of  Timothy  Hartley, 
another  magistrate  of  Scituate,  who  refused  to  permit 
the  warrant  to  be  executed. 

After  completing  their  religious  labors  at  Scituate, 
"William  Brend  and  John  Copeland  set  out  on  their 
return  to  Rhode  Island,  intending  to  pass  through 
Plymouth.  Here  the  magistrates  caused  them  to  be 
arrested  and  arraigned  before  the  court.  ‘‘  They  were 
required  to  enter  into  an  engagement  to  leave  that 
jurisdiction  within  forty-eight  hours.  They  replied, 
that  it  was  with  the  intention  of  proceeding  elsewhere 
that  they  were  pursuing  their  journey,  but  they  felt 


‘ Bowden’s  History,  I.  130. 


^ Howgill’s  Works,  257. 


870  W.  BREND  AND  W.  LEDDRA.  [1657. 

restrained  from  making  a promise  to  do  so.”  The 
court  attributing  this  refusal  to  “ contemptuous  per- 
verseness,” ordered  them  to  be  severely  scourged,  and 
paid  no  regard  to  their  just  plea,  that  they  had  a right 
as  Englishmen  to  travel  through  any  part  of  the 
dominions  of  their  country.^ 

About  the  middle  of  the  Fourth  month,  1658, 
William  Brend,  Thomas  Harris,  and  William  Leddra 
leaving  Bhode  Island,  set  out  for  Massachusetts.^ 
Thomas  Harris  went  to  Boston,  and  soon  after  his 
arrival,  it  being  lecture-da}^,  he  attended  the  meeting 
for  public  worship.  After  the  lecture  was  finished, 
he  spoke  a few  words  to  the  people,  but  was  im- 
mediately stopped,  hauled  out  by  the  hair  of  his  head 
and  sent  to  prison.  Next  day  he  was  cruelly  whipped 
and  remanded  to  prison,  where  he  was  confined 
eleven  days,  five  of  which  he  was  kept  without  bread, 
because  he  refused  to  work  for  the  jailer.  In  all 
probability  he  would  have  starved,  had  not  some 
humane  citizens  of  Boston  conveyed  food  to  him 
secretly.  On  the  sixth  day  of  his  confinement,  Thomas 
Harris,  still  refusing  to  comply  with  the  jailer’s  un- 
reasonable demand,  was  beaten  with  a pitched  rope 
until  his  body,  already  exhausted  by  fasting,  was 
sorely  bruised  and  lacerated.^ 

In  the  mean  time  his  companions,  William  Brend 
and  William  Leddra,  having  come  to  Salem,  were 
cordially  welcomed  by  those  who  had  embraced  the 
doctrines  of  Friends,  and  with  this  small  company 
they  “ held  several  meetings  to  their  mutual  refresh- 
ment and  comfort.”^ 


* Bowden's  History,  I.  97.  ^ Ibid. 

® New  England  Judged,  62.  * Bowden,  I.  108. 


1658.]  W.  BREND  AND  W.  LEDDRA.  371 

Leaving  Salem,  they  proceeded  to  i^ewhuiyport, 
where,  at  the  house  of  Eobert  Adams,  they  had  a 
conference  with  a clergyman,  in  the  presence  of  Cap- 
tain Gerish,  who  promised  that  they  should  not  suffer ; 
but  w'hen  the  conference  was  over,  he  required  them 
to  depart  from  the  town  immediately.  This  order  not 
being  complied  with,  he  arrested  them  and  sent  them 
to  Salem.  Being  brought  before  the  magistrates,  they 
were  asked ‘^Whether  they  were  Quakers?”  They 
answered,  ‘AYe  are  in  scorn  called  so.”  Then  they 
were  charged  with  holding  dangerous  errors.  They 
asked ‘AYhat  those  errors  were?”  They  were  told 
that  They  denied  Christ  that  suffered  on  the  cross 
at  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  also  denied  the  Scrip- 
tures.” They  boldly  contradicted  these  charges,  as- 
serting that  They  owned  Jesus  Christ  who  suffered 
death  at  Jerusalem,  and  that  they  also  owned  the 
Scriptures.” 

Although  manifestly  guiltless,  they  were  ordered  to 
the.  House  of  Correction,  and  some  days  after,  con- 
veyed to  Boston,  where  they  were  imprisoned  in  the 
House  of  Correction  and  ordered  to  work.  Being 
unwilling  to  comply  with  this  unrighteous  demand, 
the  jailer  would  allow  them  no  food  although  they 
offered  to  pay  for  it.  After  being  kept  five  days  with- 
out food  they  received  thirty  stripes  with  a three- 
corded  whip,  and  were  then  told  “ They  might  go  out 
if  they  wmuld  pay  the  Marshal  who  was  to  conduct 
them  out  of  the  colony.”  They  declined  to  pay  for 
their  own  banishment,  but  said,  “If  the  prison  door 
was  set  open,  they  would  go  out.” 

Hext  day,  ^Yilliam  Breud,  who  was  far  advanced  in 
years,  was  put  in  irons,  “ neck  and  heels  so  close  to- 
gether that  there  was  no  more  room  left  between 


372 


WILLIAM  BREND. 


[1668. 


each  than  for  the  lock  that  fastened  them.”’  In  this 
painful  position  he  was  kept  sixteen  hours.  The  next 
morning  he  was  required  to  work  at  the  mill,  but 
again  refusing,  the  jailer  gave  him  twenty  severe 
blows  with  a tarred  rope  about  an  inch  thick,  saying, 
that  “ He  would  cause  him  to  bow  to  the  law  of  the 
country,  and  make  him  work.”  William  Brend,  in 
the  consciousness  of  his  innocence,  still  declined  to 
comply.  The  inhuman  jailer,  greatly  exasperated, 
brought  another  tarred  rope,  and  with  all  his  strength 
laid  on  ninety-seven  blows,  not  desisting  until  com- 
pelled by  fatigue. 

Next  morning  this  cruel  hypocrite  was  stout  enough 
to  go  through  his  usual  morning  prayer,  for  he  was  a 
professor  of  religion ; but,  like  the  sanctimonious 
rulers  of  Boston,  his  heart  was  hardened  by  bigotry 
and  superstitious  zeal. 

William  Brend  was  in  a most  deplorable  condition : 
‘‘  His  back  and  arms  were  bruised  and  black,  and  the 
blood  hanging,  as  it  were,  in  bags  under  his  arms, 
and  so  into  one  was  his  flesh  beaten,  that  the  sign  of 
a particular  blow  could  not  be  seen.”^  He  lay  upon 
the  boards  completely  exhausted;  his  body  became 
cold  ; for  a while  he  could  neither  see,  feel,  nor  hear, 
and  there  seemed  to  be  a struggle  between  life  and 
death ; but  at  length,  through  divine  aid,  the  vital 
powers  revived,  and  consciousness  returned. 

The  report  of  this  inhuman  treatment  spreading 
through  the  city,  a cry  of  indignation  arose  among 
the  people,  insomuch  that  the  governor  was  induced 
to  send  a surgeon  to  examine  the  wounds  of  the 
sufferer.  The  surgeon  found  him  so  bruised  and 


^ Besse,  II.  186. 


2 Ibid. 


1658.] 


HUMPHREY  NORTON. 


373 


mangled  that  he  despaired  of  his  life,  and  said,  The 
flesh  would  rot  oflf  his  hones  before  the  bruised  parts 
could  be  brought  to  digest.”  This  report  so  exaspe- 
rated the  people  that,  to  prevent  a tumult,  the  magis- 
trates posted  a hand-bill  at  the  meeting-house  door, 
and  circulated  it  through  the  streets,  stating  that  the 
‘‘jailer  should  be  dealt  with  at  the  next  court.”  The 
cruel  jailer  found  an  advocate  in  John  hTorton,  an  in- 
fluential clergyman  in  Boston,  who  had  been  the 
instigator  of  much  vindictive  persecution.  He  did 
not  hesitate  to  say  “ AVilliam  Brend  has  endeavored 
to  beat  our  gospel  ordinances  black  and  blue ; if  he 
then  be  beaten  black  and  blue,  it  is  but  just  upon  him, 
and  I will  appear  in  his  behalf  that  did  so.”^  Con- 
trary to  all  expectation,  the  wounds  of  William  Brend 
soon  began  to  heal,  and  he  rapidly  recovered.^ 

On  the  same  day  that  he  suffered  such  agonii:ing 
torture,  Humphrey  Horton  and  John  Bous  arrived  in 
Boston ; being  drawn  in  the  love  of  the  gospel  to 
labor  and  to  suffer  for  the  cause  of  Truth. 

Of  Humphrey  Horton’s  previous  life  but  little  is 
known.  In  the  year  1655  he  was  a resident  of  London, 
and  travelled  in  the  gospel  ministry  in  the  north  of 
England.  The  following  year  he  was  engaged  in  the 
same  service  in  Ireland,  travelling  through  Leinster, 
Munster,  and  Connaught,  and  was  subjected  to  much 
suftering  at  the  instigation  of  an  intolerant  hierarchy. 
In  1657  he  came  to  America  in  the  Woodhouse,  as 
already  related,  and  having  landed  at  Bhode  Island, 
he  was  engaged  there  about  two  months  in  religious 
service,  after  which  he  proceeded  to  Sandwich,  in 
Plymouth  Colony.  In  that  town  he  sojourned  for  a 


• Besse,  I.  186. 

L — 32 


* Bowden,  I.  111. 


374 


HUMPHREY  NORTON. 


[1658. 


short  time  among  his  fellow-professors  ; and  was  then 
arrested,  taken  to  Plymouth,  and  from  thence  ban- 
ished, being  conducted  by  the  officers  fifty  miles 
towards  Rhode  Island.  He  proceeded  to  that  colony 
and  was  engaged  in  religious  labor  about  two  months, 
when  he  went  to  Long  Island. 

On  passing  through  Southhold,  on  his  way  to  the 
Dutch  plantations,  he  was  arrested  and  conveyed  to 
New  Haven,  in  Connecticut,  ‘‘where  he  was  heavily 
ironed  and  imprisoned  twenty-one  days,  and,  notwith-  . 
standing  the  severity  of  the  season,  denied  the  use  of 
both  fire  and  candle.”^  Being  arraigned  before  the 
court,  a clergyman  undertook  to  examine  him  on 
doctrinal  grounds,  in  order  to  convict  him  of  heresy. 
Humphrey  endeavored  to  make  a reply,  but  he  was 
prevented  by  a great  iron  key  being  tied  across  his 
mouth.  The  pretended  examination  being  ended,  he 
w^as  remanded  to  prison  for  ten  days  more,  and  then 
brought  before  the  court  to  receive  his  sentence,  which 
was,  “that  he  should  be  severely  whipped,  then  burnt 
in  the  hand  with  the  letter  H for  heresy,  and  after- 
wards banished  from  the  colony,  not  to  return,  under 
pain  of  the  utmost  penalty  the  law  could  infiict.”  In 
the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  this  cruel  sentence  was 
executed.  The  people  being  gathered  by  beat  of 
drum,  the  prisoner  was  stripped  to  the  waist,  set  in 
the  stocks,  with  his  back  to  the  magistrates,  and 
thirty-six  severe  stripes  inflicted.  He  was  then  turned 
round,  and  his  hand,  being  made  fast  in  the  stocks, 

“ was  burned  very  deep  with  a red-hot  iron.”  When 
he  was  released  from  the  stocks  he  knelt  down,  and 
to  the  astonishment  of  all,  he  lifted  up  his  voice  in 
prayer  to  the  Lord. 


* Bowden,  I.  96,  and  New  England  Judged,  204. 


1658.] 


JOHN  ROUS. 


375 


After  this  cruel  infliction  he  was  again  sent  to 
prison,  and  tendered  his  liberty  on  the  payment  of  a 
fine  and  prison  fees.  He  declined  to  purchase  his 
release  on  such  terms ; hut  a Dutch  settler,  touched 
with  compassion,  came  forward  and  paid  the  money 
for  his  discharge,  no  one  else  ofiering  to  assist.^ 

Humphrej’ Horton  being  banished  from  Hew  Haven, 
proceeded  to  Rhode  Island,  and  after  remaining  there 
some  weeks  he  went,  under  an  apprehension  of  reli- 
gious duty,  to  attend  the  general  court  for  the  colony 
of  Plymouth,  in  order  to  plead  with  the  authorities 
on  account  of  their  intolerant  proceedings  towards 
Friends.  ’With  a view  to  apprise  the  governor  of  his 
object  in  coming,  he  forwarded  a statement  of  the 
sufferings  of  Friends  in  that  colony. 

In  this  journey  he  was  accompanied  by  John  Rous, 
a young  minister  from  Barbadoes.^  In  a letter  still 
extant,  of  which  the  following  is  a copy,  he  gives 
some  interesting  particulars  of  the  labors  and  suffer- 
ings of  Friends  in  Hew  England.^ 

JOHN  ROUS  TO  MARGARET  FELL. 

‘‘  Dearly  Beloved  Sister  M.  F.  : — About  the  last 
of  the  Sixth  month,  1657,  I came  from  Barbadoes 
with  another  Friend,  an  inhabitant  of  the  island  ; and 
according  to  the  appointment  of  the  Father,  landed 
on  Rhode  Island  in  the  beginning  of  the  Eighth 
month,  on  an  outer  part  of  the  island;  and  being 
come  thither  I heard  of  the  arrival  of  Friends  from 
England,  which  was  no  small  refreshment  to  me. 
After  I had  been  there  a little  while  I passed  out  of 


’ Bowden,  I.  96,  and  New  England  Judged,  205. 
^ Bowden’s  History,  I.  138.  ^ j 


376 


JOHN  ROUS. 


[1658. 


•the  island  into  Plymouth  Patent,  to  Sandwich,  and 
several  other  towns  thereabouts ; where  in  the  winter 
time  more  service  was  done  than  was  expected.  Some 
time  after,  I was  in  Connecticut  with  John  Copeland, 
where  the  Lord  gave  us  no  small  dominion,  for  there 
we  met  with  one  of  the  greatest  disputers  of  New  * 
England,  who  is  priest  at  Hartford,  who  was  much 
confounded,  to  the  glory  of  truth  and  to  his  shame. 
After  some  stay  there,  we  returned  to  Khode  Island, 
where  Humphrey  Horton  was,  and  after  some  time, 
he  and  I went  into  Plymouth  Patent,  and  they  having 
a court  while  we  were  there,  we  went  to  the  place 
where  it  was,  having  set  before  the  governor  the 
grounds  of  our  coming ; hut  we  were  straightway  put 
in  prison,  and  after  twice  being  before  them,  where 
we  were  much  railed  at,  they  judged  us  to  he  whipped. 
Humphrey  Horton  received  twenty-three  stripes,  and 
I fifteen,  with  rods,  which  did  prove  much  for  the 
advantage  of  truth  and  their  disadvantage ; for  Friends 
did  with  much  boldness  own  us  openly  in  it,  and  it 
did  work  deeply  with  many.  After  we  were  let  forth 
thence,  w^e  returned  to  Ehode  Island,  and  after  some 
stay  there,  we  went  to  Providence,  and  from  thence 
to  Boston,  to  bear  witness  in  a few  words  in  their 
meeting-house  against  their  wxwship,  till  they  hauled 
us  forth  and  had  us  to  their  house  of  correction,  and 
that  evening  we  were  examined  and  committed  to 
prison.  On  the  Seventh-day,  in  the  -evening,  they 
whipped  us  with  ten  stripes  each,  with  a three-fold 
whip,  to  conclude  a wicked  week’s  work,  which  was 
this:  on  Second-day  they  whipped  six  Friends;  on 
Third-day,  the  jailer  laid  William  Brend  (a  Friend 
that  came  from  London)  *neck  and  heels,  as  they  call 
it,  for  sixteen  hours ; on  Fourth-da}^,  the  jailer  gave 


1658.] 


JOHN  ROUS. 


377 


TTilliam  Brend  one  hundred  and  seventeen  strokes 
witli  a pitched  rope ; on  Fifth-day,  they  imprisoned 
us ; and  on  Seventh-day  we  suffered.  The  beating 
of  'William  Brend  did  work  much  in  the  town,  and 
for  a time  much  liberty  was  granted,  for  several  peo- 
ple came  to  see  us  in  the  prison ; but  the  enemies 
seeing  the  forwardness  and  love  in  the  people  towards 
us,  plotted,  and  a warrant  was  given  forth,  that  if  we 
would  not  work,  we  should  be  whipped  once  in  every 
three  days,  and  the  hrst  time  have  fifteen  stripes,  the 
second  eighteen,  and  the  third  time  twenty-one. 

• “ So  on  the  Second-day  after  our  first  whipping, 
four  of  us  received  fifteen  stripes  each ; which  did  so 
work  with  the  people,  that  on  the  Fourth-day  after, 
we  were  released. 

“'We  returned  to  Ehode  Island,  and  continued 
there  awhile,  and  after  some  time,  Humphrey  Xorton 
went  into  Plymouth  Patent  to  Friends  there,  and  I 
was  moved  to  come  to  Boston ; so  that  day  five  weeks 
[after]  I was  released,  at  night  I was  put  in  again. 
There  were  Christopher  Holder  and  John  Copeland, 
two  of  the  Friends  which  came  from  England,  and 
we  do  lie  here,  according  to  their  law,  to  have  each 
of  us  an  ear  cut  off ; but  we  are  kept  in  the  dominion 
of  God,  and  our  enemies  are  under  our  feet.  It  is 
reported  that  we  shall  be  tried  at  a court  that  is  to  be 
held  next  week,  and  if  the  ship  do  not  go  away  from 
hence  before  then,  thou  shalt  hear  further  how  it  is 
ordered  for  us,  (if  God  permit).  There  was  a great 
lamenting  for  me  by  many  when  I came  again,  but 
they  were  not  minded  by  me ; I was  much  tempted 
to  say  I came  to  the  town  to  take  shipping  to  go  to 
Barbadoes,  but  I could  not  deny  Him  who  moved 
me  to  come  hither,  nor  his  service  to  avoid  sufferings. 
32* 


378 


JOHN  ROUS. 


[1658. 


‘‘This  relation,  in  short,  I have  given  thee,  that 
thou  might  know  how  it  hath  fared  with  me  since  I 
came  into  this  land.  About  five  weeks  since,  six 
Friends,  having  done  their  service  here,  took  shipping 
for  Barbadoes ; two  whereof  were  to  go  to  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  two  for  London,  and  the  other  two 
w^ere  inhabitants  of  Barbadoes  ; so  that  there  are  only 
four  of  us  in  the  land. 

“ Dear  sister,  truth  is  spread  here  above  two  hun- 
dred miles,  and  many  are  in  fine  conditions,  and  very 
sensible  of  the  power  of  God,  and  walk  honestly  in 
their  measures.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  ^he  land 
who  are  Friends  have  been  forth  in  the  service,  and 
they  do  more  grieve  the  enemy  than  we;  for  they 
have  hoped  to  be  rid  of  us,  but  they  have  no  hope  to 
be  rid  of  them.  We  keep  the  burden  of  the  service 
ofi*  from  them  at  present,  for  no  sooner  is  there  need 
in  a place,  but  straightway  some  or  other  of  us  step 
to  it ; but  when  it  is  the  will  of  the  Father  to  clear 
us  of  this  land,  then  will  the  burden  fall  on  them. 
The  seed  in  Boston  and  Plymouth  Patent  is  ripe,  and 
the  weight  very  much  lies  on  this  town,  which,  being 
brought  into  subjection  to  the  truth,  the  others  will 
not  stand  out  long.  The  seed  in  Connecticut  and 
FTew  Haven  is  not  as  yet  ripe,  but  there  is  a hopeful 
appearance,  the  gathering  of  which,  in  its  time,  will 
much  redound  to  the  glory  of  God.  We  have  two 
strong  places  in  this  land,  the  one  at  Newport  in 
Ehode  Island,  and  the  other  at  Sandwich,  which  the 
enemy  will  never  get  dominion  over,  and  at  Salem 
there  are  several  pretty  Friends  in  their  measures; 
but  being  very  young,  and  the  enemy  exercising  his 
cruelty  much  against  them,  they  have  been  something 
scattered,  but  there  are  some  of  them  grown  pretty 


1658.] 


JOHN  ROUS. 


379 


bold  through  their  sufferings.  Humphrey  Horton, 
we  hear,  hath  been  with  them  this  week,  and  had  a 
fine  large  meeting  among  them,  and  they  received 
much  strength  by  it.  One  of  the  inhabitants  of  Salem 
was  whipped  three  times  in  five  days,  once  to  fulfil 
their  law,  and  twice  for  refusing  to  work ; after  eleven 
days’  imprisonment,  he  was  let  forth,  and  hath  gotten 
much  strength  b}^  his  sufferings.  Great  have  been  the 
sufferings  of  Friends  in  this  land,  but  generally  they 
suffer  with  much  boldness  and  courage,  both  the 
spoiling  of  their  goods,  and  the  abusing  of  their 
bodies.  There  are  Friends,  few  or  more,  almost  from 
one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other,  that  is  inhabited  by 
the  English.  A firm  foundation  there  is  laid  in  this 
land,  such  an  one  as  the  devil  will  never  get  broken 
up.  If  thou  art  free  to  write  to  me,  thou  mayst  direct 
thy  letter  to  be  sent  to  Earbadoes  for  me ; so  in  that 
which  is  eternal,  do  I remain, 

“ Thy  brother,  in  my  measure,  who  suffers  for  the 
seed’s  sake,  earnestly  thirsting  for  the  prosperity  and 
peace  of  Zion,  the  city  of  the  living  God. 

John  Rous.” 

From  a Lion^s  Den  called  Boston  Prison,  the 

' 3d  day  of  the  Seventh  month,  1658. 

“My  dear  fellow-prisoners,  John  Copeland  and 
Christopher  Holder,  do  dearly  salute  thee.  Salute  me 
dearly  in  the  Lord  to  thy  children,  and  the  rest  of  thy 
family  who  are  in  the  truth.” 

The  six  Friends  mentioned  in  this  letter  as  bavin 2: 
embarked  for  Barbadoes,  “were,  doubtless,  William 
Leddra  and  Thomas  Harris  of  Barbadoes,  and  William 
Brend,  Richard  Hodgson,  Dorothy  Waugh,  and  Sarah 
Gibbons.  The  four  left  in  Hew  England  being  Hum- 


SUFFERINGS  AT  BOSTON. 


380 


[1658 


phrey  E’orton,  John  Copeland,  Christopher  Holder, 
and  John  Hons.”  ^ 

The  release  of  John  Rous  from  his  first  imprison- 
ment at  Boston  was  effected  through  the  commisera- 
tion of  the  citizens,  many  of  whom,  being  disgusted 
with  the  cruelties  infiicted  on  William  Brend,  opened 
a subscription  for  defraying  the  prison  fees  of  that 
aged  sufferer,  and  of  the  other  Friends  then  in  Boston 
jail,  who  were  Humphrey  Horton,  William  Leddra, 
Thomas  Harris,  and  John  Rous.  The  citizens*  also 
paid  their  passage  to  Rhode  Island.  John  Rous  soon 
after  returned  to  Boston,  as  related  in  his  letter,  and 
being  committed  to  prison,  found  there  Christopher 
Holder  and  John  Copeland,  who,  in  the  Sixth  month, 
had  been  arrested  at  Dedham.  These  three  Friends 
were,  on  the  7th  of  the  Seventh  month,  arraigned 
before  the  “ court  of  assistants,”  consisting  of  the 
governor,  deputy  governor,  and  magistrates.  After 
they  had  been  harshly  questioned  concerning  the 
object  of  their  coming,  they  were  remanded  to  prison, 
and  three  days  afterwards,  being  again  brought  before 
the  court,  they  were  sentenced  by  Endicott  to  have 
their  right  ear  cut  off  by  the  hangman.  On  their 
attempting  to  speak  in  their  own  defence,  claiming 
the  right  of  an  appeal  to  Cromwell,  they  were  threat- 
ened with  being  gagged  if  they  did  not  keep  silence. 

On  the  16th  of  the  month,  the  barbarous  sentence 
was  privately  executed  in  the*  jail,’ by  the  hangman, 
in  the  presence  of  the  deputy-marshal. 

On  submitting  to  this  ignominious  mutilation,  the 
prisoners  said : “ Those  that  do  it  ignorantly,  we 
desire,  from  our  hearts,  the  Lord  to  forgive  them,  but 


’ Bowden^s  History,  I.  120. 


1658.]  J.  COLE  AND  T.  THURSTON.  381 

\ 

for  them  that  do  it  maliciously,  let  our  blood  be  upon 
their  heads,  and  such  shall  know  in  the  day  of  account 
that  every  drop  of  our  blood  shall  be  as  heavy  upon 
them  as  a mill-stone.”  On  the  7th  of  the  Eighth 
month,  they  were  released ; Christopher  Holder  and 
John  Copeland  having  been  confined  nine  weeks,  and 
John  Rous  six  weeks.’ 

There  is  a remarkable  contrast  between  the  perse- 
cuting measures  of  the  Hew  England  Puritans,  and 
the  -cordial  reception  given  to  the  Friends  by  the 
Horth  American  Indians.  The  gospel  laborers  sent 
forth  by  the  great  Husbandman  to  gather  souls  to  his 
kingdom,  did  not  forget  or  neglect  the  untutored  and 
simple-hearted  natives. 

Josiah  Cole  and  Thomas  Thurston,  having  been 
engaged  in  gospel  labor  among  the  Indians  in  Vir- 
ginia, felt  a religious  concern  to  visit  Hew  England, 
and  travelled  thither  on  foot,  some  hundreds  of  miles, 
through  the  wilderness.  This  was  considered,  in  that 
day,  a most  perilous  journey,  on  account  of  the  natural 
obstacles  to  be  encountered,  and  the  danger  generally 
apprehended  from  the  Indians.^ 

After  a short  stay  in  the  province  of  Rhode  Island, 
Josiah  Cole,  under  an  impression  of  religious  duty, 
visited  the  Indians  on  the  island  of  Martha’s  Vine- 
yard. “I  had  a meeting  amongst  them,”  he  writes, 
“and  they  were  very  loving,  and  told  me  they  much 
desired  to  know  God.”  From  thence  he  crossed  over 
to  the  colony  of  Plymouth,  and  was  engaged  in 
religious  service  among  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
that  province.  “Some  of  them,”  he  says,  “had  true 


New  England  Judged,  92.  Besse,  II.  189,  and  Bowden,  1. 122. 
* New  England  Judged,  29,  and  Besse,  II.  196. 


382 


VISIT  TO  INDIANS. 


[1 658. 


breathings  after  the  knowledge  of  God.”  He  was 
there  joined  by  John  Copeland,  and  ‘Ghey  proceeded 
from  tribe  to  tribe  among  the  natives  of  Massachusetts, 
sounding  the  day  of  the  Lord,  being  received  with 
courtesy  and  kindness.” 

On  reaching  the  town  of  Sandwich,  they  went  to  a 
Friend’s  house ; but  the  authorities  being  informed 
of  their  arrival,  sent  an  officer,  by  whom  they  “ were 
hauled  out  with  violence”  and  committed  to  prison.^ 

On  being  liberated,  they  resumed  their  gospel 
labors  among  the  Algonquins,  ‘‘preaching  the  un- 
searchable riches  of  Christ,  and  inviting  them  to  Him 
as  the  Leader,  the  Comforter,  and  all-sufficient  Saviour 
of  his  people.”  The  Indians  were  aware  of  the 
animosity  manifested  towards  Friends  by  the  rulers 
of  Massachusetts.  One  of  the  chiefs  said  to  Josiah 
Cole,  “ The  Englishmen  do  not  love  Quakers ; but 
the  Quakers  are  honest  men,  and  do  no  harm,  and 
this  is  no  Englishman’s  sea  or  land,  and  Quakers 
shall  come  here  and  welcome.”  Josiah  Cole  was 
deeply  impressed  with  their  kindness.  “I  do  con- 
fess,” he  wrote,  -‘this  to  be  the  Lord’s  hand  of  love 
towards  me;  through  the  goodness  of  the  Lord  we 
found  these  Indians  more  sober  and  Christian-like 
towards  us  than  the  Christians,  so  called.”^ 

This  faithful  minister  of  the  gospel,  having  accom- 
plished his  mission  in  America,  embarked  for  Eng- 
land; and  Thomas  Thurston,  after  a short  stay  in 
Khode  Island,  returned  to  Virginia. 

Hitherto  we  have  seen  that  the  burden  of  suffering 
rested  chiefly  on  the  messengers  of  the  gosp'fl  coming 


* New  England  Judged,  180.  Bowden’s  History,  I.  j*^5. 
2 Josiah  Cole’s  Letter,  quoted  by  Bowden, 


1658.] 


PERSECUTION  AT  BOSTON. 


383 


from  abroad,  but  as  the  number  of  proselytes  increased 
in  Xew  England,  and  meetings  were  held  among 
them  after  the  manner  of  Friends,  they  were  made  to 
feel  the  weight  of  persecution,  by  the  spoiling  of  their 
goods,  imprisonment,  scourging,  and  banishment. 

A meeting  being  held  at  the  house  of  Nicholas 
Phelps,  in  the  woods,  about  five  miles  from  Salem,  a 
commissioner  named  Butler  attended  and  caused  to 
be  arrested,  Samuel  Shattock,  Lawrence  Southwick, 
Cassandra,  his  wife,  Josiah,  their  son,  Samuel  Gaskin, 
and  Joshua  Bufi’um.  When  brought  before  the  magis- 
trates, one  of  the  prisoners  asked  “How  a Quaker 
might  be  known  ?”  Simon  Broadstreet,  one  of  the 
magistrates,  answered,  “ Thou  art  one  for  coming  in 
with  thy  hat  on.”  To  which  the  prisoner  rejoined, 
“ It  is  a horrible  thing  to  make  such  cruel  laws,  to 
whip,  and  cut  ofl*  ears,  and  bore  through  the  tongue, 
for  not  putting  ofi*  the  hat.  They  were  sent  to  Boston 
and  committed  to  the  House  of  Correction,  where, 
after  some  weeks,  Samuel  Shattock  and  Joshua  Buf- 
fum  were  released;  but  the  Southwicks  were  still 
detained  in  prison.  Nicholas  Phelps  being  arraigned 
before  the  court,  and  appearing  with  his  hat  on, 
was  sent  to  Ipswich  jail,  and  several  times  cruelly 
whipped.^ 

Katherine  Scott,  of  Providence,  Ehode  Island,  an 
aged  woman,  of  good  education  and  respectable 
standing,  was  at  Boston  when  Christopher  Holder, 
John  Copeland,  and  John  Rous,  suffered  the  loss  of 
their  ears,  and  she  believed  it  her  duty  to  remonstrate 
with  the  rulers  on  account  of  this  cruel  mutilation.. 
Her  faithful  admotiition  being  resented,  she  was  com- 


* Besse,  II.  188, 


884 


KATHERINE  SCOTT. 


[1658.  - 


mitted  to  prison  and  ^‘subjected  to  tlie  ignominious 
torture  of  the  lash.” 

During  her  examination  she  was  told  that  ^^they 
were  likely  to  have  a law  to  hang  her  if  she  came 
thither  again;”  to  which  she  answered,  ‘‘If  God  call 
us,  wo  be  to  us  if  we  come  not ; and  I question  not 
but  he  whom  we  love,  will  make  us  not  to  count  our 
lives  dear  unto  ourselves  for  the  sake  of  his  name.” 
The  unfeeling  Endicott  replied,  “And  we  shall  be  as 
ready  to  take  away  your  lives  as  ye  shall  be  to  lay 
them  down.”  ^ This  courageous  and  intelligent  wo- 
man was  the  sister  of  Anne  Hutchinson,  the  celebrated 
leader  of  the  Antinomians,  and  of  John  Wheelwright, 
both  of  whom  were  banished  from  Massachusetts,  in 
1637,  for  their  religious  opinions.  Her  husband, 
Hichard  Scott,  and  eight  or  nine  of  her  children,  em- 
braced the  principles  of  Friends.  “The  power  of 
God,”  writes  John  Rous,  “took  place  in  all  her  chil- 
dren.” “ One  of  her  daughters  spoke  as  a minister  in 
the  following  year,  although  but  eleven  years  of  age.”^ 

In  the  town  of  Sandwich,  there  were  many  con- 
vinced of  Friends’  principles,  who  absented  them- 
selves from  the  established  worship,  and  held  meetings 
among  themselves.  The  oath  of  fidelity  being  ten- 
dered to  them  in  order  to  ensnare  them,  they  con- 
scientiously refused  to  take  it,  and  for  these  oftences 
they  suftered  by  distraint  of  their  goods,  property 
being  taken  from  nineteen  individuals  to  the  value 
of  six  hundred  and  sixty  pounds.^ 

In  other  parts  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts, 
Friends,  and  those  who  sympathized  with  them,  were 


* New  England  Judged,  95. 
'•Besse,  II.  195. 


* Bowden^s  History,  II.  143. 


1658.] 


PERSECUTING  LAWS. 


385 


subjected  to  severe  penalties.  Samuel  Shattock,  of 
Salem,  for  attending  a meeting,  was  imprisoned  and 
scourged,  and  had  “half  of  his  house,  and  the  ground 
belonging  to  it,  seized  for  the  fines  imposed;”  and 
three  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sandwich  were  placed  in 
the  stocks,  merely  for  taking  John  Rous  by  the  hand 
when  he  suffered  for  his  religious  principles. 

In  proportion  as  the  doctrines  of  Friends  took  root 
and  spread  in  the  colonies,  the  clergy  and  rulers  of 
Massachusetts  resorted  to  more  sanguinary  measures, 
manifesting  the  cruelty  of  intolerant  zeal,  wdiich 
proved,  however,  to  be  utterly  powerless,  when  op- 
posed to  the  meekness  and  firmness  of  a Christian 
spirit. 

On  the  20th  of  the  Tenth  month,  1658,  an  act  was 
passed  by  the  General  Court  at  Boston  for  the  banish- 
ment of  Friends  on  pain  of  death.  In  this  law  it  is 
declared,  that  any  of  “the  cursed  sect  of  the  Qua- 
kers,” not  an  inhabitant,  but  found  within  this  juris- 
diction, may  be  arrested  without  a warrant  when  no 
magistrate  is  at  hand,  by  any  constable,  commissioner 
or  select-man,  and  committed  to  prison,  there  to  re- 
main till  the  next  court  of  assistants ; and  being  con- 
victed by  the  court  “ to  be  of  the  sect  of  the  Quakers, 
shall  be  sentenced  to  be  banished  upon  pain  of  death.” 
And  “every  inhabitant  of  this  jurisdiction  convicted 
to  be  of  the  aforesaid  sect,”  or  “ defending  the  horrid 
opinions  of  the  Quakers,”  ....  denying  civil  respect 
to  equals  or  superiors,  and  withdrawing  from  our  church 
assemblies,  and  instead  thereof  frequenting  meetings 
of  their  own,”  ....  shall  be  committed  to  close  prison 
one  month,  and  then,  unless  they  voluntarily  depart 
this  jurisdiction,  shall  give  bond  for  their  good  beha- 
vior, and  appear  at  the  next  court,  when,  continuing 
I — 33 


386  PERSECUTION  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1659. 

obstinate,  and  refusing  to  retract  and  reform  the  afore- 
said opinions,  they  shall  be  sentenced  to  banishment 
upon  pain  of  death.”  ^ 

This  sanguinary  law,  which  passed  by  a majority 
of  one,  was  made  at  the  instigation  of  the  clergy,  and 
bears  on  its  face  the  evidence  of  their  arrogance  and 
bigotry.^  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  charging 
Friends  with  ‘‘  denying  civil  respect  to  equals  or  supe- 
riors,” they  allude  to  the  practice  of  keeping  on  their 
hats,  and  refusing  to  give  titles  of  honor.  On  such 
frivolous  grounds  did  those  sanctimonious  Pharisees 
proceed  to  inflict  on  an  innocent  and  peaceable  people 
the  extreme  penalty  of  banishment  or  death. 

The  flrst  person  on  whom  the  recent  law  was  made 
to  operate  was  'William  Brend.  This  aged  minister 
of  the  gospel,  who  bore  on  his  body  the  scars  produced 
by  his  former  scourgings  in  Boston,  being  again  in 
that  city  in  the  Third  month,  1659,  was  arrested  and 
sentenced  to  banishment  on  pain  of  death,  two  days 
only  being  allowed  for  his  departure.  There  appears 
to  be  no  evidence  of  his  being  then  on  a religious 
mission,  and  from  the  fact  that  he  withdrew  to  Bhode 
Island,  we  may  reasonably  conclude  that  he  felt  no 
religious  obligation  to  remain  in  Boston ; for  on  a 
former  occasion  his  fldelity  to  the  cause  of  truth  had 
been  abundantly  manifested.^ 

The  next  victims  subjected  to  the  operation  of  this 
inhuman  law,  were  Samuel  Shattock,  bTicholas  Phelps, 
Joshua  Buflum,  Lawrence  Southwick,  Cassandra  his 
wife,  and  their  son  Josiah,  all  inhabitants  of  Salem. 


* Besse,  II.  190. 

* Ibid,  Bowden,  I.  157.  New  England  judged,  101. 
3 Bowden^s  Hist.,  I.  161. 


1659.]  PERSECUTION  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  387 

They  had  before  been  sufferers  for  conscience’  sake ; 
some  having  been  prisoners  for  ten,  and  others  for 
twenty  weeks ; three  had  been  once  subjected  to 
scourging ; two  others  twice ; and  one  no  less  than 
four  times,  besides  being  plundered  of  their  property 
to  a large  amount.  In  the  Third  month,  1659,  they 
were  arraigned  before  the  court,  when  one  of  the  pri- 
soners asked  the  governor  “ what  was  the  cause  of 
these  proceedings  against  them  ?”  He  answered,  ‘‘It 
is  for  contemning  authority  in  not  coming  to  the  or- 
dinances of  God and  he  added,  “You  have  rebelled 
against  the  authority  of  the  country  in  not  departing 
according  to  our  order.”  The  Friends  replied,  “We 
have  no  other  place  to  go  to ; our  wives,  and  children, 
and  estates  are  here ; we  have  done  nothing  worthy 
of  death,  banishment,  or  bonds ; and  as  for  keeping 
meetings  of  our  own,  we  have  already  suffered  the 
penalty,  by  having  upwards  of  a hundred  pounds 
taken  from  us.”  The  governor  being  silent,  major- 
general  Denison  told  them  that  “ Thev  stood  as:aiiist 
the  authority  of  the  countiy  in  not  submitting  to  their 
laws;”  and  he  added,  “You  and  we  are  not  able  to 
live  together,  and  at  present  the  power  is  in  our  hands, 
therefore  the  strongest  must  fend  off.”^  The  six  Friends 
were  taken  out  of  court  for  a short  time,  and  then 
brought  back,  when  sentence  of  banishment  on  pain 
of  death  was  pronounced  upon  them,  only  two  weeks 
being  allowed  for  their  preparation  and  departure. 

Four  days  afterwards,  Samuel  Shattock,  Nicholas 
Phelps,  and  Josiah  South wuck,  embarked  in  a vessel 
bound  for  Barbadoes,  intending  to  go  from  thence  to 
England.  Joshua  Buffum  went  to  Rhode  Island ; and 


New  England  Judged,  106.  Besse,  II.  198. 


388  PERSECUTION  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1659. 

the  aged  couple,  Lawrence  and  Cassandra  Southwick, 
passed  over  to  Shelter  Island,  which  lies  near  the 
eastern  end  of  Long  Island,  and  at  that  time  belonged 
to  Nathaniel  Silvester,  a Friend.  Soon  after  reaching 
this  hospitable  retreat,  and  within  three  days  of  each 
other,  the  venerable  exiles  were  released  by  death 
from  the  trials  of  time,  and  doubtless  admitted  to  the 
rest  reserved  for  the  righteous. 

The  rulers  of  Massachusetts,  not  satisfied  with 
banishing  the  parents,  now  directed  their  unrelenting 
hostility  against  the  children.  The  only  members  of 
the  Southwick  family  left  in  the  colony  were  a son, 
Daniel,  and  a daughter  named  Provided.  These  two 
young  persons  were  not  deterred  from  following  in 
the  footsteps  of  their  worthy  parents.  They  absented 
themselves  from  the  congregation  of  their  persecutors,* 
and  for  this  offence  were  fined  ten  pounds,  although 
it  was  well  known  that  they  had  no  estate,  their  pa- 
rents having  been  reduced  to. poverty  by  repeated 
exactions. 

In  order  to  satisfy  this  unjust  penalty,  an  order  was 
issued  by  the  General  Court  at  Boston,  authorizing 
the  Treasurer  to  sell  Daniel  and  Provided  Southwick 
‘‘  to  any  of  the  English  nation  at  Virginia  or  Barba- 
does.”^  An  attempt  was  made  by  Edmund  Batter, 
the  Treasurer,  to  carry  into  eflect  this  nefarious 
scheme.  He  endeavored  to  transport  them  to  Barba- 
does  for  sale ; but  the  masters  of  vessels  to  whom  he 
applied  refused  to  take  them.  One  of  the  captains,  in 
order  to  try  him,  objected,  that  “ They  would  spoil 


* In  AVhittier’s  beautiful  poem  on  this  subject,  he  has  availed 
himself  of  a poet’s  license  by  substituting  for  “Provided,”  the 
name  of  “ Cassandra  Southwick.” 


1G59.] 


WILLIAM  ROBINSON. 


389 


his  ship’s  company.”  “Xo,”  said  the  Treasurer,  ^^you 
need  not  fear  that,  for  they  are  poor  harmless  crea- 
tures, and  will  not  hurt  anybody.”  “ Will  you,  then,” 
rejoined  the  captain,  ‘‘  offer  to  make  slaves  of  such 
harmless  creatures  ?”  Thus,  the  self-righteous  minis- 
ters and  rulers  of  Boston  were  rebuked  by  the  sympa- 
thizing mariners,  and  the  brother  and  sister  were  set 
at  liberty  to  provide  for  themselves.^ 

The  intolerant  zeal  of  the  persecutors  having 
reached  its  climax,  they  were  prepared  to  execute  on 
their  next  victims  the  extreme  penalty  of  their  san- 
guinary law. 

William  Robinson,  a merchant  of  London,  was  one 
of  the  company  who  came  over  with  Capt.  Fowler, 
in  the  Woodhouse.  He  had  for  some  time  been  en- 
gaged in  religious  service  in  Virginia,  and  came  to 
Rhode  Island  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1659.  Here 
he  met  with  Marmaduke  Stevenson,  a countryman 
of  Yorkshire,  who  had  recently  come  from  Barba- 
does.  While  in  Rhode  Island,  William  Robinson 
came  under  deep  religious  exercise,  which  he  subse- 
quently described  in  the  following  language : “ On 
the  eighth  day  of  the  Fourth  month,  1659,  in  the 
after  part  of  the  day,  in  travelling  betwixt  Xewport, 
in  Rhode  Island,  and  Daniel  Gould’s  house,  with  my 
dear  brother  Christopher  Holder,  the  word  of  the 
Lord  came  expressly  to  me,  which  did  fill  me  imme- 
diately with  life,  and  power,  and  heavenly  love,  by 
which  he  constrained  me  and  commanded  me  to  pass 
to  the  town  of  Boston,  my  life  to  laydown  in  his  will, 
for  the  accomplishing  of  his  service,  that  he  had  there 


* Besse,  II.  197.  New  England  Judged,  107. 

33* 


390  W.  ROBINSON  AND  M.  STEVENSON.  [1659. 

to  perform  at  the  day  appointed.  To  which  heavenly 
voice  I presently  yielded  obedience.”’  . . . 

Marmaduke  Stevenson,  while  in  Barbadoes  engaged 
in  religious  services,  conceived  it  to  be  his.  religious 
duty  to  visit  'New  England,  and  soon  after  his  arrival 
in  Rhode  Island,  his  mind  was  impressed  with  a com- 
mand, which  he  believed  to  be  from  the  Lord,  saying, 
“ Go  to  Boston,  with  thy  brother  William  Robinson.” 
These  two  devoted  servants  of  the  Most  High,  yield- 
ing without  hesitation  to  their  impressions  of  duty, 
proceeded  towards  Boston,  which  they  reached  about 
the  middle  of  the  Fonuth  month,  on  a day  of  public 
fasting.  They  went  to  one  of  the  meetings,  where, 
after  waiting  till  the  minister  had  done,  they  attempted 
to  address  the  congregation.  Their  presence  pro- 
duced great  excitement,  and  they  were  forthwith  sent 
to  prison.  At  the  same  time,  Nicholas  Davis,  of 
Sandwich,  and  Patience  Scott,  a young  Friend  of 
Providence,  being  in  Boston,  were  committed  to 
prison  under  the  same  warrant. 

The  business  which  called  Nicholas  Davis  to  Boston 
was  of  a temporal  nature ; but  the  object  of  Patience 
Scott’s  visit  was  ‘‘  to  bear  witness  against  the  perse- 
cuting spirit”  of  the  clergy  and  rulers  of  Massa- 
chusetts.^ Her  extreme  youthfulness  imparts  addi- 
tional interest  to  her  extraordinary  journey.  Her 
parents  were  Richard  and  Katherine  Scott,  of  Provi- 
dence, already  mentioned,  and,  at  the  time  of  her 
visit  to  Boston,  she  was  only  eleven  years  old,  but 
endued  with  a v^isdom  much  beyond  her  age,  and 
called  by  the  Most  High  to  bear  witness  to  his  truth. 


* Besse,  II.  199.  N.  Eng.  Judged,  127.  Bowden’s  Hist.,  I.  167. 
2 Ibid. 


1659.J 


PATIENCE  SCOTT. 


391 


Hers  is  not  the  only  case  of  very  young  persons  in  the 
Society  of  Friends,  being  called  to  the  ministry  of,the 
gospel,  as  may  he  seen  in  the  course  of  this  work. 
During  her  examination  before  the  magistrates,  she 
spoke  so  well  to  the  purpose,  that  she  confounded  her 
enemies,  some  of  whom  confessed  that  they  had  many 
children  who  had  been  well  educated,  and  that  it  were 
well  if  they  could  say  half  as  much  for  God  as  she 
could  for  the  devil.”’ 

William  Kohiuson,  writing  to  George  Fox,  about  a 
month  after  her  imprisonment,  thus  alludes  to  her: 
“Here  is  a daughter  of  Katherine  Scott,  who  is  a 
prisoner  in  the  jailer’s  house : she  is  a fine  child,  and 
is  finely  kept : she  is  about  eleven  or  twelve  years  of 
age,  and  is  of  good  understanding.” 

This  youthful  confessor  placed  the  court  in  a 
dilemma ; for  it  seemed  absurd  to  banish,  on  pain  of 
death,  a mere  child ; and,  therefore,  they  placed  on 
record  the  following  singular  minute  : 

“ The  court,  duly  considering  the  malice  of  Satan 
and  his  instruments,  by  all  means  and  ways  to  propa- 
gate error  and  disturb  the  truth,  and  being  in  confu- 
sion among  us  ; that  Satan  is  put  to  his  shifts,  to  make 
use  of  such  a child,  not  being  of  the  years  of  discre- 
tion, nor  understanding  the  principles  of  religion, 
judge  meet  so  far  to  slight  her  as  a Quaker,  as  only 
to  admonish  and  instruct  her  according  to  her  capa- 
cityj  and  so  discharge  her ; Captain  Hutchinson 
undertaking  to  send  her  home.”^ 

William  Robinson,  while  imprisoned  at  Boston, 
wrote  a letter  to  George  Fox,  in  which  he  saj^s,  “I 


1 New  EDgland  Judged,  114,  and  Sewel,  I.  279. 
^ Bowden’s  History,  II.  169. 


392 


MARY  DYER. 


[1659. 


am  now  a prisoner,  with  my  brother,  Marmaduke 
Stevenson,  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus.  Soon  after  I 
came  to  Rhode  Island,  the  Lord  commanded  me  to 
pass  to  Boston,  to  bear  my  testimony  against  their 
persecution,  and  to  try  their  bloody  law  which  they 
have  made,  with  the  laying  down  of  my  life,  if  they 
have  power  to  take  it  from  me ; for  truly  I am  given 
up  in  my  spirit  into  the  hand  of  the  Lord  to  do  with 
me  as  he  sees  meet ; for  verily  my  life  is  laid  down 
and  my  spirit  is  freely  given  up  for  the  service  of  God, 
whereunto  he  hath  called  me.”  ^ 

While  these  devoted  disciples  of  Christ  were  await- 
ing their  trial,  another  was  added  to  their  number. 
Mary  Dyer  was  an  inhabitant  of  Rhode  Island,  and 
the  mother  of  several  children.  Her  husband  was 
one  of  the  original  settlers  of  that  Island,  and  held 
the  office  of  secretary.  It  appears  that  in  early  life 
she  had  been  one  of  Anne  Hutchinson’s  adherents, 
who  were  expelled  from  Massachusetts  on  account 
of  their  religious  opinions.^  After  she  became  a 
Friend,  she  was  imprisoned  in  Boston,  in  1657,  and 
in  Hew  Haven,  in  1658,  which  places  she  visited  as  a 
minister  of  the  gospel.  In  1659,  hearing  of  the  im- 
prisonment of  four  Friends  in  Boston,  she  believed  it 
her  duty  to  visit  them  ; and  soon  after  her  arrival  in 
that  city  she  was  likewise  committed  to  prison. 

At  the  Court  of  Assistants,  held  the  12th  of  the 
Seventh  month  (September),  sentence  of  banishment 
on  pain  of  death  was  passed  upon  William  Robinson, 
Marmaduke  Stevenson,  Mary  Dyer,  and  Hicholas 
Davis,  on  the  simple  ground  that  they  were  Quakers, 
and  they  were  allowed  but  two  days  to  depart  .the 
jurisdiction. 


‘ Bowden’s  History,  I.  171. 


2 Ibid,  I.  202. 


1659.] 


MAEY  DYER. 


393 


Being  discharged  from  prison,  Nicholas  Davis  pro- 
ceeded to  his  house  at  Sandwich,  and  Mary  Dyer 
returned  to  her  family  in  Rhode  Island ; but  William 
Robinson,  and  Marmaduke  Stevenson,  went  to  Salem, 
where,  among  their  fellow-believers,  they  were  en- 
gaged in  religious  labor. 

Daniel  Gould,  of  Rhode  Island,  joined  them  at 
Salem  from  a sense  of  duty.  ‘MIere,’*  he  remarks, 
“ the  people  were  much  exercised  in  their  minds  con- 
cerning them,  and  some  were  willing  to  hear;  hut  by 
reason  of  their  cruel  law,  were  afraid  to  have  meet- 
ings at  their  houses.  They  had*  a meeting  in  the 
woods,  not  far  from  Salem,  and  great  flocking  there 
was  to  hear;  the  Lord  was  mightily  with  them,  and 
they  spoke  of  the  things  of  God  boldly,  to  the  affect- 
ing and  tendering  of  the  hearts  of  many.”^ 

They  travelled  northward  as  far  as  Piscataway,  and 
“found  the  people  tender  and  loving.”  “Divers,” 
says  Peter  Pearson,  “were  convinced,  the  power  of 
the  Lord  accompanying  them;  and  with  astonish- 
ment confounded  their  enemies  before  them,  great 
was  their  service  in  that  jurisdiction  for  four  weeks 
and  upwards.”^ 

In  the  mean  time,  Mary  Dyer,  accompanied  by  Hope 
Clifton,  a Friend,  of  Rhode  Island,  returned  to  Boston, 
under  an  apprehension  of  religious  duty.  They  went 
to  the  prison  to  visit  Christopher  Holder,  who,  about 
three  weeks  previously,  had  come  to  Boston  to  seek 
a passage  for  England,  but  was  apprehended  and  im- 
prisoned. Mary  Dyer,  being  recognised  by  an  officer, 
was  imprisoned  in  the  House  of  Correction,  together 


‘ D.  Gould’s  Narrative,  quoted  by  Bowden. 
® P.  Pearson’s  Letter,  quoted  by  Bowden. 


394  PERSECUTION  AT  BOSTON.  [1659. 

with  her  friend  Hope  Clifton.  On  the  same  day, 
Mary  Scott,  of  Providence,  daughter  of  Eichard  and 
Katherine  Scott,  having  come  to  visit  Christopher 
Holder,  to  whom  she  was  under  engagement  of  mar- 
riage, was  likewise  arrested  and  imprisoned. 

Eobert  Harper,  of  Sandwich,  about  the  same  time, 
came  to  Boston  on  business,  and  being  arrested  as  a 
Quaker,  was  imprisoned  with  them.  In  addition  to 
these,  the  good  old  Mcholas  TJpshall,  having  returned 
to  visit  his  family,  after  three  years’  banishment,  was 
again  incarcerated  by  his  relentless  persecutors. 

In  less  than  a week  after  the  return  of  Mary  Dyer 
to  Boston,  William  Eobinson  ^nd  Marmaduke  Steven- 
son made  their  appearance  in  that  city,  with  the  full 
expectation  of  laying  down  their  lives  as  a testimony 
for  the  Truth.  They  were  accompanied  by  Daniel 
Gould,  Hannah,  the  wife  of  the  exiled  Kicholas 
Phelps,  William  King,  Mary  Trask,  Margaret  Smith, 
and  Alice  Cowland,  the  latter  of  whom  “ brought 
linen  to  wrap  the  dead  bodies  of  those  who  w^ere  to 
suffer.”^  “This  mournful  little  company,  as  they  left 
Salem,  bearing  with  them  the  habiliments  for  the 
dead,  partook  much  of  the  character  of  a funeral  pro- 
cession ; and  as  they  drew  towards  the  persecuting 
city,  they  felt  that  they  were  approaching  the  spot 
where  they  were  to  witness  the  martyrdom  of  two 
beloved  servants  of  Christ.”^  It  was  a manifestation 
of  fidelity  and  fortitude  that  has  seldom  been  equalled 
in  any  age  of  the  Christian  church. 

On  their  arrival  at  Boston,  they  were  promptly 
arrested,  and,  “ after  a mocking  and  scoffing  exami- 
nation by  the  magistrates,”  they  were  all  committed 


New  England  Judged,  119. 


2 Bowden^s  History,  I.  177. 


1659.] 


TRIAL  OF  FRIENDS. 


895 


to  prison,  the  jailer  being  directed  to  place  "William 
Robinson  and  Marmaduke  Stevenson  in  chains,  and 
to  keep  them  in  a separate  celld 

About  the  same  time.  Provided  Southwick  coming 
to  the  jail  to  see  a relative,  was  met  by  the  deputy- 
governor  and  committed  to  prison. 

On  the  19th  of  October  (then  the  Eighth  month, 
0.  S.),  1659,  William  Robinson,  Marmaduke  Steven- 
son, and  Mary  Oyer,  were  arraigned  before  the  court, 
and  asked,  “ Why  they  came  into  that  jurisdiction 
after  being  banished  on  pain  of  death  ?”  To  which 
they  answered,  that  ‘‘  they  came  in  obedience  to  a 
divine  call.”  The  governor  said,  “he  desired  not 
their  deaths,  and  that  they  had  liberty  to  speak  for 
themselves yet  he  commanded  the  jailer  to  take 
them  away,  and  they  were  returned  to  prison. 

The  next  day  there  was  a meeting  for  worship,  at 
which  the  officiating  minister  endeavored  to  stir  up 
the  persecuting  zeal  of  his  audience.  “After  the 
worship  was  ended,”  says  Bishop,  “being  heated  by 
the  priests  and  prepared  to  shed  the  blood  of  the  in- 
nocent,” the  three  Friends  were  again  brought  before 
the  court.^  Endicott,  the  governor,  said  to  them, 
“We  have  made  many  laws,  and  endeavored  by 
several  ways  to  keep  you  from  us,  and  neither  whip- 
ping nor  imprisonment,  cutting  off  ears  nor  banish- 
ment upon  pain  of  death,  will  keep  you  from  among 
us  ; I desire  not  your  death.”  Yet  presently  he  added, 
“Give  ear,  and  hearken  to  your  sentence  of  death.” 
Here  he  paused,  as  if  hesitating  to  pronounce  the 
dreadful  penalty.  William  Robinson  then  desired 


^ Bowden’s  History,  I.  177. 

*G.  Bishop’s  New  England  Judged,  120. 


396  SENTENCE  OF  DEATH.  [1659. 

that  he  might  he  permitted  to  read  to  the  court  a 
paper  explanatory  of  his  motives  for  remaining  in  the 
colony.  Endicott  replied,  in  an  angry  tone,  “You 
shall  not  read  it,  nor  will  the  court  hear  it  read.” 
The  paper  being  laid  on  the  table,  was  handed  to  the 
governor,  who  read  it  to  himself;  after  which,  ad- 
dressing William  Robinson,  he  proceeded  to  pro- 
nounce the  horrible  sentence,  “ You  shall  be  had  back 
to  the  place  from  whence  you  came,  and  from  thence 
to  the  place  of  execution,  to  be  hanged  on  the  gallows  - 
till  you  are  dead.”^ 

Marmaduke  Stevenson  being  next  called,  the  gov- 
ernor said  to  him,  “ If  you  have  anything  to  say,  you 
may  speak.”  But  he,  seeing  how  his  friend  had  been 
treated,  made  no  reply.  The  governor  then  pro- 
nounced the  sentence  of  death  upon  him  in  the  usual 
form,  after  which  Marmaduke  Stevenson  spoke  as 
follows : “ Give  ear,  ye  magistrates,  and  all  who  are 
guilty,  for  the  Lord  hath  said  concerning  you,  who 
will  perform  his  word  upon  you,  that  the  same  day 
ye  put  his  servants  to  death  shall  the  day  of  your 
visitation  pass  over  your  heads,  and  you  shall  be 
cursed  forevermore ; the  mouth  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts 
hath  spoken  it.  Therefore,  in  love  to  you  all,  I ex- 
hort you  to  take  warning  before  it  be  too  late,  that  so 
the  curse  may  be  removed.  For,  assuredly,  if  you 
put  us  to  death  you  will  bring  innocent  blood  upon 
your  own  heads,  and  swift  destruction  will  come  upon 
you.”^  Mary  Dyer  was  then  called,  and  the  same 
awful  sentence  pronounced  upon  her.  She  meekly 
replied,  “ The  will  of  the  Lord  be  done ;”  and  when 


* G.  Bishop’s  New  England  Judged,  120. 
2 Ibid,  121.  Sewel,  I.  284. 


1659.]  SYMPATHY  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  397 

the  marshal  was  told  to  take  her  away,  she  said, 
‘‘Yea,  joyfully  shall  I go.”  Ou  her  way  to  the  prison 
she  evinced  the  peace  and  consolation  that  she  expe- 
rienced, by  expressions  of  praise  to  the  Most  High 
that  he  counted  her  worthy  to  suffer  for  his  cause. 

Mobile  in  prison  she  wrote  a letter  to  the  General 
court  in  Boston,  expostulating  with  them  for  their 
cruel  laws  and  persecuting  spirit.  It  concludes  in 
these  words : “ Let  the  time  past  suffice  for  such  a 
profession  as  brings  forth  such  fruits  as  these  laws 
are.  In  love  and  in  the  spirit  of  meekness,  I again 
beseech  you,  for  I have  no  enmity  to  the  persons  of 
any ; but  ye  shall  know  that  God  will  not  be  mocked ; 
but  what  ye  sow  that  shall  ye  reap  from  him  that  will 
render  to  every  one  according  to  the  deeds  done  in 
the  body,  whether  good  or  evil.” 

It  had  been  the  practice  of  the  court,  from  the  be- 
ginning of  this  persecution,  to  prohibit  the  citizens 
from  having  any  intercourse  with  the  imprisoned 
Friends ; but  now,  the  feelings  of  the  people  being 
deeply  moved,  they  flocked  to  the  prison  windows  to 
evince  their  sympathy,  and  hear  exhortations  from 
within.^ 

The  time  appointed  for  the  execution  was  the  27th 
of  the  Eighth  mouth,  being  a week  after  the  condem- 
nation. On  the  morning  of  that  day,  “there  came,” 
says  Daniel  Gould,  “ a multitude  of  people  about  the 
prison,  and  we,  being  in  an  upper  room,  William 
Robinson  put  forth  his  hand  at  a window,  and  spoke 
to  the  people  concerning  the  things  of  God ; at  which 
the  people  flocked  about,  earnest  to  hear,  and  gave 
serious  attention.”^  This  being  noised  abroad,  Cap- 

* New  England  Judged,  122. 

^ Gould’s  Narrative,  quoted  bj  Bowden. 

L — 34 


398  • 


PKEPARATIONS. 


[1659. 


tain  James  Oliver,  and  a company  with  him,  came  to 
disperse  the  crowd ; but  not  being  able  to  effect  it,  he 
entered  the  prison,  and  in  an  abusive  manner,  thrust 
the  Friends  into  a narrow  cell,  where  they  could  not 
see  the  people.  As  we  sat  together,  waiting  upon 
the  Lord,”  writes  one  of  them,  “it  was  a time  of 
love ; for  as  the  world  hated  us,  and  despitefully  used 
us,  so  the  Lord  was  pleased  in  a wonderful  manner 
to  manifest  his  supporting  love  and  kindness  to  us  in 
our  innocent  sufferings,  especially  to  the  worthies  who 
had  now  nearly  finished  their  course,  for  God  had 
given  them  a sure  word  that  their  souls  should  rest  in 
eternal  peace.  God  was  with  them,  and  many  sweet 
and  heavenly  sayings  they  gave  unto  us,  being  them- 
selves filled  with  comfort.” 

While  the  Friends  were  thus  engaged  in  humble 
prayer  and  devout  thanksgiving,  there  was  a public 
meeting  held  in  the  city,  at  which  the  magistrates  and 
others  were  assembled.  Here  the  minister  was  en- 
gaged, as  he  had  been  the  week  previous,  in  blowing 
up  the  fiery  zeal  of  his  followers  against  those  whom 
he  was  pleased  to  term  “ the  cursed  sect  of  Quakers,” 
charging  them  with  holding  “diabolical  doctrines.”^ 
The  lecture  being  ended,  the  drums  were  beaten, 
and  the  marshal,  Michaelson,  attended  by  Captain 
James  Oliver,  with  about  two  hundred  men,  besides 
many  horsemen,  proceeded  to  the  prison.  “While 
we  were  yet  embracing  each  other,  and  taking  leave 
with  full  hearts,”  writes  one  of  the  prisoners,  “the 
ofl&cers  came  in  and  took  the  two  from  us,  as  sheep 
for  the  slaughter.”^  These  two  were  William  Eobin- 
son  and  Marmaduke  Stevenson,  who  were  in  a sepa- 


* G Guides  Narrative,  quoted  by  Bowden. 


2 Ibid. 


1659.]  EXECUTION  OF  FRIENDS.  399 

rate  prison  from  Mary  Dyer,  she  being  in  the  House 
of  Correction. 

The  three  martyrs  being  placed  together,  preceded 
by  the  drummers,  and  guarded  by  soldiers,  the  pro- 
cession began  its  march  to  Boston  Common,  the  place 
of  execution.  The  authorities,  fearing  the  people 
would  be  touched  with  compassion  by  the  mournful 
spectacle,  directed  the  officer  to  proceed  by  a back 
way,  avoiding  the  public  thoroughfare. 

The  marshal  evinced  his  unfeeling  levity  by  saying 
to  Mary  Dyer,  as  she  walked  between  her  two  fellow- 
prisoners,  “Are  you  not  ashamed  to  walk  thus,  hand- 
in-hand,  between  two  young  men?”  “Xo,”  replied 
she,  “ this  is  an  hour  of  the  greatest  joy  I could  par- 
take of  in  this  world.  Xo  eye  can  see,  no  ear  can 
hear,  no  tongue  can  utter,  and  no  heart  can  understand 
the  sweet  incomes  and  the  refreshings  of  the  spirit  of 
the  Lord  which  I now  feel.”  Milliam  Robinson  said, 
“ This  is  your  hour,  and  the  power  of  darkness,”  and 
Marmaduke  Stevenson  added,  “ This  is  the  day  of 
your  visitation,  wherein  the  Lord  hath  visited  you.” 
They  said  more,  but  the  drums  being  beaten,  their 
words  could  not  be  distinguished. 

Milson,  a clergyman  of  Boston,  who  had  urged  the 
court  to  hang  the  Quakers,  now  joined  the  procession, 
and  manifested  his  ruthless  malevolence  by  saying  to 
William  Robinson,  in  a taunting  manner,  “Shall 
such  jacks  as  you  come  in  before  authority  with  their 
hats  on  ?”  To  which  Robinson  replied,  “ Mind  you, 
mind  you,  it  is  for  not  putting  off  the  hat,  that  we  are 
put  to  death.” - 

Having  arrived  at  the  gallows,  William  Robinson 


* New  England  Judged,  124.  Sewel,  I.  288. 


400  EXECUTION  OF  FRIENDS.  [1659. 

went  cheerfully  up  the  ladder,  and  said  to  the  people, 

We  sufier  not  as  evil-doers,  but  as  those  Avho  have 
testified  and  manifested  the  truth.  This  is  the  day 
of  your  visitation,  therefore  mind  the  light  that  is  in 
you  — the  light  of  Christ  — of  which  I have  testified, 
and  am  now  going  to  seal  my  testimony  with  my 
blood.”  This  so  incensed  the  implacable  Wilson, 
that  he  replied,  Hold  thy  tongue ; be  silent ; thou 
art  going  to  die  with  a lie  in  thy  mouth.”  The  rope 
being  now  around  his  neck,  the  executioner  bound 
his  hands  and  legs,  and  tied  his  neckcloth  about  his 
face;  which  being  done,  Eobinson  said,  ‘‘l^ow,  ye 
are  made  manifest.”  His  last  words  were,  ‘‘I  sufier 
for  Christ,  in  whom  I live  and  for  whom  I die.” 

Marmaduke  Stevenson  was  the  next  to  sufier.  As 
he  ascended  the  ladder,  he  said,  “Be  it  known  unto 
all  this  day,  that  we  sufier  not  as  evil-doers,  but  for 
conscience’  sake:”  and  when  about  to  be  turned  ofi*, 
he  added,  “ This  day'  shall  we  be  at  rest  with  the 
Lord.” 

Mary  Dyer,  having  witnessed  the  execution  of  her 
companions,  and  seeing  their  dead  bodies  hanging 
before  her,  firmly  ascended  the  ladder.  The  halter 
being  adjusted,  her  clothes  tied  about  her  feet,  and 
her  face  covered  with  a handkerchief,  which  Wilson 
lent  for  the  purpose,  she  was  just  about  to  be  turned 
ofi*,  when  a cry  was  heard,  “ Stop,  she  is  reprieved.” 

The  reprieve,  which  had  been  granted  at  the  inter- 
cession of  her  son,  being  read,  the  halter  was  taken 
ofi*,  and  she  w^as  requested  to  come  down.  This  was 
a joyful  announcement  to  many  of  the  spectators,  but 
it  brought  no  joy  to  her,  for  she  felt  assured  she  had 
been  standing  on  the  threshold  of  eternal  bliss ; but 
now  she  must  return  to  the  trials  of  time.  “I  am 
willing,”  she  said,  “to  suffer  as  my  brethren  have 


1659.]  SUFFERINGS  OF  FRIENDS.  401 

done,  unless  you  will  annul  your  wicked  law.”^ 
Little  attention  was  paid  to  her  w^ords : the  marshal 
and  others  took  her  dowm,  and  carried  her  back  to 
the  prison,  where  she  was  detained  forty-eight  hours, 
and  then  conveyed  to  Rhode  Island. 

The  bodies  of  the  two  martyrs  were  treated  with 
shocking  indignity,  being  cut  loose  and  suffered  to 
fall,  then  stripped  of  their  clothing,  thrown  into  a pit, 
and  left  uncovered.  Their  friends  were  denied  the 
privilege  of  giving  them  decent  burial,  or  even  of 
fencing  around  the  pit ; which  being  soon  filled  wuth 
water,  alone  prevented  the  wild  beasts  from  preying 
upon  them. 

Many  of  the  people  who  witnessed  the  executions 
returned  sad  and  discontented;  for  they  could  not 
but  perceive  that  malice,  as  well  as  bigotry,  was 
evinced  by  the  conduct  of  their  ministers  and  rulers. 

About  two  w^eeks  after  these  executions,  the  other 
Friends  remaining  in  prison  w^ere  brought  before  the 
court,  and  sentence  passed  upon  them.  Christopher 
Holder  was  banished  on  pain  of  death ; Alice  Cow- 
land,  Hannah  Phelps,  Mary  Scott,  and  Hope  Clifton, 
were  admonished  by  the  governor ; and  all  the  others, 
after  being  stripped  to  the  waist,  were  severely 
scourged  in  the  public  street — Daniel  Gould  receiving 
thirty  stripes,  William  King  fifteen,  and  Margaret 
Smith,  Mary  Trask,  and  Provided  Southwick,  each 
ten  stripes.  They  were  then  remanded  to  prison  until 
the  jailer’s  fees  should  be  paid ; but  this  they  could 
not  conscientiously  do,  and  therefore  they  remained 
prisoners  until  some  sympathizing  citizens  agreed  to 
pay  the  amount. 


34* 


» Sewel,  I.  288. 


402  PERSECUTION  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  [1659. 

The  cruelties  iuflicted  upon  the  Friends,  caused 
much  excitement,  and  so  many  of  the  citizens  crowded 
around  the  jail  during  these  proceedings,  that  a guard 
W'as  set  to  prevent  their  access. 

There  can  he  but  one  opinion,  among  all  reflecting 
minds,  concerning  the  bloody  tragedy  enacted  at 
Bostpn  ; it  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  a 
large  proportion  of  the  colonists  were  opposed  to  the 
course  pursued,  and  the  infamy  must  rest  upon  a few, 
who  were  enabled,  by  the  ecclesiastical  feature  of 
their  government,  to  hold  the  reins  of  power. 


CHAPTER  XY. 

NEW  ENGLAND. 

1659-61. 

So  great  was  the  abhorrence  excited  among  many 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  hj  the  cruelties 
inflicted  on  the  unresisting  Friends,  that  the  perse- 
cuting governor  and  magistrates  found  it  necessary 
to  make  some  etfort  to  appease  the  growing  discon- 
tent. 

They  issued  a declaration”  of  the  grounds  on  which 
they  had  acted,  asserting  that  their  proceedings  against 
"William  Robinson,  Marmaduke  Stevenson,  and  Mary 
Dyer,  were  ‘‘supported  by  the  authority  of  the  court, 
the  laws  of  the  country,  and  the  law  of  God.”  In  - 
this  document,  they  accuse  the  Friends  of  having 


1659.]  PERSECUTION  IN  MASSACHUSETTS.  403 

exhibited  “impetuous  and  frantic  fury,”  in  their  “in- 
solent obtrusions”  upon  the  colony,  after  being  ban- 
ished ; and  they  conclude  as  follows : “ The  conside- 
ration of  our  gradual  proceedings  will  vindicate  us 
from  the  clamorous  accusations  of  severity,  our  own 
just  and  necessary  defence  calling  upon  us,  other 
means  failing,  to  offer  the  point  which  these  persons 
have  violently  and  wilfully  rushed  upon,  and  thereby 
hecomQ  felones  de  se,  which,  might  it  have  been  pre- 
vented, and  the  sovereign  law,  salus  populi,  been  pre- 
served, our  former  proceedings,  as  well  as  the  sparing 
Mary  Dyer  upon  an  inconsiderable  intercession,^  will 
manifestly  e\dnce  that  we  desire  their  lives  absent 
rather  than  their  deaths  present.”  ^ 

In  answer  to  the  charge,  “ that  the  Quakers  rushed 
on  the  sword,  and  so  were  suicides,”  it  has  been  re- 
marked by  a distinguished  historian,  that,  “ Jf  it  were 
so,  the  men  who  held  the  sword  were  accessories  to 
the  crime.”  ^ It  should,  moreover,  be  remembered, 
that  the  Friends  from  England  had  a legal  right  to 
travel  any  where  in  the  British  dominions,  and  that 
the  dependent  colonies  had  no  authority  to  make  laws 
inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  Parliament  or  the  English 
Constitution.  Many  of  those  who  were  banished  on 
pain  of  death,  were  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  and 
the  mere  fact  of  their  being  Quakers  was  the  only 
ground  on  which  they  were  condemned. 

Xo  justification  can  be- found  for  such  inhuman  pro- 
ceedings, nor  were  they  satisfactory  to  the  people  of 
Massachusetts,  save  those  only  whose  passions  had 
been  infiamed  by  the  denunciations  of  the  clergy. 


* New  England  Judged,  and  Sewefs  History. 
2 Bancroft’s  United  States,  I.  454. 


404 


MARY  DYER. 


[1659. 


Colonel  Temple,  a respectable  colonist,  feeling  a sym- 
pathy for  the  persecuted  Friends,  said  to  the  court: 
‘‘If,  according  to  your  declaration,  ye  desire  ‘their 
lives  absent  rather  than  their  deaths  present I will 
beg  them  of  you,  and  carry  them  away  at  my  own 
charge,  and  furnish  them  a house  to  live  in,  corn  to 
eat,  and  land  to  cultivate ; and  if  any  of  them  come 
among  you  again,  I will  remove  them  at  my  own 
charge.”  ^ John  Winthrop,  governor  of  Connecticut, 
was  opposed  to  persecution,  and  he  earnestly  en- 
treated the  authorities  of  Boston  not  to  put  the 
Quakers  to  death.  John  Chamberlain  of  Boston,  and 
Edward  Wharton  of  Salem,  on  witnessing  the  meek- 
ness and  resignation  of  the  suffering  Friends,  were 
led  to  inquire  into  their  principles,  which  being  found 
in  accordance  with  their  own  convictions  of  duty, 
they  cordially  embraced  them,  and  patiently  endured 
the  penalties  that  ensued.^  In  like  manner,  large 
numbers  in  the  several  colonies  of  Hew  England 
were  induced  to  examine  and  embrace  the  pure  and 
peaceable  principles  of  Friends,  showing  that  their 
sufferings  were  eminently  instrumental  in  promoting 
the  cause  they  had  espoused. 

Mary  Dyer,  after  her  reprieve  and  expulsion  from 
Massachusetts,  went  to  her  home  in  Ehode  Island, 
and  having  made  some  stay  there,  she  passed  over  to 
Long  Island,  where  she  spent  most  of  the  winter. 
She  then  went  to  Shelter  Island,  and  from  thence  to 
her  home ; but  she  was  not  permitted  long  to  enjoy 
the  society  of  her  family  and  friends,  for  she  believed 
a necessity  was  laid  upon  her  again  to  visit  the  scene 
of  her  former  sufferings.^  On  the  21st  of  the  Third 

* New  England  Judged,  157.  ^ Ibid. 

® Besse,  II.  206,  and  Bowden's  Hist.  I.  197. 


16G0.] 


MARY  DYER. 


405 


month,  1660,  she  came  to  Boston,  and  during  ten  days 
remained  unmolested,  being  engaged,  as  we  may  rea- 
sonably suppose,  in  inculcating  the  principles  of  her 
faith. 

On  the  31st,  she  was  arraigned  before  the  court,  and 
interrogated  as  follows  : — 

Endicott. — “Are  you  the  same  Mary  Dyer  that  was 
here  before  ?” 

M.  Dyer.  — “I  am  the  same  Mary  Dyer  that  was 
here  the  last  General  Court.” 

Endicott.  — “You  will  own  yourself  a Quaker,  will 
you  not?” 

M.  Dyer.  — “I  own  myself  to  be  reproachfully 
called  so.” 

Endicott. — “ The  sentence  was  passed  upon  her  the 
last  General  Court,  and  now  likewise.  You  must  re- 
turn to  the  prison  and  there  remain  till  to-morrow  at 
nine  o’clock;  then  from  there  you  must  go  to  the 
gallows,  and  there  be  hanged  till  you  are  dead.” 

31.  Dyer. — “ This  is  no  more  than  what  thou  saidst 
before.” 

Endicott.  — “But  now  it  is  to  be  executed;  there- 
fore prepare  yourself  to-morrow  at  nine  o’clock.” 

31.  Dyer.  — “I  came  in  obedience  to  the  will  of 
God,  to  the  last  General  Court,  desiring  you  to  repeal 
your  unrighteous  laws  for  banishment  on  pain  of 
death ; and  that  same  is  my  work  now,  and  earnest 
request;  although  I told  you  that  if  you  refused  to 
repeal  them,  the  Lord  would  send  others  of  his  ser- 
vants to  witness  against  them.” 

Endicott.  — “ Are  you  a prophetess  ?” 

31.  Dyer. — “ I spoke  the  words  that  the  Lord  spoke 
to  me,  and  now  the  thing  is  come  to  pass.”  ^ 


Besse,  II.  206. 


406 


MARY  DYER. 


[1660. 


She  then  proceeded  to  speak  further  of  her  religious 
mission;  but  Endicott  cried,  ‘‘Away  with  her,  away 
with  her and  she  was  forthwith  conducted  to  prison. 

The  family  of  Mary  Dyer  being  involved  in  deep 
distress,  her  husband,  who  was  not  a Friend,  addressed 
to  governor  Endicott  a letter,  beseeching  him  in  the 
most  moving  terms,  to  extend  mercy  to  her,  who,  as 
a wife  and  a mother,  w^as  dearly  beloved.^  This  ap- 
peal seems  to  have  had  no  eftect  upon  the  governor’s 
obdurate  heart. 

About  the  time  appointed,  Michaelson,  the  Mar- 
shal, came  to  the  prison  to  lead  forth  Mary  Dyer  to 
execution.  He  called  her  to  come  without  delay.  She 
desired  him  “ to  stay  a little,  and  she  would  be  ready 
presently.”  He  replied  harshly,  “I  cannot  wait  upon 
you,  but  you  shall  w^ait  upon  me.”  She  was  guarded 
to  the  place  of  execution  by  a band  of  soldiers,  and 
drums  were  beaten  before  and  behind  her  to  prevent 
the  people  from  hearing,  if  she  should  attempt  to 
speak.  Being  come  to  the  gallows,  she  ascended  the 
ladder,  when  she  was  told,  “ If  she  would  return,  she 
might  come  down  and  save  her  life.”  She  answered, 
“Nay,  I cannot,  for  in  obedience  to  the  will  of  the 
Lord  I came,  and  in  his  will  I abide  faithful  to  death.” 
Captain  John  Webb  then  charged  her  with  being 
“ guilty  of  her  own  blood,”  in  coming  thither  after 
being  banished  on  pain  of  death.  “Nay,”  she  re- 
plied, “I  came  to  keep  blood-guiltiness  from  you, 
desiring  you  to  repeal  the  unrighteous  and  unjust  law 
of  banishment  on  pain  of  death,  made  against  the 
innocent  servants  of  the  Lord ; therefore  my  blood 
will  be  required  at  your  hands  who  wilfully  do  it ; but 


1 Bowden^s  Hist.,  I.  200. 


1660.] 


MARY  DYER. 


40T 


for  those  that  do  it  in  the  simplicity  of  their  hearts,  I 
desire  the  Lord  to  forgive  them.  I came  to  do  the 
will  of  my  Father,  and  in  obedience  to  his  will  I stand 
even  to  death.”  Then  cried  Wilson,  the  persecuting 
minister  of  Boston,  “ 0 ! repent,  repent,  and  be  not 
so  deluded  and  carried  away  by  the  deceit  of  the 
devil.”  Mary  Dyer  answered,  “^ay,  man,  I am  not 
now  to  repent and  being  asked  “ whether  she  would 
liave  the  elders  to  pray  for  her?”  she  said,  “I  know 
never  an  elder  here.”  Being  further  questioned, 
“ whether  she  would  have  any  of  the  people  to  pray 
for  her?”  she  said,  ‘‘I  desire  the  prayers  of  all  the 
people  of  God.”  A by-stander  scoffingly  remarked, 
“It  may  be  she  thinks  there  are  none  here.”  She 
answered,  “I  know  but  few  here.”  It  was  again 
suggested  “that  one  of  the  elders  might  pray  for  her.” 
She  replied,  “First  a child,  then  a young  man,  then 
a strong  man,  before  an  elder  in  Christ  Jesus.”  One 
of  her  persecutors  reproached  her  with  having  said 
she  had  been  in  Paradise.  She  unhesitatingly  an- 
swered, “Yea,  I have  been  in  Paradise  these  several 
days;”  and  with  full  assurance  of  divine  favor  she 
spoke  of  the  eternal  happiness  into  which  she  was 
now  to  enter. ^ In  this  happy  frame  of  mind  she  died 
a martyr  for  “the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ,”  and 
doubtless  her  purified  spirit  entered  into  a mansion 
of  bliss. 

Among  the  manifold  sufferings  of  the  Early  Friends, 
none  produced  a more  deep  and  lasting  impression 
than  the  execution  of  Mary  Dyer.  The  gravity  of  her 
deportment,  the  purity  of  her  life,  the  ability  and  re- 
finement of  her  mind,  as  well  as  the  spiritual  gifts 


» Besse,  II.  207.  Sewel,  I.  292. 


408  JOSEPH  AND  JANE  NICHOLSON.  [1660. 

with  which  she  was  endowed,  gave  her  a strong  hold 
on  the  affections  of  her  friends,  and,  doubtless,  induced 
many  to  embrace  those  Christian  principles  which 
shone  forth  in  her  example. 

At  the  time  of  Mary  Dyer’s  execution,  several 
Friends  were  in  prison  at  Boston,  among  whom  were 
Joseph  Nicholson,  and  Jane  his  wife,  from  Cumber- 
land, in  England.  It  appears  that  they  came  with 
the  intention  of  .making  their  residence  in  Massachu- 
setts ; but,  w'ere  arrested,  and  on  the  7th  of  the  First 
month,  1660,  brought  before  the  court  in  Boston. 
After  examination,  by  Endicott,  they  were  remanded 
to  prison.  The  next  day,  being  again  arraigned,  they 
were  sentenced  to  banishment  on  pain  of  death,  and 
allowed  only  till  the  16th  of  the  same  month  for  their 
departure.  Jane  Nicholson  was  not  able  to  travel 
until  the  last  day  of  their  limited  time,  when  they 
went  to  Salem,  and  remained  there  four  days.  On 
the  twentieth,  two  constables  came  and  conducted 
them  to  Boston,  where  they  were  again  imprisoned, 
having,  according  to  the  law  of  Massachusetts,  for- 
feited their  lives  by  remaining  in  the  colony.  While 
lying  in  prison,  Joseph  Nicholson  wrote  a remon- 
strance to  the  rulers  of  the  province,  entitled  “The 
Standard  of  the  Lord,  lifted  up  in  New  England,  in 
opposition  to  the  man  of  Sin.”^ 

On  the  day  that  Mary  Dyer  was  executed,  Joseph 
and  Jane  Nicholson  were  arraigned  before  the  court, 
and  again  manifested  their  fidelity  to  their  Lord^  and 
Master,  by  avowing  their  principles  at  the  hazard  of 
their  lives.  The  sanguinary  tribunal  was  brought  to 
a pause;  the  judges,  probably  fearing  the  indignation 


* Whiting^s  Catalogue,  and  Bowden^s  Hist. 


1660.] 


WILLIAM  LEDDRA. 


409 


of  the  people,  durst  not  pronounce  the  awful  sentence 
of  death,  and  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty. 
Leaving  Boston,  they  proceeded  to  the  colony  of  Ply- 
mouth, hut  there  the  authorities  would  not  suffer  them 
to  remain ; and  they  sought  a resting-place  in  Rhode 
Island,  the  asylum  of  the  persecuted.  ^ 

William  Leddra,  an  inhabitant  of  Barhadoes,  has 
already  been  mentioned  as  having  been  imprisoned 
at  Boston.^  After  his  release  he  went  to  Barhadoes, 
but,  subsequently  returned  to  Rew  England,  and 
visited  Massachusetts,  where  he  was  arrested,  severely 
scourged,  and  banishetl  on  pain  of  death.  Under  a 
sense  of  religious  duty,  he  returned  to  Boston,  towards 
the  close  of  the  year  1660;  and,  on  going  to  the  jail 
to  visit  the  Friends  confined  there,  he  was  arrested 
and  imprisoned.  Having,  according  to  their  law,  for- 
feited his  life  by  returning,  he  was  treated  with  great 
barbarity;  being  placed  in  irons,  and  chained  to  a log 
of  wood,  he  was  kept  without  fire  in  an  open  prison, 
exposed  to  the  severity  of  a Uew  England  winter. 

On  the  9th  of  the  First  month,  1661,  he  was  ar- 
raigned before  the  court  of  assistants,  together  with 
his  fellow-prisoners,  Edward  Wharton  of  Salem,  John 
Chamberlain  of  Boston,  and  Robert  Harper  and  his 
wife  of  Sandwich.  William  Leddra  being  brought  to 
the  bar  with  his  irons  upon  him,  and  still  chained  to 
the  log,  was  told,  that  having  returned  after  sentence 
of  banishment,  he  had  incurred  the  penalty  of  death 
by  the  law.”  He  inquired  “ what  evil  he  had  done  ?” 
The  court  answered,  “ he  bad  owned  those  that  were 
put  to  death,  and  said  they  were  innocent;  had  refused 
to  put  off  his  hat  in  court,  and  said  thee  and  thou.” 


* New  England  Judged,  223. 

L-^35 


=*  See  Chap.  XIV, 


410 


WENLOCK  CHRISTISON. 


[1660. 


He  replied,  ‘‘Will  you  put  me  to  death  for  speaking 
English,  and  for  not  putting  ofi*  my  clothes  ?”  Major- 
General  Denison  made  the  irrelevant  and  absurd  re- 
mark, “A  man  may  speak  treason  in  English.”  “Is 
it  treason,”  replied  William  Leddra,  “ to  say  thee  and 
thou  to  a single  person  ?”  Simon  Broadstreet,  a per- 
secuting magistrate,  inquired,  “ Will  you  go  for  Eng- 
land?” William  answered,  “I  have  no  business 
there.”  “ Then  you  shall  go  that  way,”  said  Broad- 
street, pointing  to  the  gallows.  “What,”  said  the 
prisoner,  “ will  you  put  me  to  death  for  breathing  the 
air  in  your  jurisdiction  ? What  have  you  against 
me?  I appeal  to  the  laws  of  England  for  my  trial; 
if  by  them  I am  guilty,  I refuse  not  to  die.”  The 
court  would  not  accept  his  appeal,  but  endeavored  to 
persuade  him  to  recant  and  renounce  his  alleged 
errors.  With  unwavering  fidelity  he  answered, 
“What!  to  join  wdth  such  murderers  as  you  are; 
then  let  every  man  that  meets  me  say,  ‘Lo!  this  is 
the  man  that  hath  forsaken  the  God  of  his  salvation.’  ” 
At  this  juncture,  Edw^ard  Wharton,  and  some  of 
his  fellow-prisoners  in  court,  began  to  manifest  their 
abhorrence  of  the  attempt  to  condemn  an  innocent 
man  on  such  frivolous  pretences.  One  of  the  magis- 
trates cried  out,  “gag  Edward  Wharton:”  others 
called  to  the  jailer  to  take  them  away ; and,  accord- 
ingly, they  w^ere  all,  except  William  Leddra,  re- 
manded to  prison.^  But  another  interruption  of  a 
most  extraordinary  kind  now  took  place.  Wenlock 
Christison,  a Friend,  who  had  at  a former  term  been 
banished  on  pain  of  death,  deliberately  walked  into 
court  with  his  hat  on  his  head.  His  sudden  appear- 


New  England  Judged,  318, 


1660.] 


WILLIAM  LEDDRA. 


411 


ance  struck  a damp  upon  tlie  court,  and  for  some 
time  there  was  a profound  silence.  At  length  one 
of  the  magistrates,  recovering  from  his  surprise,  said : 
‘‘Here  is  another,  fetch  him  up  to  the  bar.”  The 
marshal  brought  him  up,  and  told  him  to  take  off  his 
hat.^ 

Wenloeh. — Ho,  I shall  not. 

Secretary  Rawson. — Is  not  your  name  IrVenlock 
Christison  ? 

Wenlock. — Yes. 

Governor  Endicott. — Wast  thou  not  banished  upon 
pain  of  death  ? 

Wenlock. — Yea,  I was. 

Endicott. — TThat  dost  thou  here,  then  ? 

Wenlock. — I came  fo  warn  you  that  you  shed  no 
more  innocent  blood ; for  the  blood  that  you  have 
shed  already  cries  to  the  Lord  for  vengeance  to  come 
upon  you. 

The  court  then  ordered  him  to  be  taken  into  cus- 
tody, and  he  was  committed  to  jail. 

After  this  the  court  adjourned,  and  sat  again  on  the 
11th  of  the  same  month,  when  lYilliam  Leddra,  Ed- 
ward Wharton,  John  Chamberlain,  Kobert  Harper, 
and  his  wife,  were  arraigned. 

Bellingham,  the  deputy-governor,  seeing  among  the 
prisoners  Edward  Wharton,  with  whom  he  was  well 
acquainted,  exclaimed,  “ Who  is  that,  Edward 
Wharton  ? Surely,  it  is  not  Edward  Wharton.”  On 
which  William  Leddra  remarked,  “ Thou  shouldst  not 
lie ; for  thou  knowest  it  is  Edward  Wharton.” 

This  blunt  reproof  produced  much  excitement  in 
the  court,  and  some  of  the  magistrates  said  William 


New  Eogland  Judged,  319. 


412 


EDWAKD  WHARTON. 


[1660. 


Leddra  ought  to  he  carried  out  and  whipped.  One 
of  them  remarked,  that  the  deputy-governor  did  but 
jest,  and  that  jesting  was  lawful,  for  Elias  jested  with 
Baal’s  priests. 

Order  being  restored,  the  examination  proceeded. 

Edward  Wharton  being  called,  said  to  the  governor, 
“ What  hast  thou  to  lay  to  my  charge  ?” 

. Endicott. — You  have  not  taken  off  your  hat.  I 
pity  your  delusion. 

E.  Wharton. — To  take  off  my  hat  w'ould  do  thee 
but  little  good,  and  as  for  my  being  deluded,  the  truth 
never  deludes  any  man ; but  by  it  I am  made  to  see 
and  know  that  the  grace  of  God,  w^hich  bringeth  sal- 
vation, hath  appeared  to  all  men.  By  the  power  of 
this  grace  I am  made  willing  to  suffer  for  His  name, 
accounting  it  greater  riches  to  suffer  affliction  with 
the  people  of  God,  than  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  sin 
for  a season ; and  this,  through  his  grace,  in  my 
measure,  I can  bear  witness.  ^ 

Endicott  [scoffingly]. — “In  my  measure  !”  This  is 
right  the  Quaker’s  words.  Hast  thou  grace  ? 

E.  Wharton. — Yes. 

Endicott. — How  dost  thou  know  thou  hast  grace? 

E.  Wharton. — He  that  believeth  in  the  Son  of  God 
needs  not  go  to  others,  for  he  hath  the  witness  in 
himself,  as  said  John,  and  this  witness  is  the  Spirit. 

The  examination  being  for  a while  suspended,  and 
again  resumed,  Edward  Wharton  said,  “Wherefore 
have  I been  fetched  from  my.  habitation,  wfflere  I was 
following  my  honest  calling,  and  here  laid  up  as  an 
evil-doer?” 

The  Court. — Your  hair  is  too  long,  and  you  are 
disobedient  to  the  commandment  which  saith,  “Honor 
thy  father  and  thy  mother,” 


1G60.] 


EDWARD  WHARTON. 


413 


E.  Wliarton. — Wherein  ? 

The  Court. — In  that  you  will  not  put  off  your  hat 
before  the  magistrates. 

E.  Wharton. — I love  and  own  all  magistrates  and 
rulers,  who  are  for  the  punishment  of  evil-doers,  and 
for  the  praise  of  them  that  do  well. 

^ Secretary  Rawson. — Edward  Wharton,  come  to  the 
bar. 

E.  Wharton. — Yea,  and  to  the  bench  too,  for  thou  - 
hast  no  evil* justly  to  lay  to  my  charge. 

Bawsoyi. — Hold  up  your  hand. 

E.  Wharton. — I will  not.  Thou  hast  no  evil  to 
charge  me  with. 

Rawson. — Hear  your  sentence  of  banishment. 

E.  Wharton. — Have  a care  what  you  do ; for  if  you 
murder  me,  my  blood  will  lie  upon  you. 

Rawson. — Edward  Wharton,  attend  to  your  sen- 
tence of  banishment.  You  are  to  depart  this  juris- 
diction, it  being  the  eleventh  of  this  instant,  March, 
by  the  one  and  twentieth  of  the  same,  on  pain  of 
death. 

E.  Wharton. — Friends,  I am  a single  man,  and  have 
dealings  with  some  people ; it  were  good  I had  time 
to  make  clear  with  all,  and  then,  if  you  have  power 
to  murder  me,  you  may. 

Endieott  \_after  consulting  with  Rawson~\.  — If  we 
should  give  him  an  hundred  days,  it  is  all  one. 

E.  Wharton. — Hay,  I shall  not  go  away;  therefore 
be  careful  what  you  do. 

There  being  in  thp  court-house  a great  concourse 
of  people,  the  prisoner  thus  addressed  them:  “All 
people  take  notice,  what  horrible  wicked  and  unjust 
men  these  are.  They  have  kept  me  almost  a year 
close  prisoner,  night  and  day;  they  have  banished 
35* 


414  WILLIAM  LEDDRA.  ' ' [1660. 

me,  on  pain  of  death ; and,  for  aught  I know,  they 
will  murder  me ; and  }’et  they  have  nothing  to  charge 
me  with,  but  my  hat  and  my  hair.” 

Raw’son,  then,  taking  the  book  of  records,  read 
from  it,  that  the  prisoner  had  travelled  up  and  down 
with  William  Robinson  and  Marmaduke  Stevenson. 
Edward  Wharton  answered,  ‘‘What  readest  thou  that 
for?  Have  you  not  ploughed  furro'ws  on  my  back 
for  that  already,  although  you  had  no  law  for  it?” 
Raw’son  being  silenced,  the  deputy-governor,  Belling- 
ham, proposed  that  Edward  Wharton  should  be 
w’hipped  and  returned  to  jail;  but  this  counsel  not 
prevailing,  he  w^as  released,  and  went  to  his  home  at 
Salem.  He  did  not  depart  from  the  colony ; but  at- 
tended the  execution  of  his  friend,  William  Leddra, 
and  bore  open  testimony  against  that  atrocious  deed. 

The  court  proceeded  to  pass  sentence  upon  the 
other  prisoners.  John  Chamberlain  and  Robert  Har- 
per were  banished  on  pain  of  death,  and  the  w-ife  of 
Robert  Harper,  on  pain  of  imprisonment.  William 
Leddra  received  sentence  of  death,  and  the  14th  of 
the  same  month  was  appointed  for  his  execution.^ 

Being  returned  to  prison,  his  heart  was  filled  with 
the  sweet  influence  of  divine  love,  and  his  fortitude 
strengthened  with  the  assurance  of  faith  that  he  was 
soon  to  exchange  the  trials  of  time  for  the  joys  of 
eternity.  While  awaiting  his  execution  he  wrote  an 
epistle  addressed  “ To  the  Society  of  the  Little  Flock 
of  Christ,”  from  which  the  following  passages  are 
taken : 

“ Oh ! my  Beloved ! I have  waited  like  a dove  at 
the  windows  of  the  ark ; and  have  stood  still  in  that 


* New  England  Judged,  320-6. 


16G0.] 


WILLIAIM  LEDDEA. 


415 


watch  which  the  Master,  without  whom  I could  do 
nothing,  did  at  his  coming  reward  with  the  fulness 
of  his  love ; wherein  my  heart  did  rejoice  that  I 
might,  in  the  love  and  life  of  God,  speak  a few  words 
to  you,  sealed  with  the  spirit  of  promise,  that  the 
taste  thereof  might  be  a savor  of  life  to  your  life,  and 

a testimony  in  you  of  my  innocent  death.” 

As  the  flowing  of  the  ocean  doth  All  every  creek 
and  branch  thereof,  and  [as  it]  then  retires  again  to- 
wards its  own  being  and  fulness,  and  leaves  a savor 
behind  it,  so  doth  the  life  and  virtue  of  God  flow  into 
every  one  of  your  hearts,  whom  he  hath  made  par- 
takers of  his  divine  nature ; and  when  it  withdraws 
but  a little,  it  leaves  a sweet  savor  behind  it,  that 
many  can  say  they  are  made  clean  through  the  word 
that  he  hath  spoken  to  them ; in  which  innocent  con- 
dition you  may  see  what  you  are  in  the  presence  of 

God,  and  what  you  are  without  Him.” ‘‘  Stand 

in  the  watch  within,  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  which  is 
the  beginning  of  wisdom — the  state  wherein  you  are 
ready  to  receive  the  secrets  of  the  Lord.  Hunger  and 
thirst  patiently,  be  not  weary,  neither  doubt,  stand 
still  and  cease  from  thine  own  working,  and  in  due 
time  thou  shalt  enter  into  the  rest,  and  thy  eyes  shall 
behold  his  salvation  whose  testimonies  are  sure  and 
rio:hteous  altogether.”^ 

On  the  morning  of  the  day  set  for  the  execution, 
as  on  similar  occasions  before,  a meeting,  professedly 
for  divine  worship,  was  held  by  the  persecuting  min- 
isters of  Boston,  in  which  they  prostituted  their  high 
office  to  the  vile  purpose  of  inciting  in  their  audience 
a fanatical  zeal,  that  prepared  them  to  imbrne  their 


^ Besse,  II.  218. 


416 


WILLIAM  LEDDRA. 


[16^ 


hands  in  the  blood  of  the  innocent.  The  lecture 
being  ended,  the  governor,  with  a guard  of  soldiers, 
proceeded  to  the  jail  and  knocked  off  the  irons  which 
William  Leddra  had  worn  during  his  imprisonment, 
lie  then  took  a solemn  farewell  of  his  fellow-prisoners, 
and  was  led  forth  as  a lamb  to  the  slaughter. 

On  reaching  the  street  he  was  immediately  sur- 
rounded by  the  guard,  to  prevent  him  from  speaking 
with  his  friends.  Edward  Wharton  being  present, 
exclaimed,  “What,  will  ye  show  yourselves  worse 
than  Bonner’s  bloody  brood  ? Will  you  not  let  me 
come  near  my  suffering  friend  before  you  kill  him?” 
One  of  the  company  replied,  “It  will  be  your  turn 
next;”  and  an  officer  threatened  to  stop  his  mouth,  if 
he  spoke  another  word. 

Being  come  to  the  place  of  execution,  William 
Leddra  took  leave  of  his  friend  Edward  Wharton,  to 
whom  he  said,  “All  that  will  be  Christ’s  disciples, 
must  take  up  his  cross.”  Then,  turning  towards  the 
people,  he  said  : “ For  bearing  my  testimony  for  the 
Lord  against  the  deceivers  and  the  deceived,  am  I 
brought  here  to  suffer.”  The  people  being  much 
affected,  an  old  persecuting  clergyman  named  Allen, 
said  to  them,  “ People,  I would  not  have  you  think  it 
strange  to  see  a man  so  willing  to  die,  for  it  is  no  new 
thing.  And  you  may  read  how  the  Apostle  saith  that 
some  should  be  given  up  to  strong  delusions,  and  even 
dare  to  die  for  it.”  This  passage,  not  being  found  in 
the  Scriptures,  shows  that  the  old  Pharisee  could 
forge  a text  when  required  to  sanction  their  cruel 
proceedings. 

AYilliam  Leddra,  having  ascended  the  ladder,  stood 
while  the  executioner  adjusted  the  halter  around  his 
neck,  and  then  he  meekly  said,  “ I commit  my  right- 


1660.] 


WENLOCK  CHRISTISON. 


417 


eous  cause  unto  thee,  0 God.”  His  last  words  were, 
“Lord  Jesus,  receive  my  spirit.”^  Thus  died,  in  a 
serene  and  composed  state  of  mind,  conscious  of 
divine  support,  the  fourth  victim  of  fanatic  zeal  and 
clerical  intolerance.  In  no  age  of  the  Christian 
church  have  the  martyrs  who  sealed  their  testimony 
with  their  blood,  given  stronger  evidence  of  love  to 
God,  and  fidelity  to  their  convictions  of  duty. 

The  body  being  cut  down,  Edward  Wharton  and 
three  of  his  friends,  John  Chamberlain,  Robert 
Harper,  and  Philip  Yerin,  received  it  in  their  arms, 
placed  it  in  a cotfin,  and  gave  it  decent  burial.  This 
privilege  would,  probably,  not  have  been  granted,  but 
for  the  general  expression  of  abhorrence  at  the  indig- 
nities to  which  the  corpses  of  the  other  three  martyrs 
had  been  subjected.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  of  the 
four  Friends  who  performed  the  obsequies  of  William 
Leddra,  three  were  then  under  sentence  of  banish- 
ment on  pain  of  death. 

Heither  threats  nor  sufferings  could  shake  the 
fidelity  of  that  devoted  band,  who  were  called  by 
their  Lord  and  master  to  preach  the  gospel  of  peace, 
and  to  exemplify  the  meekness  and  purity  of  the 
Christian  character,  among  a people  deceived  and 
controlled  by  a bigoted  priesthood,  making  high  pro- 
fessions of  sanctity,  but  strangers  to  the  spirit  of 
Christ. 

We  have  seen  that  Wenlock  Christison,  having 
come  into  court  during  the  examination  of  William 
Leddra,  was  committed  to  prison.  He  was  again 
brought  before  the  court  on  the  day  that  William 
Leddra  was  executed,  and  efibrts  were  made  by  En- 


^ New  Eugland  Judged,  329. 


418 


WEN  LOCK  CHRISTISON. 


[1661. 


dicott  and  others,  to  intinaidate  him.  Except  you 
will  renounce  your  religion,”  they  said,  ‘‘you  shall 
surely  die.”  “Xay,”  replied  Wenlock,  “I  shall  not 
renounce  my  religion,  nor  seek  to  save  my  life, 
neither  do  I intend  to  deny  my  master ; hut  if  I lose 
my  life  for  Christ’s  sake,  and  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel,  I shall  save  it.”  This  undaunted  reply  induced 
the  court  to  pause  in  their  course,  and  he  was  re- 
manded to  prison. 

At  the  next  General  Court,  being  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Fourth  month,  1661,  he  was  again  placed 
at  the  bar,  and  the  Governor  asked  him  what  he  had 
to  say  for  himself  why  he  should  not  die. 

Wenloch. — “I  have  done  nothing  worthy  of  death; 
if  I had,  I refuse  not  to  die. 

Eyidicott.  — “ Thou  art  come  in  among  us  in  rebel- 
lion, which  is  as  the  sin  of  witchcraft,  and  ought  to 
be  punished.” 

Wenloch. — “ I came  not  in  among  you  in  rebellion, 
but  in  obedience  to  the  God  of  Heaven ; not  in  con- 
tempt to  any  of  you,  but  in  love  to  your  souls  and 
bodies ; and  that  you  shall  know  one  day,  when  you 
and  all  men  must  give  an  account  of  your  deeds  done 
in  the  body.  Take  heed,  for  you  cannot  escape  the 
righteous  judgments  of  God.” 

Major-General  Alderton.  — “You  pronounce  woes 
and  judgments,  and  those  that  are  gone  before  you 
pronounced  woes  and  judgments  ; but  the  judgments 
of  the  Lord  God  are  not  come  upon  us  yet.” 

Wenloch.  — “ Be  not  proud,  neither  let  your  spirits 
be  lifted  up ; God  doth  but  wait  till  the  measure  of 
your  iniquity  be  tilled  up,  and  that  you  have  run  your 
ungodly  race ; then  will  the  wrath  of  God  come  upon 
you  to  the  uttermost.  And  as  for  thy  part,  it  hangs 


IGGl.]  WENLOCK  CHRISTISON.  419 

over  thy  head,  and  is  near  to  be  poured  down  upon 
thee,  and  shall  come  as  a thief  in  the  night,  suddenly, 
when  thou  thiukest  not  of  it.  By  what  law  will  you 
put  me  to  death?” 

Court. — ‘‘We  have  a law,  and,  by  our  law,  you  are 
to  die.” 

Wenloch. — “ So  said  the  Jews  of  Christ,  We  have  a 
law,  and  by  our  law  he  ought  to  die.  Who  empowered 
you  to  make  that  law  ?” 

Court.  — “We  have  a patent,  and  are  patentees; 
judge  whether  we  have  not  power  to  make  laws.” 

Wenloch. — “ How  ! Have  you  power  to  make  laws 
repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England  ?” 

Endicott.  — “ ^ay.” 

Wenloch.  — “ Then  you  are  gone  beyond  your 
bounds,  and  have  forfeited  your  patent,  and  this  is 
more  than  you  can  answer.  Are  you  subjects  to  the 
King,  yea  or  nay  ?” 

Secretary  Aawson.  — “ What  will  you  infer  from 
that?  What  good  will  that  do  you ?” 

Wenloch. — “If  you  are,  say  so  ; for  in  your  petition 
to  the  King,  you  desire  that  he  will  protect  you,  and 
that  you  may  be  worthy  to  kneel  among  his  loyal 
subjects.” 

Court.  — “ Yes.” 

Wenloch. — “ So  am  I,  and  for  anything  I know  am 
as  good  as  you,  if  not  better ; for  if  the  King  did  but 
know  your  hearts,  as  God  knows  them,  he  would  see 
that  your  hearts  are  as  rotten  towards  him  as  they  are 
towards  God.  Therefore  seeing  that  you  and  I are- 
subjects  to  the  King,  I demand  to  be  tried  by  the 
laws  of  my  own  nation.” 

Court.  — “You  shall  be  tried  by  a bench  and  a 


420 


WENLOCK  CHRISTISON. 


[1G61. 


Wenloch.  — ‘‘  That  is  not  the  law,  but  the  manner 
of  it ; for  if  you  will  he  as  good  as  your  word,  you 
must  set  me  at  liberty ; for  I never  heard  or  read  of 
any  law  that  was  in  England  to  hang  Quakers.” 
Endicott.  — “ There  is  a law  to  hano^  Jesuits.” 
Wenloch.  — “If  you  put  me  to  death,  it  is  not  be- 
cause I go  under  the  name  of  a Jesuit,  but  a Quaker ; 
therefore  I do  appeal  to  the  laws  of  my  own  nation.” 
Court.  — “You  are  in  our  hand,  and  have  broken 
our  laws,  and  we  will  try  you.” 

Wenloch.  — “ Your  will  is  your  law,  and  what  you 
have  power  to  do,  that  you  will  do.  And  seeing  that 
the  jury  must  go  forth  on  my  life,  this  I have  to  say 
to  you  in  the  fear  of  the  living  God:  Jury,  take  heed 
what  you  do ; for  you  swear  by  the  living  God,  that 
you  will  true  trial  make,  and  just  verdict  give,  accord- 
ing to  the  evidence.  What  have  I done  to  deserve 
death?  Keep  your  hands  out  of  innocent  blood.” 

A Juryman.  — “It  is  good  counsel.” 

The  jury  went  out,  but  having  received  instructions 
from  the  bench,  brought  in  their  verdict,  guilty. 

♦ Wenloch.  — “I  deny  all  guilt,  for  my  conscience  is 
clear  in  the  sight  of  God.” 

Endicott.  — “ The  jurj^  hath  condemned  thee.” 
Wenloch.  — “The  Lord  doth  justify  me;  who  art 
thou  that  condemnest?” 

Then  the  court  proceeded  to  vote  as  to  the  sentence 
of  death,  to  which  several  of  them,  viz.,  Eichard 
Eussel  and  others,  would  not  consent,  the  innocence 
and  steadfastness  of  the  prisoner  having  prevailed 
upon  them  in  his  favor.  There  happened  also  a cir- 
cumstance during  this  trial,  which  could  not  but^affect 
men  of  any  tenderness  or  consideration,  which  was, 


1661.]  WENLOCK  CHRISTISON.  421 

that  a letter  was  sent  to  the  court  from  Edward 
Wharton,  signifying,  That  whereas  they  had  banished 
him  on  pain  of  death,  yet  he  was  at  home  in  his  own 
house  at  Salem,  and  therefore  proposing,  that  they 
would  take  off  their  wicked  sentence  from  him,  that 
he  might  go  about  his  occasions  out  of  their  jurisdic- 
tion. This  circumstance,  however  affecting  to  others, 
only  enraged  Endicott,  the  governor,  who  was  very 
much  displeased,  and,  in  much  anger,  cried  out,  “I 
could  find  in  my  heart  to  go  home.” 

Wenloek.  — It  were  better  for  thee  to  be  at  home 
than  here,  for  thou  art  about  a bloody  piece  of  work.” 

Endicott.  — “You  that  will  not  consent,  record  it. 
I thank  God  I am  not  afraid  to  give  judgment.  Wen- 
lock  Christison,  hearken  to  your  sentence.  You  must 
return  unto  the  place  from  whence  you  came,  and 
from  thence  to  the  place  of  execution,  and  there  you 
must  be  hanged  until  you  are  dead,  dead,  dead,  upon 
the  13th  day  of  June,  being  the  Fifth-day  of  the 
week.” 

Wenloek. — “ The  will  of  the  Lord  be  done,  in  whose 
will  I came  amongst  you,  and  in  his  counsel  I stand, 
feeling  his  eternal  power,  that  will  uphold  me  unto 
the  last  gasp,  I do  not  question  it.  Known  be  it  unto 
you  all,  that  if  you  have  power  to  take  my  life  from 
me,  my  soul  shall  enter  into  everlasting  rest  and  peace 
with  God,  where  you,  yourselves,  shall  never  come ; 
and  if  you  have  power  to  take  my  life  from  me,  which 
I question,  I believe  you  shall  never  more  take  Qua- 
kers’ lives  from  them  ; note  my  words.  Do  not  think 
to  weary  out  the  living  God  by  taking  away  the  lives 
of  his  servants.  What  do  you  gain  by  it?  For  the 
last  man  you  put  to  death,  here  are  five  come  in  his 
L — 36 


422  WENLOCK  CHRISTISON.  [1661. 

room.^  And  if  you  have  power  to  take  my  life  from 
me,  God  can  raise  up  the  same  principle  of  Life  in 
ten  of  his  servants,  and  send  them  among  you  in  my 
room,  that  you  may  have  torment  upon  torment, 
which  is  your  portion.  For  there  is  no  peace  to  the 
wicked,  saith  my  God.” 

Endicott.  — Take  him  away.” 

Wenlock  Christison  being  remanded  to  prison  to 
await  the  execution  of  his  sentence,  enjoyed  sweet 
peace  of  mind,  resting  in  the  full  assurance  of  faith 
as  expressed  by  the  apostle:  ‘‘Christ  shall  be  magni- 
fied in  my  body,  whether  it  be  by  life  or  by  death ; 
for  to  me,  to  live  is  Christ,  and  to  die  is  gain.” 

It  appeared,  however,  that  in  his  last  address  to  the 
court,  he  had  spoken  under  the  influence  of  that 
wisdom  which  is  from  above,  for  the  authorities  found 
it  necessary  to  annul  his  sentence,  and  to  modify  their 
law.  This  result  was  probably  owing  to  the  pressure 
of  public  opinion  in  the  colony,  and  to  intelligence 
from  England,  indicating  that  their  proceedings  were 
disapproved  by  the  government.  Before  the  day 
appointed  for  the  execution,  the  marshal  came  to  the 
prison  with  an  order  from  the  court  for  the  liberation 
of  Wenlock  Christison  and  twenty-seven  other  Friends 
incarcerated  there.^ 


* Those  live  were  Elizabeth  Hooten,  Joan  Brokesop,  Mary  Malins, 
Katharine  Chattam,  and  John  Burstow. 

2 New  England  Judged,  340.  The  names  of  most  of  the  other 
Friends  liberated,  were  John  Chamberlain,  John  Smith,  and  Mar- 
garet his  wife,  Mary  Trask,  Judith  Brown,  Peter  Pearson,  George 
Wilson,  John  Burstow,  Elizabeth  Hooten,  Joan  Brokesop,  Mary 
Malins,  Katharine  Chattam,  Mary  Wright,  Hannah  Wright,  Ralph 
Allen,  William  Allen,  Richard  Kerby,  Sarah  Coleman,  and  three 
or  four  of  her  children. 


1661.] 


PERSECUTION  AT  BOSTON. 


423 


The  prisoners  were  informed  that  they  were  libe- 
rated in  consequence  of  a new  law  being  made. 
“What  means  this?”  said  Wenlock,  “have  you  a 
new  law?”  “Yes,”  they  answered.  “Then,”  re- 
joined he,  “you  have  deceived  the  people,  for  they 
thought  the  gallows  had  been  your  last  weapon,  your 
magistrates  said  it  was  a good  and  wholesome  law, 
made  for  your  peace,  and  the  safeguard  of  your 
country.  What ! are  your  hands  now  become  weak  ? 
The  power  of  God  is  over  you  all.” 

Peter  Pearson  and  Judith  Brown,  two  of  the  Friends 
liberated,  were  tied  behind  a cart,  dragged  through 
the  streets  of  Boston,  and  being  stripped  to  the  waist, 
were  each  whipped  with  twenty  stripes.  During  the 
time  of  this  cruel  infliction,  many  of  the  other  Friends, 
just  liberated,  were  engaged  in  preaching  to  the 
people,  which  so  exasperated  the  rulers,  that  a guard 
of  armed  soldiers  was  sent  to  drive  them  all  beyond 
their  jurisdiction  into  the  wilderness.  John  Smith 
and  his  wife  returned  to  their  home  at  Salem ; but 
were  soon  arrested,  and  again  imprisoned.  John 
Chamberlain  and  George  Wilson,  inhabitants  of  Bos- 
ton, returned  thither,  and,  in  conformity  with  the  new 
law,  were  .tied  behind  a cart,  dragged  through  the 
streets  of  Boston,  then  through  three  towns  into  the 
wilderness,  being  unmercifully  scourged  at  each  place 
with  an  instrument  ingeniously  contrived  to  lacerate 
the  flesh.  Josiah  Southwick,  having  returned  from 
England,  underwent  a similar  infliction,  during  which 
he  was,  through  divine  aid,  wonderfully  supported, 
saying : “ They  that  know  God  to  be  their  strength, 
cannot  fear  what  man  can  do  ?” 

We  have  seen,  that  during  the  trial  of  Wenlock 
Christison,  Major  General  Adderton  taunted  him  with 


424 


PUBI.IC  CALAMITIES. 


[1661. 


the  remark,  that  the  woes  and  judgments  pronounced 
by  the  Quakers  had  not  come ; and  that  Wenlock,  in 
reply,  said  : “As  for  thy  part,  it  hangs  over  thy  head, 
and  is  near  to  be  poured  down  upon  thee,  and  shall 
come  as  a thief  in  the  night,  suddenly,  when  thou 
thinkest  not  of  it.  This  prediction  was  remarkably 
fulfilled ; for,  soon  after,  Adderton,  being  on  horse- 
back, returning  from  a military  parade,  when  he 
came  near  the  place  where  the  Friends  were  usually 
loosed  from  the  cart  after  being  whipped,  was  thrown 
from  his  horse,  and  dreadfully  mangled  so  that  he 
died  on  the  spot. 

It  was  fully  believed  by  the  Early  Friends,  that  in 
this  instance,  as  well  as  in  many  other  cases  well 
authenticated,  there  was  an  evidence  that  the  martyrs 
and  confessors  who  suftered  at  Boston,  were  divinely 
authorized  to  predict  that  woes  and  judgments  from 
the  Lord  would  come  upon  their  persecutors,  unless 
they  repented.  This  condition,  expressed  or  implied, 
has  generally  been  attached  to  genuine  prophecies ; 
a remarkable  instance  of  which  may  be  seen  in  the 
prophecy  of  Jonah  concerning  the  Hinevites.  It  would 
be  easy  to  show  from  the  writings  of  Cotton  Mather, 
cue  of  the  most  learned  clergymen  of  Boston,  who 
lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
that  many  calamities  of  an  extraordinary  kind  were 
experienced  by  the  colonists  of  Massachusetts.  In 
his  History  of  Hew  England,  he  says:  “For  now 
more  than  twenty  years,  the  blasting  strokes  of 
heaven  upon  the  secular  aflairs  of  this  country  have 
been  such  as  rather  to  abate  than  enlarge  the  growth 
of  it.”  ^ After  alluding  to  the  loss  of  their  crops  year 


' Book  I.  p.  27. 


1661.] 


425 


PUBLIC  CALAMITIES. 

after  year,  and  the  grievous  famine  that  ensued,  he 
gives  a long  catalogue  of  calamities ; such  as  the 
wasting  of  their  people  by  pestilence,  their  capture^ 
tortures,  and  massacre  by  the  Indians ; the  loss  of 
their  property  by  fires  and  shipwrecks;  and  the 
divisions  in  their  churches  from  ‘‘inordinate  passions.’" 
He  then  observes,  “ That  God  hath  a controversy 
with  his  Xew  England  people,  is  undeniable,  the 
Lord  having  written  his  displeasure  in  dismal  cha- 
racters against  us;  though  personal  afilictions  -do 
oftentimes  come  only  or  chiefly  for  probation ; yet  as 
for  public  judgments,  it  is  not  wont  so  to  be,  especially 
wdien,  by  a continued  series  of  providence,  the  Lord 
doth  appear  and  plead  against  his  people,  as  with  us 
it  hath  been  from  year  to  year.”  ^ 

But  the  most  remarkable  of  the  calamities  described 
by  Cotton  Mather,  were  the  terrors  inspired  by  a 
belief  in  witchcraft,  from  which  the  historian  himself 
was  not  exempted.  In  his  work,  entitled  “ The 
Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World,”  printed  in  1693, 
he  says,  “ An  army  of  devils  has  horribly  broken  in 
upon  the  place,  which  is  the  centre,  and,  after  a sort, 
the  first  of  our  English  settlements ; and  the  houses 
of  the  good  people  there  are  filled  with  doleful  shrieks 
of  their  children  and  servants,  tormented  with  in- 
visible hands,  with  tortures  altogether  preternatural.” 
lie  adds  this  acknowledgment,  “ The  shake  which 
the  devil  is  now  giving  us  fetches  up  the  dirt  which 
before  lay  still  at  the  bottom  of  our  sinful  hearts.”^ 
This  wonderful  delusion,  which  attained  its  climax 
in  1692,  was  greatly  stimulated  by  the  clergy,  and  one 


* Book  V.  p.  88.  Quoted  by  Besse  II.  271-3. 

* Quoted  by  Bishop,  494. 

36* 


426  TRIALS  FOR  WITCHCRAFT.  [1661. 

of  the  earliest  cases  occurred  in  the  family  of  Samuel 
Parris,  calvinistic  minister  at  Salem.  Ilis  daughter 
^nd  niece  being  affected  with,  spasms,  and  singular 
contortions,  an  old  Indian  "woman,  living  in  the  family 
as  a servant,  was  accused  of  being  the  instrument  of 
Satan  in  producing  these  effects.  The  poor  friendless 
native,  being  tried  by  a superstitious  court,  was  con- 
demned and  executed. 

Other  cases  of  supposed  witchcraft  soon  occurred ; 
convictions  and  executions  followed  in  quick  secces- 
sion,  and  the  accusations  increased  in  number  until 
alarm  and  dismay  spread  through  the  colony. 

Nineteen  men  and  women  were  executed,  besides 
a stout-hearted  man  named  Cory,  who  refused  to 
plead,  and  was  pressed  to  death  according  to  the 
old  law. 

Besides  those  who  suffered,  eight  more  persons 
were  condemned,  fifty-five  escaped  death  by  confess- 
ing themselves  guilty,  one  hundred  and  fifty  were  in 
prison,  and  two  hundred  others  accused.  Several 
dogs  were  also  accused  of  witchcraft,  and  two  of 
them  suffered  the  penalty  of  death ; one  at  Salem, 
and  the  other  at  Andover. 

At  first  the  victims  were  poor  and  friendless,  but  as 
the  panic  increased,  respectable  persons  of  both  sexes 
were  arraigned  and  condemned,  until  at  length  one 
of  the  judges,  and  the  "wife  of  an  influential  clergy- 
man, being  accused,  a sudden  check  wms  given  to  the 
prevailing  mania. 

A remarkable  feature ' of  this  delusion  was  that 
some  of  those  ^vho  confessed  themselves  guilty  and 
obtained  pardon,  declared  afterwards,  that  at  the  time 
of  their  confession,  their  minds  being  clouded  or 


1661.]  PROGRESS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  427 

diseased,  they  really  believed  they  were  possessed  of 
demonsd 

When  the  prosecutions  were  discontinued,  and_ 
those  wdio  were  imprisoned  for  trial  were  liberated, 
the  manifestations  of  suflering  from  witchcraft  sud 
deuly  ceased. 

As  the  dispensations  of  Providence  are  often  mys- 
terious and  inscrutable  to  man,  it  becomes  us  to  be 
careful  how  we  attribute  public  disasters  to  divine 
displeasure ; but  this  we  know,  that  the  world  is  not 
governed  by  chance,  and  that  national  crimes,  by  a 
law  of  divine  appointment,  are  followed  by  national 
calamities.  It  has  been  remarked  by  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  that  the  Calvinists  who  settled  Massachusetts, 
“ entertained  a proneuess  to  believe  in  supernatural 
and  direct  personal  intercourse  between  the  devil  and 
his  vassals  — an  error  to  which  their  brethren  in 
Europe  had  from  the  beginning  been  peculiarly  sub- 
ject.”^ The  same  fanatic  zeal  and  sternness  of  char- 
acter which  induced  them  to  persecute  the  Friends, 
led  also  to  the  lamentable  executions  for  witchcraft, 
and  in  both  these  works  of  darkness  the  clergy  were 
zealously  engaged. 

The  progress  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Xew 
Eno^land  now  claims  our  attention.  That  devoted 
band  of  gospel  messengers  who,  in  1657,  came  over 
with  Captain  Eobeii:  Fowder,  in  the  Woodhouse,  were' 
instrumental  in  planting  the  principles  of  Friends  in 
many  parts  of  the  American  provinces,  and  especially 
in  Ehode  Island.  Very  soon  after  their  arrival,  meet- 
ings were  established  and  regularly  kept  up  at  Provi- 
dence. 


* Charles  W.  Upham's  Lectures  on  Witchcraft. 
“ Scott’s  Daemonology  and  Witchcraft. 


428  PROGRESS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  [1661. 

Among  the  proselytes  several  received  a gift  in  the 
ministry,  who  travelled  into  the  neighboring  colonies 
of  New  England. 

William  Coddington  and  Nicholas  Easton,  both  of 
whom  had  filled  the  ofiice  of  governor,  inclined  to- 
w^ards  the  principles  of  Friends,  and  afterwards  openly 
professed  with  them.’  ‘‘Meetings  for  worship,  and 
also  the  yearly  meeting,  were  held  at  the  house  of  the 
former  at  Newport,  until  the  time  of  his  decease  in 
1683.”2 

Not  only  in  Ehode  Island,  where  they  w’ere  freely 
tolerated,  did  their  principles  spread ; but  in  the  other 
colonies,  -where  they  were  persecuted,  the  cruel  mea- 
sures adopted  for  their  suppression  seemed  only  to 
promote  their  increase.  James  Cudworth,  a magis- 
trate of  Plymouth,  who  refused  to  join  in  the  perse- 
cution, wrote,  in  the  year  1658,  that  their  patience 
under  suffering  “hath  sometimes  been  the  occasion 
of  gaining  more  adherents  than  if  they  had  suffered 
them  openly  to  have  preached  a sermon.”  He  adds, 
“ They  have  many  meetings  and  many  adherents ; 
almost  the  whole  town  of  Sandwich  is  adhering  to- 
wards them.”  ^ 

We  have  seen,  by  the  letter  of  J.  Rous  to  Margaret 
Fell,  that,  in  the  year  1658,^  “ there  were  Friends,  few 
or  more,  almost  from  one  end  of  the  land  to  the  other 
that  was  inhabited  by  the  English.”  He  speaks  of 
Sandwich  and  Newport  as  “strong  places,”  where  the 
truth  was  in  dominion,  and  remarks  that  several  were 
convinced  at  Salem.  There  was,  soon  after,  a large 
meeting  gathered  at  Salem : meetings  were  also  held 


1 Bowden,  I.  153. 

2 Morse  and  Parish’s  Hist,  of  New  England,  cited  by  Bowden. 

3 Besse,  II.  192-3.  ^ See  letter,  Chap.  XIV. 


16G0.] 


PROGRESS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND, 


429 


at  Duxbury,  and  some  other  places.  From  that  time 
to  the  year  1660,  the  progress  of  the  Society  was  con- 
siderable, and  meetings  for  church  discipline  were 
established. 

The  first  monthly  meeting  instituted  in  America 
•was  at  Sandwich  ; and  prior  to  the  year  1660,  one  was 
also  established  at  Scituate,  now  known  as  Pembroke 
Monthly  Meeting.^ 

It  is  remarked  by  an  English  historian,^  that  the 
circum.stance  of  monthly  meetings  having  been  thus 
set  up  in  America,  before  they  had  been  generally 
established  in  England,  is  an  interesting  feature  in 
the  progress  of  the  Society  in  the  new  country,  and 
deserving  of  particular  notice.  There  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  any  systematic  organization  at  this  early 
period.  The  new  association  consisted  of  pious  indi- 
viduals, who,  forsaking  the  lifeless  forms  and  cere- 
monies of  the  day,  and  a dependence  upon  man  in 
spiritual  things,  found  in  the  principles  of  the  gospel, 
enunciated  by  George  Fox  and  his  associates,  that 
rest  and  peace  which  their  souls  desired.  As  a gath- 
ered church,  they  acknowledged  Christ  only  as  its 
living  and  ever-present  Head.  He  was  felt  to  be 
‘their  all  in  all,’  ‘ their  Teacher  to  instruct  them,  their 
Counsellor  to  direct  them,  their  Shepherd  to  feed 
them,  their  Bishop  to  oversee  them,  and  their  Prophet 
to  open  divine  mysteries  unto  them;’^  and  remark- 
ably indeed  did  the  Chief  Shepherd  condescend  to 
visit  and  ‘ appear  in  the  midst  of  them,’  refreshing 
and  comforting  their  spirits,  and  cementing  them  in 
a precious  feeling  of  unity  and  love.” 

* “ Brief  account  of  the  yearly  meetings  in  New  England/^ 
quoted  by  Bowden. 

2 Buwden,  I.  208 


3 Journal  of  G.  Fox. 


430 


ELIZABETH  HARRIS. 


[1656. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

RISE  OF  THE  SOCIETY  IN  VIRGINIA,  MARYLAND,  AND 
THE  WEST  INDIES. 

1656-60. 

As  in  Xew  England,  tlie  first  ministers  of  the  Soci- 
ety of  Friends,  who  came  on  a religious  mission,  were 
females;  so  likewise  in  Virginia,  the  doctrines  of 
Friends  were  firsl^  proclaimed  by  a woman. 

Elizabeth  Harris,  a married  woman,  whose  residence 
was  in  the  city  of  London,  visited  the  colony  of  Vir- 
ginia, about  the  year  1656 ; but  there  appears  to  be 
no  record  of  the  precise  date,  and  very  few  particulars 
of  her  visit  have  been  preserved. 

She  left  the  colony  in  the  Fifth  month,  1657,  hav- 
ing, during  her  sojourn  there,  been  instrumental  in 
making  a number  of  proselytes.  After  her  return  to 
England,  she  corresponded  with  some'of  the  colonists, 
who  had  embraced  her  views,  and  she  supplied  them 
with  books  relating  to  the  doctrines  of  Friends.^ 

Among  her  converts  was  Robert  Clarkson,  a re- 
spectable and  influential  colonist,  who  WTOte  her  a 
letter,  dated  Severn,  the  14th  of  the  Eleventh  month, 
1657,  from  wRich  the  following  passages  are  selected: 

“Elizabeth  Harris — Bear  Heart: — I salute  thee 
in  the  tender  love  of  the  Father,  which  moved  thee 
towards  us,  and  do  own  thee  to  have  been  a minister, 


* Bowden’s  History  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  339. 


1656.]  J.  COLE  AND  T.  THUKSTON.  431 

by  the  good  will  of  God,  to  bear  outward  testimony 
to  the  inward  word  of  truth  in  me  and  others ; even 
as  many  as  the  Lord,  in  tender  love  and  mercy,  did 
give  an  ear  to  hear.  Praises  to  his  name  for  ever.” 

. . . . The  two  messengers  thou  spoke  of  in  thy 
letters,  are  not  yet  come  to  this  place ; we  heard  of 
two  come  to  Virginia  in  the  fore  part  of  the  winter, 
but  we  heard  that  they  were  soon  put  in  prison,  and 
not  suffered  to  pass ; we  heard  further  that  they  de- 
sired liberty  to  pass  to  this  place,  but  it  was  denied 
them,  whereupon  one  of  them  answered,  that  though 
they  might  not  be  suffered,  yet  he  must  come  another 
time.  We  have  heard  that  they  are  to  be  kept  in 
prison  till  the  ship  that  brought  them  be  ready  to 
depart  the  country  again,  and  then  to  be  sent  out  of 
the  country.  We  have  disposed  of  most  of  the  books 
which  were  sent,  so  that  all  parts  are  furnished,  and 
every  one  that  desires  it  may  have  benefit  by  them  ; 
at  Herring  Creek,  Poade  Piver,  South  Piver,  all  about 
Severn,  the  Brand  .Veck  and  thereabout,  the  seven 
mountains,  and  Pent.” 

At  the  date  of  this  letter,  a Friends’  meeting  was 
settled  at  Severn,  which  is  situated  near  the  Chesa- 
peake bay,  between  the  Pappahannock  and  York 
rivers. 

The  “ two  messengers”  referred  to  by  Pobert  Clark- 
son, as  being  imprisoned  in  Virginia,  were  most  pro- 
bably Josiah  Cole  and  Thomas  Thurston,  who  sailed 
from  Bristol  and  reached  that  province  towards  the 
close  of  the  year  1657.^  They  were  engaged  in 
religious  labors  until  the  following  summer,  when 


* Bowden’s  History,  I.  342. 


432 


JOSIAH  COLE. 


[1658. 


they  proceeded  afoot  to  Maryland,  and  thence  to  'New 
England,  being  accompanied  by  Thomas  Chapman, 
of  Virginia.  This  was  a most  fatiguing  and  perilous 
journey,  through  a wilderness  that  had  seldom  been 
travelled  by  white  men.  The  travellers  were,  however, 
most  hospitably  entertained  by  the  Indians,  some  of 
whom  accompanied  them  as  guides  until  they  came 
to  the  Dutch  settlements.  Thomas  Thurston  being 
taken  sick  on  the  way  was  detained  some  weeks, 
during  which  he  received  kind  attentions  from  the 
natives.’ 

Some  account  of  this  journey  is  given  in  a letter 
from  which  the  following  extract  is  taken. 

JOSIAH  COLE  TO  GEORGE  BISHOP.^ 

‘‘We  went  from  Virginia  [on  the]  2d  of  Sixth 
month,  1658,  and  after  about  one  hundred  miles 
travel  by  land  and  water,  we  came  amongst  the  Sus- 
quehanna Indians,  who  courteously  received  us  and 
entertained  us  in  their  huts  with  much  respect.  After 
being  there  two  or  three  daj’s,  several  of  them  accom- 
panied us  about  two  hundred  miles  further  through 
the  wilderness  or  woods,  for  there  was  no  inhabi- 
tant so  far,  neither  knew  we  any  part  of  the  way 
through  which  the  Lord  had  required  us  to  travel 
For  outward  sustenance  we  knew  not  how  to  supplj/ 
ourselves ; but,  without  questioning  or  doubting,  we 
gave  up  freely  to  the  Lord,  knowing  assuredly  that 
his  presence  was  (and  should  be  continued)  with  us ; 
and  according  to  our  faith,  so  it  was ; for  his  presence 
and  love  we  found  with  us  daily,  carrying  us  on  in 
his  strength,  and  also  opening  the  hearts  of  those  poor 


* New  England  Judged,  29. 


* Bowden^s  History,  I.  123. 


1659.] 


JOSIAH  COLE. 


433 


Indians,  so  that  in  all  times  of  need  they  were  made 
helpful,  both  to  carry  us  through  rivers  and  also  to 
supply  us  with  food  sufficient.  After  this  travel  we 
came  to  the  place  where  more  of  them  inhabited,  and 
they  also  very  kindly  entertained  us  in  their  houses, 
where  we  remained  about  sixteen  days,  my  fellow- 
traveller  [Thcmas  Thurston]  being  weak  of  body 
through  sickness  and  lameness,  in  which  time  these 
Indians  showed  very  much  respect  to  us,  for  they  gave 
us  freely  of  the  best  they  could  get.  Being  something 
recovered  after  this  stay,  we  passed  on  towards  the 
Dutch  plantation,  to  which  one  of  them  accompanied 
us,  which  was  about  one  hundred  miles  further. 

“ I am  thy  friend  in  the  Truth, 

‘‘JosiAH  Cole.” 

Thomas  Thurston,  after  a short  stay  in  Rhode 
Island,  returned  to  Virginia.  In  a letter  from  Josiah 
Cole  to  Margaret  Fell,  written  about  this  period,  the 
following  passage  occurs,  viz. : “ As  concerning  our 
dear  brother,  Thomas  Thurston,  when  I parted  from 
him  at  Rhode  Island,  he  was  very  well ; and  since  I 
hear  he  is  returned  to  Virginia,  where  he  has  been 
imprisoned,  but  is  now  at  liberty  again,  and  the  gov- 
ernor of  that  place  hath  promised  that  he  shall  have 
his  liberty  in  the  country;  where  there  is  like  to  be 
a great  gathering,  and  the  living  power  of  the  Lord 
goes  along  with  him.”^ 

William  Robinson,  while  imprisoned  at  Boston,  in 
the  year  1659,  wrote  a letter  to  George  Fox,  in  which 
he  mentions  a visit  he  made  to  Virginia,  wdth  two 
other  ministers.  “I  was  refreshed,”  he  says,  “wffien 

> MS.  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  quoted  by  Bowden, 

I.-3T 


434 


LAWS  or  MARYLAND. 


[1659. 


I was  constrained  to  write  to  give  thee  an  account  of 
our  travels  and  labors  in  these  countries.  I who  am 
one  of  the  least  among  mj  brethren,  have  been  for 
some  time  in  Virginia,  with  Eobert  Hodgson  and 
Christopher  Holder,  w^here  there  are  many  people 
convinced,  and  some  that  are  brought  into  the  sense 
and  feeling  of  Truth  in  several  places.  We  left 
Thomas  Thurston  a prisoner  in  a place  called  Mary- 
land ; his  sentence  was  to  be  kept  a year  and  a day.”^ 
It  is  well  known  that  the  policy  adopted  by  Lord 
Baltimore,  the  founder  of  Maryland,  w^as  remarkably 
liberal  and  tolerant;  but  it  appears  that  Friends  in 
that  colony  were  subjected  to  suffering  on  account  of 
their  religious  testimonies.  A considerable  number 
of  them  were  fined  for  non-compliance  with  military 
requisitions,  and  for  refusing  to  sw'ear.  These  fines 
they  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  pay,  and  their  property 
was  distrained  to  a large  amount.^ 

But  these  were  not  the  only  causes  of  suffering. 
There  seems  to  have  been  a strong  prejudice  excited 
against  the  Society  of  Friends,  and  a disposition  at 
one  time  to  den}^  them  the  religious  privileges  accorded 
to  other  persuasions.  We  have  no  account  of  the 
charges  against  Thomas  Thurston,  which  led  to  his 
imprisonment ; but  as  he  was  at  that  time  engaged  in 
the  gospel  ministry  wuth  the  approbation  of  his 
friends,  there  can  be  no  doubt  he  was  persecuted  for 
his  religious  testimony.  Three  persons  were  fined 
for  entertaining  him,  one  was  cruelly  whipped  for  re- 
fusing to  assist  the  sherift'  in  apprehending  him,  and 
several  were  fined  under  a pretext  of  levying  money 
for  charges  incurred  by  his  imprisonment.^ 


‘ Bowden^s  History,  I.  171, 
» Ibid,  379-80. 


? Besse,  H,  378-9, 


1660.]  PERSECUTION  IN  MARYLAND.  435 

TVilliam  Robinson,  Robert  Hodgson,  and  Cbristo- 
pber  Holder  visited  Maryland  in  the  year  1659,  where 
they  were  instrumental  in  convincing  many  of  the 
doctrines  of  Friends.  There  is  no  evidence  that  they 
were  molested  in  the  prosecution  of  their  religious 
labors. 

The  persecution  of  Friends  in  Maryland  probably 
arose  in  part  from  the  unsettled  state  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  was  claimed  by  two  parties,  the  adherents 
of  Lord  Baltimore,  and  the  Puritans  headed  by  Clay- 
borne.  In  1649,  the  Catholics  being  in  power,  a law 
was  enacted  that  no  perso.n  believing  in  Jesus  Christ 
should  be  molested  on  account  of  religion ; but,  this 
enlightened  measure  was  impaired  by  the  proviso, 
that  “whatsoever  person  shall  blaspheme  God,  or 
shall  deny  or  reproach  the  Holy  Trinity,  or  any  of  the 
three  persons  thereof,  shall  be  punished  with  death.”  ^ 
“ The  disfranchised  friends  of  prelacy  from  Massa- 
chusetts, and  the  Puritans  from  Virginia,  were 
welcomed  to  equal  liberty  of  conscience  and  political 
rights  in  the  Roman  Catholic  province  of  Maryland.” 
During  the  protectorate  of  Cromwell,  the  Puritans 
gained  the  ascendency  in  the  province,  and  evinced 
their  usual  intolerance  by  disfranchising  the  Catholics, 
who,  in  the  day  of  their  power,  had  generously  afforded 
them  an  asylum.  A law  was  then  enacted  confirming 
freedom  of  conscience,  provided  the  liberty  were  not 
extended  to  “popery,  prelacy,  or  licentiousness  of 
opinions.”  Under  this  proviso,  they  not  only  excluded 
Catholics  and  Episcopalians  from  the  protection  of 
law,  but,  doubtless,  found  a pretext  for  persecuting 
the  Friends.^ 


1 Bancroft,  I.  256. 


2 Ibid,  I.  257,  261. 


436 


WEST  INDIES. 


[1660. 


In  Virginia,  during  the  reign  of  Charles  L,  the 
Anglican  Church  was  the  established  religion,  and 
non-conformity  was  punished  by  disfranchisement  and 
exile.  In  the  times  of  the  commonwealth,  the  Epis- 
copal Church  still  maintained  her  ascendency  in  the 
colony;  but,  the  people  claimed  for  themselves  a 
larger  share  in  ecclesiastical  atfairs.  A law  was  then 
enacted  for  the  banishment  of  Quakers,  and  declaring 
their  return  a felony.^  We  have  seen  that  some  were 
imprisoned,  but  there  appears  to  be  no  evidence  that 
any  were  banished  or  treated  with  extreme  severity 
until  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  in  some  of  the  West 
India  Islands,  many  were  convinced  of  Friends’ 
principles,  prior  to  the  year  1660,  and  that  some  meet- 
ings had  been  established.  In  Mary  Fisher’s  letter  to 
George  Fox,  written  from  Barbadoes,  in  1655,  she 
says,  Here  are  many  convinced,  and  many  desire  to 
know  the  way.”  John  Rous,  who  visited  Hew  Eng- 
land, in  1658,  was  the  son  of  a sugar-planter  in  Bar- 
badoes; and  both  father  and  son  were  among  the 
early  converts  to  the  principles  of  Friends  in  that 
Island.  When  imprisoned  at  Boston,  he  was  a young 
man,  and  a zealous  minister  of  the  gospel.  He  after- 
wards settled  in  London,  and,  in  1662,  married 
Margaret,  the  oldest  daughter  of  Judge  Fell.  He  died 
about  the  year  1695.^ 

Thomas  Harris,  who  was  imprisoned  in  Boston,  in 
1658,  was  an  inhabitant  of  Barbadoes,  and  was  there 
on  a religious  visit ; but  nothing  further  is  known  of 
his  history.  William  Leddra,  whose  trial  and  execu- 


^ Bancroft,  I.  231, 


^ Bowden,  I.  138. 


1658.] 


WEST  INDIES. 


437 


tion  at  Boston  have  already  been  related,  was  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  island. 

From  these  facts  we  may  conclude  that  meetings 
of  Friends  were  established  at  Barbadoes,  but  there 
appears  to  be  very  little  information  concerning  them 
left  on  record.  They  were  subjected  to  sufferings  on 
account  of  their  conscientiously  refusing  to  bear  arms, 
to  take  oaths,  and  to  comply  with  ecclesiastical  de- 
mands.’ 

The  island  of  ISTevis  was  visited  by  Mary  Fisher, 
John  Rous,  and  Peter  Head,  previous  to  the  year 
1658,  and  some  impression  made  by  their  religious 
labors.  They  were  kindly  received  at  the  house  of 
Humphrey  Highwood,  who  afterwards  embraced  the 
principles  of  Friends,  and  was  imprisoned  for  refusing 
to  bear  arms.^ 


^ Besse,  II.  278.  » Ibid,  352. 


37  ♦ 


438 


W.  CATON  AND  J.  STUBBS. 


[1655. 


CHAPTER  XYII. 

TRAVELS  IN  FRANCE,  HOLLAND,  GERMANY,  ITALY, 
AND  TURKEY. 

1655-60. 

The  travels  of  Friends,  engaged  in  the  gospel 
ministry,  were  not  confined  to  the  British  dominions ; 
but  some  of  them  were  employed  in  foreign  lands  in 
bearing  witness  to  the  spirituality  of  the  Christian 
dispensation. 

About  midsummer  in  the  year  1655,  William  Caton, 
being  at  Dover,  crossed  the  channel  to  Calais  in 
France,  and  entering  a place  of  worship,  he  was  much 
grieved  and  burdened  with  the  idolatry  he  witnessed, 
but  not  understanding  the  French  language,  he  could 
not  give  expression  to  his  feelings.  Having  walked 
about  the  streets  for  some  time,  he  returned  on  board 
the  vessel ; but  some  persons  of  distinction  sent  for 
him  to  meet  them  at  a large  house  in  the  city,  where 
a Scotch  lord  became  his  interpreter,  and  he  had  a 
full  opportunity  to  declare  the  truths  of  the  gospel. 
He  returned  to  England,  and  being  joined  by  John 
Stubbs,  they  soon  after  embarked  for  Holland.  They 
landed  at  Flushing,  and  on  the  First-day  of  the  week 
went  to  the  congregation  of  the  English  and  Scotch, 
where  they  attempted  to  speak,  but  were  soon  hurried 
out.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  they  were  at 
Middleburg;  and  having  gone  to  a place  of  worship, 
they  attempted  to  speak  after  the  minister  had  done, 


1656.]  W.  CATON  AND  J.  STUBBS.  439 

but  be  stopped  them.  He  afterwards  sent  for  them 
to  his  house,  and  conversed  with  them,  but  they  made 
little  impression  on  him.'  They  next  went  to  Rotter- 
dam, and  had  a meeting  at  an  English  merchant’s 
house,  but  they  had  to  speak  through  an  interpreter, 
and  he  not  rendering  their  words  truly,  the  meeting 
was  unsatisfactory.  They  soon  after  returned  to 
England  without  having  seen  much  fruit  from  their 
labors.* 

In  the  year  1656,  John  Stubbs  and  William  Caton 
were  again  in  Holland,  and  preached  at  Amsterdam. 
William  Caton  proceeded  to  Rotterdam,  where,  for 
want  of  an  interpreter  that  understood  English,  he 
discoursed  in  Latin.  Here  he  was  exceedingly  grieved 
to  meet  with  some  persons  claiming  to  be  Quakers, 
whose  pernicious  and  absurd  conduct  was  calculated 
to  bring  reproach  upon  their  profession.  These  per- 
sons, under  pretence  of  plainness,  caused  books  to  be 
printed,  in  which  not  one  capital  letter  could  be 
found;  even  proper  names  being  denied  this  distinc- 
tion. Isaac  Furuier,  who  was  a preacher  among  them, 
lived  like  another  Diogenes,  disregarding  the  common 
conveniences  of  life,  and  in  his  intercourse  with 
society,  affecting  bluntness  of  speech  and  rudeness  of 
behavior.  He  afterwards  threw  off  this  assumed  cha- 
racter, turned  Papist,  and  led  a dissolute  life.^ 

Leaving  Rotterdam,  William  Caton  came  to  Am- 
sterdam, where  he  had  but  little*  satisfaction,  and  after 
a short  stay,  proceeded  to  Zealand.  At  Middleburg 
he  was  arrested,  placed  under  a guard  of  soldiers,  and 
conducted  on  board  a ship  of  war  bound  for  England. 
He  suffered  much  hardship  on  board,  from  ill  usage 


’ Sewel,  I.  138. 


2 Ibid,  176. 


440 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


[1666, 


and  exposure  to  cold ; but  was  enabled  to  rejoice  in 
a sense  of  divine  mercy  and  goodness.  After  land- 
ing in  England,  be  travelled  in  Hampshire,  Surrey, 
Sussex,  and  Kent.  In  the  same  year,  George  Baily, 
having  gone  to  France,  testified  boldly  against  the 
worship  of  images,  for  which  he  was  taken  into  cus- 
tody, and  died  in  prison.^ 

One  of  the  most  efficient  ministers  that  visited 
Holland  and  Germany  was  William  Ames,  who  was 
instrumental  in  proselyting  many  to  the  doctrines  of 
Friends.  There  appears  to  be  no  account  extant  of 
his  birth  and  parentage,  but  he  is  mentioned  by  John 
Whiting  as  being  of  Somersetshire.^  In  youth  he 
was  of  a cheerful  temper,  and  fond  of  society  ; but 
the  indulgence  of  a disposition  to  gayety  and  mirth 
often  disquieted  his  mind,  which  led  him  to  seek  re- 
lief by  a closer  attention  to  the  ministrations  of  the 
clergy.  He  was  also  diligent  in  reading  the  Scrip- 
tures, a practice  excellent  in  itself ; but,  at  that  time, 
not  being  in  possession  of  the  “ Key  of  David,”  which 
can  unlock  those  sacred  treasures,  he  did  not  find  that 
true  peace  of  mind  which  he  earnestH  desired. 

He  entered  into  religious  communion  with  the 
Baptists,  and  became  a teacher  among  them.  At 
this  period  he  became  more  strict  in  his  conduct,  and 
endeavored  to  avoid  the  committing  of  sin  ; but  he 
found  the  root  of  the  corrupt  tree  was  still  alive,  and 
the  passion  of  anger  sometimes  prevailed  over  him. 

“He  could  speak  of  justification,  sanctification,  and 
cleansing  by  the  blood  of  Jesus,  but  was  sensible  he 
had  not  attained  that  pure  washing;  and  even  per- 
ceived that  he  was  no  true  member  of  Christ,  because 


» Sewel,  1.  212. 


* Whiting’s  Catalogue. 


1657.] 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


441 


he  had  not  experienced  regeneration.  Thus  he  learned 
that  a high  profession  was  of  no  avail,  and  that  some- 
thing beyond  it  was  essentiel  to  enable  him  to  attain . 
a happy  condition.  ‘ He  was  an  officer  in  the  army 
stationed  in  Ireland,  and  kept  his  soldiers  under 
severe  discipline.  When  they  were  guilty  of  immo- 
rality on  a First-day  of  the  week,  he  caused  them  to 
be  bouud  neck  and  heels  together.^ 

In  the  year  1655,  when  Francis  Howgill  and  Ed- 
ward Borrough  were  at  Cork,  in  Ireland,  William 
Ames  heard  them  preach  the  doctrine  of  Friends, 
showing  that  man  is  convinced  of  sin  by  the  Light  of 
Christy  which  enlighteneth  every  man  that  cometh  into 
the' world.  “ This  doctrine  entered  so  deeply  into  his 
heart,  that  he  embraced  it  from  a firm  conviction  of 
its  being  the  Truth  ; and  walking  with  great  circum- 
spection and  fear  before  the  Lord,  he  found  that  by 
diligent  attention  to  that  Divine  principle  which  in- 
wardly reproved  and  condemned  him  for  evil,  he  came 
to  be  delivered  from  the  power  of  sin  and  to  witness 
sanctification.”^  Having  entered  into  religious  com- 
munion with  Friends,  and  continuing  steadfast,  he 
became  a zealous  and  able  minister  of  the  gospel. 

In  the  year  1657,  he  went  to  Amsterdam,  accom- 
panied by  a person  named  Humble  Thatcher,  who 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  membership  with 
Friends.  They  were  arrested  on  suspicion  of  having 
placed  a paper  on  the  door  of  the  English  meeeting- 
house  in  that  city  ; but  William  Ames  declared  him- 
self innocent  of  the  charge,  and  that  he  knew  not 

‘ Lif»'  of  William  Ames,  Friends'  Library,  Vol.  XI.,  p.  475 

2 Sewel,  I.  143. 

* Life  of  William  Ames,  Friends’  Library,  Vol.  XI. 


442 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


[1657 


, who  was  the  author  of  the  paper.  They  were,  how- 
ever, ordered  by  the  uiagistrates  to  depart  from  the 
town  in  twenty-four  hours. 

Conscious  of  their  own  innocence  they  did  not 
. obey  the  command.  The  next  day,  being  again 
brought  before  the  magistrates,  and,  from  a consci- 
entious scruple,  not  putting  oif  their  hats,  they  were 
erroneolisly  regarded  as  persons  not  acknowledging 
subjection  to  the  civil  authority,  and  after  being  im- 
prisoned some  days,  were,  at  night,  led  through  one 
of  the  gates  and  banished  from  the  town. 

William  Ames,  being  a man  of  extraordinary 
courage,  and  knowing  that  he  had  committed  no  evil, 
returned  the  following  day  into  the  city  and  passed 
the  great  market-place  called  the  Dam.  One  of 
the  magistrates,  looking  from  a window  of  the  Town 
House,  saw  him  in  the  street,  and  remarked,  “ Lo ! 
there  is  the  Quaker ; if  we  had  a mind  now  to  make 
martyrs,  here  would  be  an  opportunity  for  it.”^  He 
staid  some  time  in  the  city  without  being  molested, 
and  the  doctrines  he  preached  found  some  entrance 
among  the  collegians  and  others. 

At  this  time  he  was  instrumental  in  convincing 
of  Friends’  principles  Jacob  Williamson  Sewel,  of 
Utrecht,  free  citizen  and  surgeon,  resident  at  Amster- 
dam, and  Judith  Zinspenning,  his  wife,  who  were  the 
parents  of  William  Sewel,  the  historian  and  lexicog- 
rapher. 

‘‘  They,  with  two  or  three  more,”  says  W.  Sewel, 
were  the  first  orthodox  Quakers  in  Amsterdam ; 
orthodox  I say,  because  I very  well  remember  what  a 
strange  and  odd  sort  of  people,  about  that  time,  did 


^ liife  of  W.  Ames,  Friends^  Library,  Vol.  XI. ; and  Sewel,  I.  212. 


1659.] 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


443 


flock  to  the  Quakers  iu  this  country.  But  these  whim- 
sical people,  not  being  sincere  in  heart,  but  more  in- 
clined to  novelties  than  to  true  godliness,  perceived 
in  time  that  they  were  not  regarded  by  them,  and 
they  were  also  contradicted  by  Ames  and  others,  so 
that  at  length,  after  many  exorbitancies,  they  left  the 
Quakers.”^ 

During  the  sojourn  of  TTilliam  Ames  in  Anster- 
dam,  he  was  joined  in  his  religious  labors  by  William 
Caton,  recently  arrived  from  England.  They  visited 
Zutphen,  in  Guelderland,  where,  meeting  with  much 
opposition,  they  returned  to  Amsterdam. 

William  Caton  visited  Leyden,  Eotterdam,  and  the 
Hague ; he  then  went  to  Zealand,  where  he  wrote  a 
book  both-in  Latin  and  English,  called  “ The  Moderate 
Enquirer  Resolved,”  after  which  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1659,  William  Ames, 
being  at  Rotterdam,  went  from  thence  to  a village 
called  Moordrecht,  where  dwelt  a cooper  named 
Martin  Martinson,  who,  being  convinced  of  Friends’ 
principles,  held  meetings  at  his  house,  which  were 
attended  by  some  of  his  serious  neighbors. 

William  Ames  held  a meeting  there  which  was 
disturbed  by  a disorderly  rabble,  and  as  he  passed 
from  thence  to  another  village,  he  was  followed  by  a 
multitude  of  riotous  people,  who  shouted  after  him 
and  pelted  him  with  clubs  and  stones.  A clergyman 
seeing  the  commotion,  asked  what  was  the  matter ; 
on  which  William  Ames  remarked,  “It  seems  the 
people  are  not  taught  better.”  “ They  are  not  used 
to  make  such  ado  against  honest  people,”  answered 


* SewePs  History  of  Quakers,  I.  213. 


444 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


[1659. 


the  clergyman  ; but  I believe  you  to  be  a deceiving 
wolf  that  comes  among  the  sheep  to  seduce  them.” 
“Prove  it,”  said  Ames.  “I  do  not  know  you,” 
replied  the  other.  “Learn  then,”  rejoined  Ames, 
“better  manners  than  to  call  one  thou  knowest  not,  a 
wolf  and  a deceiver.” 

On  h^s  return  to  Kotterdam,  "William  Ames  wrote 
to  Martinson,  requesting  him  to  go  to  the  clergyman 
and  desire  him  to  appoint  a time  to  prove  his  accusa- 
tion. After  some  delay  the  appointment  was  made, 
and  William  Ames  went  accordingly  to  Moordrecht 
to  meet  his  accuser ; but  the  clergyman  proved  him- 
self to  be  the  wolf,  for  at  his  instigation,  the  civil 
authorities  arrested  Ames  and  sent  him  back  to  Rot- 
terdam, where  he  was  confined  in  Bedlam.  * About  a 
week  after,  Martin  Martinson,  for  having  kept  meet- 
ings at  his  house,  was  imprisoned  in  the  same  place. 

After  about  three  weeks’  confinement,  the  deputy- 
governor  of  the  house  came  and  suggested  to  the 
prisoners,  that  if  they  would  go  out  he  should  not 
hinder  them.  William  Ames  answered,  “I  will  not 
be  reported  as  one  that  broke  prison.”  The  deputy 
said,  “You  may  go  out  freely;  all  is  unlocked,  and 
the  door  will  stand  open  for  you.”  William  replied, 
“Well,  I intend  to  go  out  to-morrow.” 

The  two  Friends  accordingly  went  out  the  next 
day,  but  concluded  to  report  themselves  to  a magis- 
trate called  the  dikegrave.  They  told  him  in  what 
manner  they  obtained  their  liberty,  adding,  “We 
would  not  have  it  said  that  we  broke  out.”  “ That 
name,”  said  the  dikegrave,  “you  would  have  had  if 
you  had  departed  the  town,  for  the  deputy  hath  told 
me  that  you  got  out  by  breaking  a window.”  “ I have 
heard  nothing  concerning  you  but  a good  report, 


1659.] 


WILLIAM  AMES. 


445 


neither  do  I seek  to  persecute  you ; hut  would  you  be 
willing  to  return  to  Bedlam  ? ” William  Ames  replied, 
that  they  would  return  if  he  desired  it.  He  signified 
his  wish  to  that  effect ; they  returned  accordingly,  and 
after  being  detained  some  time  longer  were  set  at 
liberty. 

Baring  the  same  year,  William  Ames  travelled  in 
Germany,  and  at  Heidelberg,  in  the  Palatinate,  he 
visited  the  Prince  Elector,  Charles  Lodowick,  who 
treated  him  kindly,  entered  into  conversation  with 
him,  and  seemed  to  take  no  offence  at  his  hat  being 
kept  on,  though  the  lords  and  others  present  were 
uncovered.  On  one  occasion  the  prince  had  his  chap- 
lain and  William  Ames  both  to  dine  with  him  in 

order  tliat  Ames,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a hold  man, 

• . 

might  find  an  opportunity  to  reprove  the  chaplain. 
With  this  view,  it  seems,  a jester  was  brought  in,  who 
amused  the  company  with  bufibonery.  The  chaplain 
was  silent,  but  William  Ames  did  not  hesitate  to  show 
his  disapprobation  of  such  vain  exhibitions,  and  direct- 
ing his  discourse  to  the  chaplain,  he  called  him  a 
“dumb  dog,”  for  allowing  such  lewd  behavior  in  his 
presence  without  reproof. 

This  evidence  of  his  fidelity  in  the  performance  of 
his  duty,  was  satisfactory  to  the  prince,  and  doubtless 
raised  William  Ames  in  his  estimation. 

This  intrepid  advocate  of  truth,  while  travelling  in 
the  Palatinate,  met  with  a settlement  of  Baptists  at 
Kriesheim,  a town  not  far  from  Worms.  To  these 
simple-hearted  people  he  preached  the  doctrine  of  the 
inward  and  spiritual  life,  which  was  so  well  received, 
that  some  families  embraced,  and  openly  professed, 
the  principles  of  Friends.  They  continued  steadfast 
in  their  profession  until  the  settlement  of  Pennsyl- 
L — 38 


446 


WILLIAM  AMES; 


[1660. 


vania,  when  they  unanimously  emigrated  thither,  and 
thus  providentially  escaped  the  calamities  that  soon 
after  ensued  in  the  Palatinate  from  a desolating  w^ar.^ 

When  the  doctrines  preached  by  William  Ames 
began  to  take  root  in  the  Palatinate,  a fine  was  im- 
posed on  those  who  gave  him  entertainment ; but  the 
Elector,  when  informed  of  it,  remitted  the  penalty ; 
and  the  Ecclesiastical  Court,  having  summoned  Ames 
before  them,  the  prince  gave  an  order  that  they  should 
not  interfere  with  him. 

In  the  following  year,  accompanied  by  John  Hig- 
gins, he  again  travelled  in  the  Palatinate,  and  they 
visited  the  Prince  Elector.  Soon  after,  Higgins  ob- 
tained another  audience  with  the  prince,  in  order  to 
deliver  him  a book  written  by  George  Fox,  and  a 
letter  from  William  Ames ; both  of  which  were  Tvell  * 
received.  The  prince  desired  him  to  thank  William 
Ames,  saying  he  took  their  visit  to  him  and  his  family 
very  kindly,  and  believed  Jhat  what  they  spoke  was 
in  love  to  their  souls.^ 

William  Ames  subsequently  visited  Hamburg,  and 
from  thence  travelling  through  Bohemia  1*o  Dantzic, 
he  went  to  Poland.  In  Hamburg  and  Dantzic  he 
made  some  proselytes ; but  in  Poland  he  found  no 
entrance  for  the  doctrines  he  preached.  He  returned 
to  England,  and  afterwards  settled  in  Amsterdam, 
where  he  died  in  peace  in  the  year  1662. 

It  appears  that  some  parts  of  the  Netherlands  were 
visited  by  Samuel  Fisher ; but  the  date  of  his  travels 
there  is  not  certainly  known. 

At  Middleburg,  in  Zealand,  he  was  permitted  to 
address  the  congregation  in  a house  of  public  wor- 


1 Sewel,  I.  253. 


2 Ibid.,  I.  254. 


1659.]  E.  BURROUGH  AND  S.  FISHER.  447 

ship,  and  afterwards,  at  the  minister’s  house,  he  con- 
versed with  some  persons  of  rank  on  religious  sub- 
jects, being  treated  with  courtesy.^ 

He  accompanied  Edward  Burrough  to  Dunkirk  in 
the  year  1659.  The  city  and  fortress  were  then  in 
possession  of  the  English,  and  the  two  Friends  had 
much  relio’ious  discourse  with  the  officers  and  soldiers 

O 

of  the  garrison.  They  visited  likewise  the  Capuchin 
Friars  and  the  Jesuits  at  their  monasteries,  and  rea- 
soned with  them  against  the  doctrines  and  practices 
of  their  church.  After  these  conferences,  they  wrote 
in  Latin  a number  of  queries  addressed  to  the  Priests, 
Friars,  and  Xuns,  in  relation  to  the  monastic  life,  the 
ceremonies  of  their  church,  and  its  persecuting  spirit. 

One  of  the  English  chaplains  at  the  garrison  having 
spoken  against  them,  they  sought  an  interview  to  dis- 
course with  him,  but  he  declined;  and  then  they  wrote 
him  a letter  containing  the  following  propositions, 
viz. : — 

1.  “ That  Christ  hath  enlightened  all  men  with  a 
light  sufficient  in  itself  to  bring  them  to  salvation,  if 
they  follow  it.” 

2.  “ That  God  hath  given  Christ  to  be  the  Saviour 
of  all  men.” 

3.  ‘‘That  none  are  justified  by  Christ  and  his 
righteousness  without  them,  but  as  they  have  received 
Christ  and  his  righteousness,  and  witness  them  re- 
vealed in  themselves.” 

4.  “ That  the  saints  of  God  may  be  perfectly  freed 
from  sin  in  this  life,  so  as  no  more  to  commit  it.” 

5.  “That  the  national  ministers  and  churches,  not 
only  of  Papists  but  of  Protestants  also,  as  they  now 


1 New  England  Judged,  18. 


448  PERSECUTION  IN  FRANCE.  [1659. 

stand,  are  not  the  true  ministers  and  churches  of 
Christ.” 

6.  ‘‘  That  the  Scriptures  are  a true  declaration, 
given  forth  from  the  Spirit  of  God,  by  holy  men  of 
God,  moved  by  it  to  write  them,  and  are  profitable ; 
but  are  not  the  foundation,  nor  the  most  perfect  rule 
of  faith  and  life  to  the  saints.”^ 

Samuel  Fisher  and  John  Stubbs  went  to  Rome 
about  the  year  1659,  where  they  testified  publicly 
against  the  superstitions  prevailing  there,  and  had 
conferences  with  some  of  the  cardinals.  A peculiar 
providence  seemed  to  attend  them,  for  they  came 
away  from  that  persecuting  city  unmolested.^ 

William  Salt,  having  travelled  to  Morlaix,  in  France, 
preached  against  the  masquerades,  which  were  there 
tolerated  by  law,  and  for  his  Christian  testimony  was 
subjected  to  a grievous  imprisonment,  during  which 
he  became  so  emaciated  as  to  appear  almost  like  a 
skeleton.  Through  the  intercession  of  Lockhart,  the 
English  ambassador,  he  was  released.^ 

Christopher  Birkhead  was  imprisoned  at  Rochelle, 
in  France,  for  having  spoken  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion.  He  afterwards  went  to  Middleburg, 
in  Zealand,  where  he  attempted  to  preach  to  the 
English  congregation,  but  was  taken  into  custody. 
Being  examined  by  the  magistrates,  he  was  sentenced 
to  be  confined  in  the  Rasp-house,  or  house  of  correc- 
tion, where  he  was  kept  two  years,  and  suftered  much 
hardship.  The  keeper  would  have  detained  him 
longer  for  fees,  but  he  was  released  through  the 
intervention  of  Heer  Hewport,  ambassador  of  the 
States  General  in  England.'^ 


* E.  Burrough’s  Works,  London,  1672,  p.  541. 

* Besse,  II.  395.  ® Ibid,  II.  395.  ■* *  Ibid,  II.  395-7. 


IG59.]  GEORGE  ROBINSON.  449 

Near  the  close  of  the  summer,  in  the  year  1657, 
George  Robinson,  a young  man  of  London,  was  im- 
pelled by  a sense  of  religious  duty  to  travel  to  Jerusa- 
lem. He  embarked  for  Leghorn,  and  from  thence 
took  passage  in  a ship  for  St.  John  d’Acre ; where, 
having  staid  about  eight  days  in  a French  merchant’s 
house,  he  sailed  for  Jaffa,  or  Joppa.  From  that  port 
he  travelled  to  Ramoth ; but,  the  friars  at  Jerusalem, 
having  heard  of  his  coming,  gave  orders  to  arrest  him, 
wLich  was  done  accordingly.  After  he  had  been  in 
confinement  about  twenty-four  hours,  an  aged  Turk, 
a man  of  reputation  in  the  place,  came  and  took  him 
to  his  house,  where  he  courteously  entertained  him  , 
several  days.  At  length  an  Irish  friar  came  from 
Jerusalem,  and  told  him  he  was  sent  by  the  fraternity 
there  to  propose  to  him  three  questions,  viz : “ 1st. 
"Whether  he  would  promise,  when  he  came  to  Jerusa- 
lem, to  visit  the  holy  places  as  other  pilgrims  did?” 

‘‘  2d.  Whether  he  would  pay  such  sums  of  money  as 
was  customary  with  other  pilgrims  to  pay  ?”  “ 3d. 

Whether  he  would  wear  such  a habit  as  other  pilgrims 
wore  ?”  They  also  enjoined  upon  him,  ‘‘  Not  to  speak 
anything  against  the  Turkish  laws;  and,  when  he 
should  come  to  Jerusalem,  not  to  speak  anything 
about  religion.”  He  steadily  refused  to  answer  their 
queries,  or  to  submit  to  their  injunctions ; on  which 
the  Irish  friar,  who  had  brought  with  him  a guard  of 
horse  and  foot,  took  him  by  force  back  to  Joppa,  and 
there  embarked  him  on  a vessel,  which  landed  him 
at  St.  John  d’Acre,  where  a French  merchant,  named 
Surrubi,  took  him  into  his  house  and  lodged  him 
about  three  weeks.  At  length,  by  the  aid  of  this 
merchant,  he  found  an  opportunity  to  return  by  sea 
to  Joppa,  and  from  thence  he  went  on  foot  to  Ramoth. 
38* 


450 


JOURNEY  TO  JERUSALEM. 


[1659. 


On  his  way  thither,  he  met  two  mon  riding  on  asses, 
and  a third  on  foot,  one  of  whom  held  a gan  to  his 
breast,  while  another  rifled  his  pockets.  His  meek 
deportment  seemed  to  soften  their  hearts,  for  they 
restored  his  property,  and,  taking  him  by  the  hand, 
led  him  a short  distance  on  his  way  in  a friendly 
manner. 

When  he  was  come  to  Ramoth,  two  ipen  connected 
with  the  friars  laid  hold  on  him;  bnt,  two  of^the 
Turks  took  him  from  them,  and  led  him  into  one  of 
their  mosques.  A law  or  custom  then  existed  among 
the  Turks,  that  whosoever  entered  a mosque  must 
either  become  a Mahometan  or  sufler  death.  When 
Robinson  entered,  some  of  the  Mahometan  priests 
asked  him  whether  he  would  embrace  their  religion  ? 
And  on  his  refusing,  they  pressed  him, 'saying,  that 
he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  what  the  Christians 
could  do  to  him.  He  told  them  he  could  not  join 
them  for  all  the  world.  They  still  insisted,  and  at 
length  becoming  angry,  said  to  him,  “ If  he  would 
not  turn  to  their  religion,  he  should  die.”  He  an- 
swered, that  he  would  rather  die  than  comply  with 
their  demand.”  They  told  him  he  should  die  then  ; 
and  by  their  order  the  executioner  dragged  him  away 
with  the  evident  intention  of  burning  him  to  death. 
His  mind  was  stayed  upon  the  Lord,  and  Divine  Pro- 
vidence interposed  for  his  deliverance.  Some  of  the 
Turks  had  observed  that  his  entrance  into  the  mosque 
was  not  voluntary,  but  by  a stratagem  contrived  by 
the  friars.  They  began  to  differ  in  their  opinions 
concerning  him,  and  a venerable  Turk  said,  Whether 
he  embraced  their  religion  or  not,  he  should  not  die.” 
The  Turks  observing  the  enmity  evinced  towards 
him  by  the  friars,  concluded  he  could  not  be  a 


1659.] 


JOURNEY  TO  JERUSALEM. 


451 


Roman  Catholic,  although  he  professed  himself  a 
'Christian. 

After  a few  days  a mounted  guard,  hired  by  the 
Friars,  carried  him  to  Gaza,  they  having  incensed  the 
Bashaw  of  that  place  against  him  ; but  on  Robinson’s 
arrival,  the  Bashaw  being  informed  of  the  malice 
evinced  by  the  Friars  against  him,  required  them  to 
pay  a consid^ble  fine,  and  to  carry  him  safely  to 
Jerusalem.  Being  come  thither,  he  was  taken  to  the 
convent,  and  the  Friars  asked  him,  ‘‘A\^hether  he 
would  become  an  obedient  child,  and  go  to  visit  the 
holy  places,  according  to  their  custom  ?”  He  an- 
swered, ‘‘Xo.”  They  said  to  him,  “Whereas,  others 
give  large  sums  of  money  to  see  them,  you  shall  see 
them  for  nothing.”  He  replied,  “I  shall  not  visit 
them  in  your  manner,  for  in  so  doing  I should  sin 
against  God.”  The  Friars  still  insisted,  and  one  of 
them  said  to  him,  “ How  can  you  be  a servant  of  God, 
and  not  go  to  visit  the  places  where  the  holy  men  of 
God  dwelt?”  “Under  a pretence  of  doing  God  ser- 
vice,” he  rejoined,  “in  visiting  the  places  where  the 
holy  men  of  God  dwelt,  you  oppose  that  way  and 
resist  that  life  which  the  holy  men  of  God  walked  and 
lived  in.”  Then  one  of  the  Friars  said,  “ What  do 
you  preach  to  us  for  ?”  He  answered,  “ I would  have 
you  to  turn  from  those  evil  practices  you  live  in,  lest 
the  wrath  of  the  Almighty  be  kindled  against  you.” 

Being  taken  before  one  of  the  Turkish  authorities, 
he  was  asked  several  questions  in  relation  to  divine 
worship,  to  which  he  gave  suitable  answers.  The 
Turk  then  queried,  “Why  he  came  to  Jerusalem?” 
He  replied,  that  “he  came  at  the  command  of  the 
Lord,  whose  tender  love  was  manifest  in  visiting 


452  MARY  FISHER.  [1660. 

them ; his  compassion  being  such  that  he  would 
gather  them  all  to  himself.” 

Having  borne  his  testimony  against  the  superstitions 
of  the  Friars,  and  discharged  the  duty  that  he  be- 
lieved was  required  of  him,  he  felt  great  peace  of 
mind,  and  gratitude  for  divine  protection.  The  Friars 
were  compelled,  by  the  Turkish  authorities,  to  con- 
duct him  back  to  Eamoth,  and  he  returned  safely  to 
his  native  country.^ 

Mary  Fisher,  who  has  already  been  mentioned  as 
one  of  the  first  Friends  who  suffered  persecution  in 
Hew  England,  performed,  about  the  year  1660,  a most 
extraordinary  journey  into_  Turkey.  Being  in  Lon- 
don after  her  return  from  America,  her  mind  became 
impressed  with  a sense  of  religious  duty  to  go  with  a 
message  from  the  Lord  to  Sultan  Mahomet  the 
Fourth,  then  encamped  with  his  army  near  Adrian- 
ople.  She  embarked  for  Smyrna ; but  on  her  arrival 
there,  the  English  consul  sent  her  back  to  Venice. 

With  undaunted  courage  she  proceeded  alone  and 
on  foot  from  the  sea-coast  of  the  Morea  to  Adrianople, 
a distance  of  five  or  six  hundred  miles,  through  a 
country  replete  with  dangers;  and  yet,  throughout 
that  long  journey,  she  was  preserved  from  insult  and 
injury. 

On  her  arrival,  she  desired  some  of  the  citizens  to 
go  with  her ; but  they,  fearing  the  Sultan’s  displea- 
sure, declined,  and  she  went  alone  to  the  camp.  She 
sent  information  to  the  Grand  Vizier’s  tent,  that  “ an 
English  woman  was  there,  who  had  something  to 
declare  from  the  great  God  to  the  Sultan.”  He  re- 


* Besse,  II.  392. 


1660.] 


VISIT  TO  TURKEY. 


453 


turned  for  answer,  that  ‘‘  she.  should  speak  with  him 
the  next  morning.” 

She  returned  to  the  city  that  night,  and  on  the 
morrow  went  back  to  the  camp,  when  the  Sultan, 
being  surrounded  by  his  great  men,  caused  her  to  be 
invited  in,  and  asked  her,  Whether  it  was,  as  he  had 
heard,  that  she  had  a message  from  the  Lord  ?”  She 
answered,  ‘‘Yes.”  Then  he  bade  her  “speak  on,” 
there  being  three  interpreters  present.  She  remained 
silent  awhile,  waiting  on  the  Lord  for  his  guidance ; 
but  the  Sultan,  supposing  she  was  afraid  to  open  her 
mind  before  them  all,  asked,  “Whether  she  wished 
that  any  of  them  should  withdraw  before  she  spoke.” 
She  answered,  “ Yay.”  He  again  bade  her,  “Speak 
the  word  of  the  Lord  to  them,  and  not  to  fear,  for 
they  had  good  hearts,  and  could  hear  it.”  She  ex- 
pressed what  she  believed  she  was  divinely  authorized 
to  say,  and  they  all  listened  with  attention  and  be- 
coming gravity.  She  then  asked  the  Sultan,  “ Whe- 
ther he  understood  what  she  had  said.”  He  answered, 
“Yea,  every  word;”  adding,  that  “it  was  truth,”  and 
he  desired  her  to  stay  in  that  country,  saying  “that 
they  could  not  but  respect  such  an  one  as  had  come 
to  them  so  far  as  from  England,  with  a mes-sage  from 
the  Lord.”  He  offered  her  a guard  to  Constantinople, 
which  she  declined,  for  she  trusted  in  the  arm  of  the 
Lord,  who  had  conducted  her  thither,  and  she  doubted 
not  that  he  would  protect  her  on  her  return.  The 
Sultan  remarked  that  it  was  dangerous  travelling, 
especially  for  such  an  one  as  she ; and  he  assured  her 
that  his  offer  was  made  in  kindness;  for  he  would 
not,  on  any  account,  that  she  should  suffer  the  least 
injury  in  his  dominions.  They  asked  her,  “What 
she  thought  of  their  prophet,  Mahomet?”  She  re* 


454 


PROGRESS  OF  FRIENDS. 


[1660. 


plied,  that  “she  knew  him  not;  hut  that  she  knew 
Christ,  the  true  prophet,  the  Son  of  God,  who  was  the 
light  of  the  world,  and  enlighteneth  every  man  that 
cometh  into  the  world.”  Adding,  “If  the  word  that 
the  prophet  speaks  comes  to  pass,  then  shall  ye  know 
that  the  Lord  hath  sent  that  prophet ; but  if  it  come 
not  to  pass,  then  shall  ye  know  that  the  Lord  never 
sent  him.”  They  acknowledged  that  this  was  truth ; 
and  she,  having  accomplished  her  mission,  departed, 
passing  through  the  great  army  towards  Constan- 
tinople, where  she  safely  arrived,  and  from  thence  she 
passed  to  her  own  country.^ 


CHAPTER  XYIII. 

RETROSPECT  OF  THE  VOLUME. 

1660. 

The  progress  of  Friends’  principles,  during  the 
supremacy  of  Parliament,  and  the  Protectorate  of 
Cromwell,  was  remarkably  rapid,  but  there  are  no 
statistics  to  show  the  number  of  proselytes.  In  the 
year  1660,  being  about  thirteen  years  after  George 
Fox  began  his  fublic  ministry,  we  can  trace  the  ex- 
istence of  Friends,  by  the  records  of  their  sutferings, 
in  thirty-nine  of  the  counties  of  England,  as  also  in 
Wales,  Ireland,  Scotland,  Holland,  Germany,  Xew 


‘ Besse,  II.  394. 


1660.] 


PROGRESS  OF  FRIENDS. 


455 


England,  York,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the 

West  Indiesd 

A large  number,  both  men  and  women,  being  called 
to  the  gospel  ministry,  and  endowed  with  spiritual 
gifts  adapted  to  the  work  assigned  them,  were  inde- 
fatigable in  their  efforts  to  promote  the  growth  of 
vital  piety  and  practical  righteousness.  Their  labors 
extended,  not  only  to  Protestant  countries,  but  in 
France,  Poland,  Italy,  and  other  foreign  lands,  some 
of  these  gospel  messengers  were  engagea  in  pro- 
claiming the  inward  or  spiritual  appearance  of  Christ, 
as  the  light  and  life  of  the  regenerate  soul.  It  was 
found,  however,  that  in  Catholic  countries,  the  soil 
was  not  yet  prepared  for  the  seed  they  were  sent  forth 
to  sow,  and,  accordingly,  their  attention  was  chiefly 
directed  to  those  nations  where  the  ground  had  already 
been  broken  by  the  Protestant  reformers. 

Wherever  they  went  persecution  attended  them, 
and  often  they  were  subjected  to  the  most  severe 
sufierings ; but  they  cheerfully  endured  scorn  and 
contumely,  loss  of  goods,  and  long  imprisonments, 
cruel  scourgings,  and  even  death  on  the  gallows,  for 
the  love  of  the  gospel  and  the  testimony  of  their 
Lord.  Their  growth  may  be  attributed,  in  part,  to 
the  persecutions  they  so  patiently  endured,  and  to 
them  might  be  applied  the  language  of  Moses  con- 
cerning the  Israelites  in  Egypt;  the  more  they  afilicted 
them,  the  more  they  multiplied  and  grew.  ‘‘  For  Ee- 
ligion,  next  to  her  own  light  and  energy  in  the  minds 
of  men,  has  not  a more  popular  argument  in  her 


^ See  Besse’s  Sufferings  of  Friends,  and  Bishop’s  New  England 
Judged. 


456  PERSECUTIONS.  [1660. 

favor  than  the  patience  and  constancy  of  her  afflicted 
confessors.”  ^ 

Up  to  this  period,  their  most  severe  sufferings  were 
instigated  by  the  clergy  of  the  sect  called  Independ- 
ents, who,  in  the  time  of  the  Protectorate,  were  most 
influential  in  England,  and  'bore  sway  in  Massachu- 
setts. This  is  the  more  remarkable  when  we  consider 
that  the  original  principles  of  this  sect  were  more 
liberal  than  some  others,  and  that  Cromwell  professed 
to  he  the  patron  of  religious  liberty.  When  they 
came  into  possession  of  power,  they  forgot  their  first 
love,  and  being  intoxicated  with  worldly  honor,  they 
were  rigid  in  exacting  from  all  a subserviency  to 
ecclesiastical  domination,  which,  at  an  earlier  day,  they 
denied  to  human  authority  in  matters  of  conscience. 

It  is  supposed  that  Cromwell  consented  to  the  per- 
secution of  the  Friends  in  order  to  gratify  the  rigid 
Puritans  of  his  party,  who  desired  that  every  neck 
should  bend  under  their  yoke.  Being  intent  on  his 
own  aggrandizement,  he  paid  little  attention  to  the 
sufferings  of  an  inoffensive  people  that  could  not  be 
made  subservient  to  his  ambitious  designs.  George 
Fox,  Edward  Burrough,  and  others  of  the  most  in- 
fluential Friends,  laid  before  him,  both  in  person  and 
by  writing,  the  sufferings  of  their  imprisoned  brethren, 
and  faithfully  admonished  him  of  his  duty  to  exert 
his  authority  to  protect  the  innocent. 

Thomas  Aldam  and  Anthony  Pearson  went  through 
all,  or  most  of  the  prisons  of  England,  and  having 
obtained  from  the  jailers  copies  of  the  Friends’  com- 
mitments, they  laid  the  account  before  Cromwell ; 
but  he,  being  unwilling  to  give  orders  for  their  release, 


* Bessels  Preface  to  Sufferings  of  Friends. 


1660.] 


PURITAN  RULERS. 


457 


Thomas  Aldam  took  off  his  cap,  and  tearing  it  in 
pieces,  said  : “ So  shall  thy  government  be  rent  from 
thee  and  thy  house.”  Several  of  the  Friends  were 
led  by  a sense  of  duty  to  warn  him  against  the  con- 
sequences that  would  ensue  from  the  abuse  of  power, 
and  from  lending  his  countenance  to  the  persecuting 
clergy  and  magistrates.  At  a time  when  it  was 
thought  he  was  disposed  to  assume  the  crown,  which 
some  of  his  partisans  wished  to  confer  upon  him, 
George  Fox  cautioned  him  against  accepting  the 
regal  title,  telling  him,  that  “ if  he  did  not  avoid  these 
things,  he  would  bring  shame  and  ruin  upon  himself 
and  his  posterity.”  A proclamation  being  issued  by 
the  Protector  for  a day  of  fasting  and  humiliation  on 
account  of  the  Waldehses,  who  were  then  persecuted 
by  the  Catholics,  George  Fox  wrote  a letter  to  Crom- 
well and  the  principal  officers  of  government,  showing 
the  nature  of  the  true  fast  which  God  requires,  and 
pointing  out  their  inconsistency  and  self-condemna- 
tion, in  blaming  the  Catholics  for  persecuting  the 
Protestants,  when  thej^  themselves  were  guilty  of  the 
same. 

“Divers  times,”  says  George  Fox,  “both  in  the 
time  of  the  Long  Parliament,  and  of  the  Protector 
(so  called)  and  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  when  they 
proclaimed  fasts,  there  was  some  mischief  contrived 
against  us.  I knew  their  fasts  were  for  strife  and 
debate,  to  smite  with  the  fist  of  wickedness;  as  the 
Kew  England  professors  soon  after  did ; who,  before 
they  put  our  friends  to  death,  proclaimed  a fast  also.” 

“I  had  a sight  and  sense  of  the  king’s 

return  a good  while  before,  and  so  had  some  others. 
I wrote  to  Oliver  several  times,  and  let  him  know 
that  while  he  was  persecuting  God’s  people,  they 

L— 30 


458  SUFFERINGS  OF  FRIENDS.  [1660 

whom  he  accounted  his  enemies  were  preparing  to 
come  upon  him.  When  some  forward  spirits  that 
came  amongst  us  would  have  bought  Somerset  house, 
that 'we  might  have  meetings  in  it,  I forbade  them  to 
do  so,  for  I then  foresaw  the  king’s  coming  in  again.” 
On  the  death  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  the  3d  of  the 
Seventh  month,  1658,  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Eichard,  a man  of  easy  and  amiable  temper,  who  held 
the  reins  of  power  hut  a short  time,  and  then  retired 
to  private  life.  Near  the  close  of  his  protectorate,  on 
the  6th  of  the  Second  month,  1659,  an  address  was 
presented  on  behalf  of  Friends,  to  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  entitled,  ‘‘  To  the  Parliament 
and  Commonwealth  of  England,  being  a declaration 
of  the  names,  places,  and  sufferings  of  such  as  are 
now  in  prison  for  speaking  the  truth  in  several  places ; 
for  not  paying  tithes,  for  meeting  together  in  the  fear 
of  God,  for  not  swearing,  for  wearing  their  hats,  for 
/ being  accounted  as  vagrants,  for  visiting  Friends,  and 
for  things  of  the  like  nature  — in  all  about  144: 
besides,  imprisoned  and  persecuted  till  death,  twenty- 
one.  Also  a brief  narrative  of  their  sufferings  within 
the  last  six  years  or  thereabouts,  of  about  one  thou- 
sand nine  hundred  and  sixty  persons  already  returned  ; 
being  but  part  of  many  more,  whose  names  and 
sufferings  are  not  yet  returned : all  which  it  is  desired 
may  be  read  and  considered  of  by  this  Parliament, 
that  right  may  be  done.”  Then  follows  a list  of  cases 
of  sufferings,  arranged  under  the  several  counties,  and 
comprised  in  many  pages.- 

This  declaration  being  disregarded  by  the  Parlia- 
ment, a very  large  number  of  Friends  from  different 


‘ betters  of  Early  Friends,  No.  XXYII, 


1660.] 


SUFFERINGS  OF  FRIENDS. 


459 


parts  of  tlie  nation,  came  to  London  and  waited  on 
the  House  of  Commons  with  another  address  signed 
hy  164  persons,  offering  to  take  the  place  of  their  im- 
prisoned  brethren.  In  this  document  they  aver  that 
many  of  their  Friends  are  immured  in  dungeons  — 
some  in  irons  — others,  who  are  sick  and  weak,  are 
lying  on  straw;  and  that  some  have  died  in  prison. 
The  petitioners  being  willing  to  lay  down  their  lives 
for  their  brethren,  offer  themselves,  body  for  body,  to 
be  immured  in  the  same  dungeons  in  order  that  the 
sufferers  may  come  forth  and  not  die  from  imprison- 
ment. 

Their  noble  and  generous  offer  received  little  favor ; 
the  Parliament,  after  some  debate,  resolved  as  follows, 
viz. : “ That  the  answer  to  be  given  to  the  persons 
that  presented  this  paper  is,  that  this  House  hath  read 
their  paper,  and  the  paper  thereby  referred  to ; and 
doth  declare  their  dislike  of  the  scandal  thereby  cast 
upon  magistracy  and  ministry;  and  doth  therefore 
order  that  they,  and  other  persons  concerned,  do  forth- 
with resort  to  their  respective  habitations,  and  there 
apply  themselves  to  their  callings,  and  submit  them- 
selves to  the  laws  of  the  nation,  and  the  magistracy 
they  live  under.” 

From  the  Journals  of  the  House,  date  16th  of 
April,”  it  appears  that  Thomas  Moor,  John  Crook, 
and  Edward  Byllyng  were  brought  to  the  bar,  and 
the  sergeant  having  taken  off‘  their  hats,  the  aforesaid 
answer  was  declared  to  them  by  the  speaker.”^ 
Although  little  effect  was  produced  at  that  time,  the 
Journals  of  the  House  show  that  in  the  following 
month  a committee  was  appointed  ‘Mo  consider  of 


^ Letters  of  Early  Friends,  No.  XXVII. 


460  CHANGE  OF  GOVEENMENT.  [1660. 

the  imprisonment  of  snch  persons  who  continued  com- 
mitted for  conscience’  sake,  and  how  and  in  what 
manner  they  are  and  continue  committed,  together 
with  the  whole  cause  thereof,  and  how  they  may  be 
discharged,  and  to  report  the  same  to  the  Parliament.” 

A letter  from  Eohert  Benbrick  to  Margaret  Fell, 
dated  London,  21st  of  Fourth  month  [Sixth  month], 
1659,  says,  Friends’  sufferings  were  yesterday  taken 
into  consideration  at  Westminster,  and  grievous  things 
were  declared  against  the  priests,  and  did  enter  into 
the  hearts  of  some  of  the  committee ; we  made  them 
shake  their  heads  and  grieved  them ; they  said  they 
would  have  some  of  the  priests  up  to  London,  and 
examine  them  about  these  things.”  A letter  of  Alex- 
ander Parker’s  to  M.  Fell,  dated  22d  of  same  month, 
says,  ‘‘  The  committee  of  Parliament  are  most  of 
them  very  moderate,  and  examine  things  very  fully ; 
and  whether  they  do  anything  or  nothing  as  to  the 
enlargement  of  Friends,  it  is  serviceable  that  the 
wickedness  of  greedy  and  covetous  men  is  brought 
to  light.  Much  cannot  be  expected  of  men  in  that 
nature ; for  though  there  be  a change  of  name,  yet 
the  old  nature  is  still  standing ; earth  enough  there 
is  to  make  another  mountain,  but  whatever  the  con- 
sequence be,  this  I know  and  feel,  that  Truth  hath 
great  advantage,  and  an  open  door  is  further  made 
for  spreading  the  Truth  abroad.  The  Lord  prosper 
his  work,  and  carry  it  on  to  his  owm  praise  and 
glory.”^ 

In  the  Eighth  month  [October,  0.  S.],  1659,  the 
officers  of  the  army,  having  expelled  the  Parliament, 
appointed  twenty-three  persons  of  their  own  party  to 


* Letters  of  Early  Friends,  No.  XXVIII, 


1660.]  CHANGE  OF  GOVERNMENT.  461 

execute  supreme  authority  uucler  the  title  of  “The 
Committee  of  Safety.’*  Two  of  the  members  of  this 
body,  Sir  Henry  Vane,  and  Colonel  Rich,  showed  a 
disposition  to  redress  the  grievances  of  Friends,^  but 
the  nation  being  in  a state  of  commotion,  no  perma- 
nent relief  could  |^e  secured.  The  Committee  of 
Safety,  being  informed  that  General  Monk  was  ad- 
vancing with  an  army  from  Scotland,  resigned  their 
authority  and  restored  the  Parliament,  which  met 
again  in  the  Tenth  month  [December,  0.  S.],  1659. 
This  remnant  of  the  Long  Parliament  was  induced 
by  General  Monk  and  others  to  restore  the  “ secluded 
members”  ejected  by  Cromwell  in  1648;  and  the 
House,  thus  augmented,  having  a decided  majority 
of  Presbyterians,  returned  to  its  former  policy. 

A day  of  thanksgiving  was'  kept,  after  which  the 
city  ministers  petitioned  for  a redress  of  sundry 
grievances : as  First,  “ That  a more  effectual  course 
be  taken  against  the  Papists.”  Secondly,  “ That  the 
Quakers  be  prohibited  opening  their  shops  on  the 
Sabbath-day.”  Thirdly,  “ That  the  public  ministers 
may  not  be  disturbed  in  their  public  services.”  They 
also  requested  the  House  to  establish  the  Westminster 
Assembly’s  Confession  of  Faith,  Directory,  and  Cate- 
chism. In  accordance  with  this  recommendation,  the 
House  re-established  the  Presbyterian  Confession  of 
Faith  and  Directory;  and,  doubtless,  the  ministers  of 
that  persuasion  would  have  obtained  possession  of  all 
the  benefices  in  England,  if  the  party  then  in  power 
had  continued  to  rule.^  But  the  term  of  its  dominion 
was  brief,  for  the  Parliament,  at  the  demand  of 


* Letter  of  R.  Hubberthorn  to  M.  Fell. 
^NeaFs  Hist,  of  Pur.,  II.  192. 

39* 


462  TESTIMONY  AGAINST  WAR.  [1660 

General  Monk,  decreed  its  own  dissolution  and  the 
election  of  a new  Parliament,  which  met  in  1660,  and 
entirely , changed  the  face  of  affairs. 

During  these  successive  mutations  in  the  English 
government,  the  country  was  kept  in  a state  of  con- 
tinual agitation,  and  each  of  the  contending  parties 
endeavored  to  gain  adherents  by  arousing  the  fears 
or  exciting  the  hopes  of  the  public.  While  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  was  in  power,  places  of  profit  and 
honor  were  offered  to  Friends,  if  they  would  take  up 
arms  for  the  Commonwealth ; but,  they  declined  all 
such  offers,  and  maintained  their  peaceable  principles. 
Some  who  frequented  their  meetings,  and  were 
partially  convinced  of  their  doctrines,  were  disposed 
to  accept  the  flattering  invitations  of  men  in  power; 
but  George  Fox  exerted  his  influence  with  good  effect 
in  restraining  their  inclinations.  In  his  epistle 
written  on  this  occasion,  he  says,  “All  that  pretend 
to  fight  for  Christ,  are  deceived,  for  his  kingdom  is 
not  of  this  world,  therefore  his  servants  do  not  fight. 
Fighters  are  not  of  Christ’s  kingdom,  but  are  wfithout 
Christ’s  kingdom ; for  his  kingdom  stands  in  peace 
and  righteousness,  but  fighters  are  in  the  lust:  and 
all  that  would  destroy  men’s  lives  are  not  of  Christ’s 
mind,  who  came  to  save  men’s  lives.”  ^ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a testimony  against 
war  and  military  services  of  every  kind  was  then  an 
established  tenet  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  They 
believed  that  they  were  called  to  exalt  the  standard 
of  pure  primitive  Christianity,  and  to  engage  in  no 
warfare,  save  that  of  the  Lamb,  which  is  not  against 
flesh  and  blood,  but  against  the  principles  of  evil.  In 


’ Journal,  I.  382. 


1660.J 


V I E S ON  WAR. 


463 


them  the  carnal  nature  which  leads  to  strife  and 
bloodshed  was  subdued,  and  the  lamb-like  nature  of 
Christ  prevailed,  so  that  they  witnessed  the  kingdom 
of  God  to  be  within  them,  consisting  of  righteousness, 
peace,  and  joy  in  the  Holy  Spirit.  They  believed  the 
spirit  of  Christ  would  ultimately  lead  all  people  to 
this  peaceable  kingdom  in  which  nation  shall  not  lift 
up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war 
any  more ; but,  they  knew  that  the  work  was  pro- 
gressive, and  they  did  not  expect  outward  wars  to 
cease  until  the  world  should  more  generally  yield 
obedience  to  the  “ law  of  the  spirit  of  life  in  Christ 
Jesus,  which  makes  free  from  the  law  of  sin  and 
death.” 

It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  there  are  in  the 
writings  of  some  of  the  Early  Friends,  many  passages 
which  clearly  demonstrate  that  they  did  not  consider 
all  who  were  engaged  in  outward  war  as  being,  on 
this  account,  transgressors  in  the  divine  sight.  They 
looked  upon  them  as  not  having  attained  to  the  full 
light  and  glory  of  the  Christian  dispensation ; never- 
theless, they  believed  if  such  persons  led  pure  lives, 
and  fought  only  in  defence  of  their  country  and  its 
liberties,  they  would  be  participants  of  divine  mercy, 
as  having  been  faithful  according  to  their  knowledge. 
Some  of  the  writers  of  that  da}-,  among  Friends, 
went  even  farther  than  this,  maintaining  that  warriors 
are  sometimes  employed  by  divine  Providence  as  in- 
struments to  effect  his  beneficent  purposes ; for,  the 
“Most  High  ruleth  in  the  kingdom  of  men,  and  » 
giveth  it  to  whomsoever  he  will.”^  They  did  not 
hesitate  to  assert  that  the  army  of  the  Parliament, 


‘ Daniel,  lY.  17. 


464 


VIEWS  ON  WAR. 


[1660. 


while  engaged  in  asserting  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
was  aided  by  divine  power,  and  led  on  to  victory. 

George  Fox,  the  younger,  in  an  address  to  the 
army,  dated  Third  month,  1659,  says,  ‘‘  The  Lord  ap- 
peared with  you  in  the  field,  giving  you  mighty  vic- 
tories over  your  enemies,  that  so  he  might  make  way 
for  his  living  truth  to  be  spread,  which  was  then 
stirring  in  his  people.”  0 army  ! in  which  was 

I several  years  together,  in  which  time  I saw  the 
mighty  appearance  of  God  with  thee,  even  in  the 
time  of  the  outward  war,  and  when  the  w^ar  w^as  ended 
I left  thee  in  obedience  to  the  appearance  of  the  living 
God  unto  me,  who  called  me  out  of  thee  by  his  powerful 
word  in  my  heart,  through  which  he  had  sanctified 
me,  and  hath  brought  me  into  the  life  of  that  Truth 
which  I,  and  many  of  you  in  the  army,  professed  in 
wmrds.”^ 

Francis  Howgill,  in  a paper  dated  1654,  addressed  to 
Oliver  Cromwell,  tells  him  that  the  Lord  had  chosen 
him  out  of  the  nation  when  he  was  little  in  his  own 
eyes,  and  had  thrown  down  the  mountains  and  powers 
of  the  earth  before  him,  and  had  broken  the  yokes 
and  bands  of  the  oppressors,  and  made  them  to  stoop 
before  him,  so  that  he  had  trod  upon  their  necks ; but 
he  admonishes  him  that  his  heart  was  not  upright  be- 
fore the  Lord,  because  he  was  building  again  that 
which  he  had  destroyed,  and  upholding  laws  by  which 
the  innocent  were  oppressed.^ 

Edward  Burrough,  while  at  Dunkirk  in  the  year 
1659,  addressed  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 


* Writings  of  G.  F.  the  younger,  London,  1665,  p.  12,  and  68 
to  70. 

^ HowgilFs  Works,  London,  1676,  p.  7.  ^ 


1660.] 


VIEWS  ON  WAR. 


465 


EDglish  army  an  epistle  from  which  the  following 
passages  are  selected:  viz.  “This  I know,  that  the 
Lord  hath  honored  our  English  army,,  and  done  good 
things  for  them  and  by  them,  in  these  nations  in  our 
age;  and  the  Lord  once  armed  them  with  the  spirit  ^ 
of  courage  and  zeal  against  many  abominations ; and 
he  was  with  them  in  many  things  he  called  them  to, 
and  gave  them  victory  and  dominion  over  much  injus- 
tice and  oppression,  and  cruel  laws  ; and  he  went  with 
them  till  a spirit  of  vain-glory,  and  self-seeking,  and 
the  honor  of  the  world,  entered  into  some,  and  defiled 
the  whole  body,  and  made  it  deformed  and  void  of  its 
former  beauty,  and  of  its  valor  and  nobleness.”  In 
this  strain  he  proceeds  to  exhort  them  to  search  their 
own  hearts  that  they  may  be  purged,  ‘ and  may  re- 
turn to  the  old  spirit  of  righteousness,  which  will 
reach  after  the  liberty  of  the  people  and  the  freedom 
of  the  nation,”  that  there  be  no  more,  looking  back 
for  rest  and  ease  until  they  shall  have  “ visited  Rome, 
and  inquired  after  and  sought  out  the  innocent  blood 
that  is  buried  therein,  and  avenged  the  blood  of  the 
guiltless  through  all  the  dominions  of  the  Pope ;”  for 
the  blood  of  the  just  cries  through  Italy  and  Spain. 

After  alluding  to  the  superstition  and  cruelty  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  which  ought  to  be  rooted 
out,  he  adds,  “ It  is  the  Lord’s  work,  I know,  to  make 
men  truly  religious,  but  yet  the  Lord  may  work  by 
you  to  break  down  the  briars,  and  thorns,  and  rocks, 
and  hills,  that  have  set  themselves  against  the  Lord, 
and  which  keep  people  under  the  chains  of  idolatry.” 
....  “And  so  this  is  a warning  unto  you  all,  both 
officers  and  soldiers,  that  you  may  mind  what  the 
work  of  tlie  Lord  is  in  the  nations ; your  work  hath 
been  and  may  be  honorable  in  its  day  and  season ; 


466 


VIEWS  ON  WAR. 


[1660. 


but  be  hath  a work  more  honorable  to  work  after  you ; 
that  is  to  destroy  the  kingdom  of  the  devil  and  the  ground 
of  wars.  And  your  victory  bath  been  of  the  Lord, 
but  there  is  a more  honorable  victory  to  be  waited 
for,  even  the  victory  over  sin ; and  so  we  are  the 
friends  of  the  creation  that  do  preach  this  victory  and 
this  kingdom  and  peace  which  is  endless  and  ever- 
lasting, and  which  many  are  come  into.”^ 

Isaac  Pennington,  in  a paper  “ Concerning  the 
Magistrates’  Protection  of  the  Innocent,”  writ^  as 
follows,  viz : ^Mt  is  not  for  a nation  (coming  into  the 
gospel  life  and  principle)  to  take  care  beforehand  how 
they  shall  be  preserved ; but  the  gospel  will  teach  a 
nation,  if  they  hearken  to  it,  as  well  as  a particular 
person,  to  trust  the  Lord,  and  to  wait  on  him  for  pre- 
servation. Israel  of  old  stood  not  by  their  strength 
and  wisdom,  and  preparations  against  their  enemies, 
but  in  quietness  and  confidence,  waiting  on  the  Lord* 
for  direction.”  I speak  not  this  against  any 

magistrates  or  peoples  defending  themselves  against 
foreign  invasion,  or  making  use  of  the  sword  to  sup- 
press the  violent  and  evil-doers  wdtMn  their  borders, 
for  this  the  present  estate  of  things  may  and  doth 
require,  and  a great  blessing  will  attend  the  sword 
when  it  is  borne  rightly  to  that  end,  and  its  use  will 
be  honorable ; and  while  there  is  need  of  a sword,  the 
Lord  will  not  sufier  that  government,  or  those 
governors,  to  want  fitting  instruments  under  them  for 
the  managing  thereof,  to  wait  on  him  in  his  fear  to 
nave  the  edge  of  it  rightly  directed ; but  yet  there  is 
a better  state,  which  the  Lord  hath  already  brought 
some  into,  and  which  nations  are  to  expect  and  travel 


' E.  Burrough^s  Works,  London,  1672,  p.  537,  540. 


1660.] 


VIEWS  ON  WAR. 


467 


towards.  Yea,  it  is  better  to  know  the  Lord  to  be  the 
defender,  and  to  wait  on  Him  daily,  and  see  the  need 
of  his  strength,  wisdom,  and  preservation,  than  to  be 
ever  so  strong  and  skilful  in  weapons  of  war.”  . . . . 
“ Will  he  not  preserve  and  defend  that  nation  whom 
he  first  teacheth  to  leave  ofi*  war,  that  they  shall  not 
be  made  a prey  of,  while  he  is  teaching  other  nations 
the  same  lesson?”  ....  “Whenever  such  a thing 
shall  be  brous^ht  forth  in  the  world,  it  must  have  a 
beginning,  before  it  can  grow  and  be  perfected.  And 
where  should  it  begin,  but  in  some  particulars  in  a 
nation,  and  so  spread  by  degrees  until  it  hath  over- 
spread the  nation,  and  then  from  nation  to  nation 
until  the  wLole  earth  be  leavened  ? Therefore,  who- 
ever desires  to  see  this  lovely  state  brought  forth  in 
the  general,  if  he  would  favor  his  own  desire,  must 
cherish  it  in  the  particular.”^ 

From  these  passages  it  appears  that  the  authors, 
while  maintaining  that  Friends  had  come  up  to  the 
purity  of  the  Christian  dispensation,  which  puts  an 
end  to  all  strife  and  bloodshed,  nevertheless  believed 
that  others,  who  still  remained  in  a lower  dispensa- 
tion, comparable  to  that  of  the  law  given  to  the  Jews, 
might  be  permitted  to  draw  the  sword,  in  a good 
cause,  and  even  be  assisted  by  Divine  Providence  to 
overcome  their  enemies.  On  this  point  there  may 
have  been  some  diversity  of  sentiment  among  the 
Early  Friends ; but  they  were  all  united  in  regard  to 
the  peaceable  nature  of  Christ’s  kingdom,  and  earnest 
in  their  efibrts  to  bring  all  men  under  the  influence 
of  that  pure,  lamb-like  spirit,  which  “ delights  to  do 
no  evil,  nor  to  revenge  any  wrong;”  ....  “which 


* I.  Pennington’s  Works,  London,  1761,  Vol.  II.,  p.  447-8. 


468  TESTIMONY  AGAINST  TITHES.  [16GO. 

takes  its  kingdom  with  entreaty,  and  not  with  con- 
tention, and  keeps  it  by  lowliness  of  mind.” 

It  is  the  unquestionable  'duty  of  the  historian  to 
give  an  impartial  account  of  the  characters  and  events 
embraced  in  his  work,  and  with  this  view  the  senti- 
ments of  Edward  Burrough  and  others  have  been 
brought  forward ; but  it  should  he  remembered  that 
the  writings  of  George  Fox  hear  the  most  emphatic 
testimony  against  war,  as  being  totally  at  vi^iance 
with  the  Christian  dispensation. 

At  a later  period  in  the  history  of  Friends,  we  find 
that  Robert  Barclay,  in  his  Apology,  declares  that  it 
is  not  lawful  for  Christians  to  resist  evil,  or  to  war  or 
fight  in  any  case.*  The  peaceable  principles  of  Friends 
were  afterwards  carried  into  practice  with  remarkable 
success  in  some  of  the  American  colonies,  and  parti- 
cularly in  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  further 
progress  of  this  work. 

The  suite  rings  of  the  Early  Friends  on  account  of 
tithes,  and  other  ecclesiastical  demands,  were  very 
great.  They  were  exposed  to  the  distraint  of  their 
goods  to  a large  amount,  treble  damages  being  levied 
and  property  taken  far  beyond  the  sums  adjudged.  A 
very  large  number  of  Friends  were  imprisoned  on 
account  of  tithes,  and  some  detained  for  many  years. 
They  wrote  and  published  several  books,  showing 
that  the  Mosaic  law,  and  the  priesthood  that  took 
tithes,  were  abolished  by  the  coming  of  Christ,  he 
being  “the  end  of  the  law  for  righteousness  to  them 
that  believe.”  “ All  the  tithes,  ofie rings,  and  obla- 
tions, which  were  a shadow  of  things  to  come,  were 
ended  in  Ciirist,  the  substance  of  them  all.”- 


1 Prop.  15,  \ 11. 


1660.]  TESTIMONY  AGAINST  TITHES.  469 

Francis  Howgill,  in  an  able  and  learned  treatise, 
traced  the  rise  of  the  tithe  system  to  the  papacy,  and 
proved  that  a compulsory  payment  of  ecclesiastical 
demands  was  one  of  the  fruits  of  the  apostasy.  He 
refers  to  an  argument  in  favor  of  tithes,  which,  he 
says,  is  accounted  the  strongest,  viz : That  being 

established  by  a law  of  the  King  and  Parliament, 
those  who  own  the  benefice  have  as  good  a right  to 
the. tithe  or  tenth  as  the  possessor  of  the  land  has  to 
the  other  nine  tenths.”  To  this  he  answers,  that  the 
law  does  not  confer  on  any  one  *a  property  either  in 
land  or  tithes,  hut,  only  protects  him  in  the  possession 
of  what  he  has  derived  from  gift,  purchase,  or  in- 
heritance. The  original  institution  of  tithes  in  Eng- 
land, was  during  the  domination  of  the  Koman  clergy, 
the  consideration  proposed  being  the  remission  of 
sins  and  the  good  of  souls.  The  poor  were  then 
supported  by  the  church  revenues ; but,  when  Henry 
VIII.  made  hiipself  head  of  the  English  church,  he 
seized  a large  proportion  of  the  church  property, 
which  he  sold  or  bestowed  on  his  favorites.  The 
tithes  were  then  diverted  from  one  of  their  original 
purposes,  — the  support  of  the  poor,  — and  this  burden 
fell  on  the  country  at  large.  By  a law  of  Henry  VIII., 
it  is  declared  that  “ tithes  are  due  to  G-od  and  Holy 
Church.’'  “Here,”  says  Francis  Howgill,  “is  the 
ground  of  their  tithes,  not  any  property  or  civil  rights 
in  priests  or  others ; for,  the  law  requires  them  as  due 
by  “divine  right,”  and,  accordingly,  they  are  placed 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 
This  “divine  right,”  the  Friends  could  not  acknow- 
ledge, for  they  knew  that  the  whole  system  was 
founded  in  usurpation.”^ 


L — 40 


‘IIowgilFs  Works,  382-3 


470  MINISTERS  OF  THE  GOSPEL.  [1660. 

The  defenders  of  the  tithe  system,  referred  for 
their  justification  to  these  passages  of  Scripture:  — 

“ Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  ox  that  treadeth  out  the 
corn.”  “Who  feedeth  a fiock,  and  eateth  not  of  the 
milk  thereof?”  “ If  we  have  sown  unto  you  spiritual 
things,  is  it  a great  thing  if  we.  shall  reap  your  carnal 
things  ?”  To  this  argument  Francis  Howgill  answers, 
“If  they  might  not  be  muzzled  that  tread  out  the 
corn,  yet  they  may  be  muzzled  that  tread  out  no  corn, 
hut  run  rambling  through  the  Lord’s  fields  and  spoil 
the  corn.”  Again,*  they  that  watch  over  a flock, 
though  they  may  eat  of  the  milk  of  the  flock,  yet 
should  they  not  “ worry  the  lambs.  ” “ These 

passages  of  Scripture,”  he  says,  “ make  nothing  at  all 

for  tithes,” they  “grant  that  every  man  is  the 

owner  of  his  own  labor  and  possession ; yet,  ought* 
every  one  freely  to  glorify  God  with  his  substance, 
and  to  communicate  to  him  that  teacheth  in  all  good 
things  needful,  and  such  sacrifice  God  doth  well 
accept.”^ 

Although  it  was  an  acknowledged  principle  among 
the  Early  Friends,  that  nothing  in  the  nature  of  a 
compensation  or  salary  for  preaching  should  be  ac- 
cepted by  ministers  of  the  gospel;  yet,  those  who 
went  forth  in  that  service,  with  the  approbation  of  the 
meeting  to  which  they  belonged,  if  not  able  to  defray 
their  own  expenses  without  injury  to  their  families, 
were  supplied  with  funds  sufficient  for  their  wants. 
There  being  at  that  time  many  ministers  travelling 
in  foreign  countries,  considerable  sums  were  required 
to  aid  them  in  the  work.  By  direction  of  a general 
meeting,  held  at  Skipton,  in  1658,  a subscription  for 
this  purpose  was  opened  among  Friends,  which  re- 


» HowgilFs  Works,  587. 


1660.] 


HOLT-DAYS  AND  SABBATHS. 


471 


suited  in  the  collection  of  .£443,  5s.  5d.^  When  we 
consider  the  value  of  money  at  that  day,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances of  Friends,  many  of  whom  were  im- 
poverished by  persecution,  this  collection  indicates 
great  liberality.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  even 
those  ministers  who  were  in  indigent  circumstances, 
when  at  home  and  able  to  pursue  their  temporal  voca- 
tions, maintained  themselves  by  the  labor  of  their  own 
hands,  in  accordance  with  the  example  of  the 
apostles  and  primitive  Christians. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  the  religious 
system  adopted  by  Friends,  was  the  privilege  accorded 
to  women  to  appear  in  the  ministry.  It  was  the 
result  of  faithful  adherence  to  their  fundamental 
principle, — the  immediate  teaching  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  which  is  the  same  in  both  male  and  female. 
They  believed  the  prophecy  of  Joel,  quoted  by  Peter 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  was  fulfilled,  not  only  in  the 
primitive  Christian  church,  but  also  in  their  own  ex- 
perience. ‘‘And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  the  last  days,” 
saith  God,  “ I will  pour  out  my  spirit  upon  all  fiesh  ; 
and  your  sons  and  your  daughters  shall  prophesy.” 
This  anointing  of  the  Holy  Spirit  is  an  essential 
qualification  of  true  gospel  ministry,  and  the  only 
ground  of  a proper  call  to  that  service. 

In  reviewing  the  characteristics  of  the  Early 
Friends,  their  doctrine  and  practice  in  regard  to  holy- 
days  must  not  be  omitted.  It  was  a frequent  practice 
among  the  Puritans,  during  the  time  of  the  common- 
wealth, to  set  apart  days  for  general  fasting,  humilia- 
tion, and  prayer ; they  were  also  rigid  in  their 
Sabbath  observances.  The  Friends  did  not  recognise 


* Bowden^s  Hist,  of  Friends  in  America,  I.  59. 


472 


HOLY-DAYS  AND  SABBATHS. 


[1660. 


the  right  of  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  to  interfere  in 
matters  of  conscience,  by  proclaiming  a fast  or  appoint- 
ing a holy-day.  They  claimed  the  observance  of  the 
apostolic  injunction  ; “ Let  no  man  judge  you  in  meat, 
or  in  drink,  or  in  respect  of  a holy-day,  or  of  the  new 
moon,  or  of  the  Sabbath-days,  which  are  a shadow  of 
things  to  come ; but  the  body  is  of  Christ.”  ^ 

By  refusing  to  shut  up  their  shops  and  suspend 
business  on  fast-days,  they  subjected  themselves  to 
odium,  aud  they  were  frequently  arrested  on  the 
charge  of  Sabbath-breaking,  when,  on  the  First-day 
of  the  week,  they  travelled  to  their  religious  meetings. 
They  believed  that  the  Jewish  Sabbath  was  abrogated 
by  the  coming  of  Christ,  who  gives  to  the  obedient 
soul  that  rest  which  the  seven-day  Sabbath  was  in- 
tended to  prefigure.  There  remaineth,  therefore,  a 
rest  to  the  people  of  God,  for  he  that  is  entered 
into  his  rest  hath  ceased  from  his  own  works  as  God 
did  from  his.”^  In  a work  published  iiT'1659,  George 
Fox  maintained,  that  in  the  beginning  it  was  not  a 
command  to  men  to  keep  the  Sabbath,”  but  “ when 
the  children  of  Israel  came  out  of  Egypt,  then,  to 

them,  the  Lord  gave  the  Sabbath  as  a sign.” 

And,  moreover,  that  those  who  attain  to  the  gospel 
dispensation  need  not  have  a shadow,  nor  a sign, 
nor  change,  who  are  come  to  the  bodjq  Christ,  the 
substance.”^ 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Friends, 
at  that  early  period,  carried  this  doctrine  to  such  an 
extent  as  to  give  much  ofience  to  their  Puritan  neigh- 
bors, and  hence  the  petition  to  Parliament  from  the 
Presbyterian  ministers  of  London,  praying  ‘‘  that  the 


» Col.  II.,  16,  17.  2 Heb.  iv.  9. 

® Great  Mvsterv,  Works  of  Geor<^pi  TIT. 


1660.] 


DRESS  AND  ADDRESS. 


473 


Quakers  be  prohibited  from  opeuing  their  shops  on 
the  Sabbath-day.”^  At  a later  period,  when  the 
Society  became  more  fully  organized  and  settled,  they 
saw  the  propriety  of  conforming  to  the  civil  law  when 
it  did  not  contravene  their  duty  to  God.  We  find  in 
the  writings  of  Penn  and  Barela}^  cogent  reas*ons  for 
the  general  intermission  of  secular  business  on  the 
First-day  of  the  week,  “ according  to  the  good  exam- 
ple of  the  primitive  Christians,  and  for  the  ease  of 
creation,”  ....  “ in  order  that  parents,  children  and 
servants  may  the  better  dispose  themselves  to  read  the 
Scriptures  of  Truth  at  home,  or  to  frequent  such 
meetings  of  religious  worship  abroad,  as  may  best  suit 
their  respective  persuasions.”^ 

In  dress,  furniture,  and  equipage,  the  Friends  aimed 
at  simplicity  and  utility,  avoiding  expensive  super- 
fluities and  gaudy  apparel.  There  was  no  particular 
mode  of  dress  prescribed  by  the  Society,  but  by  ad- 
hering to  plain  and  useful  apparel,  and  avoiding  the 
changing  fashions  of  the  world,  they  became  peculiar, 
because  others  changed,  and  they’  in  this  particular, 
remained  nearly  stationary,  adopting  only  such  changes 
as  comfort  or  utility  required. 

Their  abstaining  from  uncovering  the  head  in  honor 
to  man,  and  from  the  use  of  flattering  titles,  as  w^ell 
as  their  adherence  to  the  singular  pronoun  in  address- 
ing a single  person,  have  frequently  been  mentioned 
in  the  course  of  this  narrative.  Their  conduct  in 
these  particulars  sprang  from  a sense  of  religious 
duty,  and  corresponded  with  the  practice  of  the  holy 
men  of  old.  It  was,  how^ever,  the  occasion  of  much 

* Neal,  History  of  the  Puritans,  II.  191. 

2 Laws  of  Pennsylvania ; Janney’s  Life  of  Penn,  222,  and  Bar- 
clay’s Apology,  Prop.  XL.,  Sec.  IV. 

40* 


474 


DRESS  AND  ADDRESS. 


[1660. 


persecution;  showing,  as  George  Fox  affirmed,  that 
the  high  professors  of  that  day  were  not  true  believers, 
for  “How  can  ye  believe,”  said  Christ,  “who  receive 
honor  one  of  another,  and  seek  not  the  honor  that 
cometh  from  God  only.” 

The  moral  courage  they  evinced  in  living  up  to 
their  convictions  of  duty  in  these  particulars,  must 
command  the  respect  of  every  reflecting  mind.  When 
we  are  called  to  make  a sacrifice  for  some  principle 
which  the  world  acknowledges  to  be  of  great  import- 
ance, we  are  sustained  by  a consciousness  of  public 
approbation ; but  when  required  by  a sense  of  religious 
duty  to  adopt  a course  of  life  generally  contemned 
and  derided,  great  fidelity  is  requisite  to  persevere  in 
defiance  of  the  “world’s  dread  laugh,”  and  the  point- 
ing finger  of  scorn.  Yet  it  has  been  by  this  kind  of 
training  that  some  of  the  purest  minds  have  been  dis- 
ciplined to  bear  the  cross  and  despise  the  shame. 
May  we  not  then  conclude  that  it  was  the  intention 
of  Infinite  Wisdom,  in  leading  the  Early  Friends  into 
these  humbling  testimonies,  to  wean  them  from  the 
w'orld,  to  inclose  them  as  with  a thorny  hedge  from 
the  intrusions  of  evil,  and  to  exercise  them  by  a dis- 
cipline severe  and  mortifying,  but  calculated  to  in- 
vigorate their  religious  principles. 

It  has  been  observed  by  a pious  writer,  “ That 
almost  invariably  when  it  pleases  the  Most  High  to 
manifest  his  mighty  power,  and  to  ‘ make  bare  his 
arm  in  the  midst  of  the  nations,’  He  does  it  in  a way 
to  confound  the  pride  of  reason.  ‘ I will  overturn  — 
overturn  — overturn” — this  is  his  language,  and  this 
his  mode  of  action.  What  could  exceed  in  strange- 
ness to  human  apprehension  the  requirements  that 
w^ere  laid  upon  Abraham,  Moses,  the  prophets,  and 
many  others  too  numerous  to  mention  ? 


1660.] 


FANATICISM. 


475 


“ The  submission  'of  the  heart  was  what  these  holy 
men  concerned  themselves  with  ; not  the  strangeness 
of  the  mode  in  which  that  noble  and  God-glorifying 
principle  of  obedience  was  outwardly  exhibited.  They 
were  used  to  strange  things,  to  terrible  things  to  flesh 
and  blood,  when  they  came  to  deal  with  the  Father  of 
Spirits.”^ 

It  may  not  he  inappropriate  to  notice  in  this  place, 
the  charge  of  fanaticism  so  frequently  urged  against 
the  Early  Friends.  Those  who  are  well  versed  in  the 
history  of  England  during  the  times  of  the  civil  war 
and  the  Protectorate  of  Cromwell,  are  fully  aware 
that  it  was  an  age  of  enthusiasm  and  deep  religious 
excitement.  To  persons  thus  informed  it  would  ap- 
pear extraordinary  indeed,  if  the  rising  Society  of 
Friends,  or  some  who  professed  to  hold  them  princi- 
ples, did  not  in  any  degree  partake  of  the  general 
enthusiasm,  or  in  any  instance  give  way  to  fanaticism. 
They  were  not  exempt  from  the  frailties  incident  to 
humanity,  and  though  many  of  them  were  favored 
with  clear  views  on  religious  duty,  there  were,  doubt- 
less, some  who  mistook  the  suggestions  of  the  im- 
agination for  the  promptings  of  the  Spirit  of  Truth. 

Such  was  the  character  of  those  fanatical  men  and 
women  who  accompanied  James  F"ayler  at  the  time 
of  his  delusion;  and  of  those  enthusiasts  in  Holland 
whose  conduct  for  a while  brought  reproach  upon  the 
doctrines  they  professed  to  espouse.  But  the  Society 
should  not  be  held  responsible  for  the  errors  of  a few 
whose  conduct  it  publicly  condemned.  There  were 
also  a few  instances  of  persons  professing  with  Friends 
who  thought  it  their  religious  duty  to  appear  as 


‘ M.  A.  Kelty^s  Memoirs  of  Primitive  Quakers,  Preface,  xvii. 


476 


TREMBLINGS. 


[1660. 


signs  ' to  the  people,  in  a manner  which  would  now 
be  condemned  as  indecorous.  One  of  these  persons, 
Solomon  Eccles,  passed  through  the  city  of  Galloway, 
in  Ireland,' stripped  from  his  waist  upwards,  and  a 
pan  of  fire  and  brimstone  burning  on  his  head.  Such 
singular  exhibitions  were  probably  suggested  by  the 
examples  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament,  where  the 
prophets  are  described  as  sometimes  performing,  from 
a sense  of  duty,  actions  no  less  repugnant  to  modern 
notions  of  propriety. 

It  would  be  extremely  unjust  to  apply  to  all  the 
actions  of  former  generations  the  standard  of  pro- 
priety now  adopted  in  enlightened  nations ; for, 
although  the  cardinal  principles  of  morality  have  been 
nearly  the  same  aTnong  good  people  in  all  ages,  there 
has  been  a vast  difference  in  their  mannejs  and  their 
ideas  of  decorum.  The  few  instances  of  indecorum 
among  the  Early  Friends  may  well  be  pardoned,  when 
we  reffect  that  they  lived  in  an  age  when,  by  order 
of  the  public  authorities,  and  for  no  other  offence  than 
religious  dissent,  worthy  men  and  virtuons  women 
were  stripped  to  the  waist,  and  cruelly  scourged  in 
the  public  streets,  both  in  England  and  America. 

The  trembling  which  was  sometimes,  and  perhaps 
frequently,  manifested  among  the  Early  Friends,  when 
under  deep  religious  exercise,  exposed  them  to  the 
scoffs  of  their  adversaries;  but  cannot  with  justice  be 
considered  an  evidence  of  fanaticism.  It  was  the 
result  of  profound  emotion,  proceeding,  either  from 
a mental  conflict,  in  which  the  phj^sical  powers  were 
shaken,  or  from  an  awful  sense  of  the  Divine  Majesty, 
when  they  believed  themselves  called  to  declare  His 
word  to  the  people. 

The  practice  of  going  into  the  steeple-houses/^ 


1660.]  MEETINGS  OF  FRIENDS.  477 

and  sometimes  speaking  to  the  priest  and  people,  after 
the  services  were  ended,  has  already  been  noticed, 
and  shown  to  he  not  peculiar  to  Friends,  nor  repre- 
hensible under  the  circumstances  then  existing.^  The 
term,  “steeple-houses,”  was  applied  to  the  edifices  for 
public  worship  erected  for  the  established  church. 
After  the  subversion  of  that  church  in  the  times  of 
the  Commonwealth,  they  were  considered  the  pro- 
perty of  the  nation.  The  Friends,  with  strict  pro- 
priety of  language,  applied  the  term  church  only  to 
the  assembly  of  believers,  as  it  is  used  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, and  the  term,  “steeple-house,”  they  applied  by 
way  of  distinction  to  the  edifice  in  which  the  congre- 
gation assembled.  When  the  Society  became  settled, 
and  had  meeting-houses  of  its  own  sufiicient  for  the 
accommodation  of  all  who  chose  to  attend  its  meet- 
ings, the  practice  of  speaking  in  steeple-houses  be- 
came less  frequent,  and  at  length  ceased  almost 
entirely. 

We  find  in  the  writings  of  the  Early  Friends  fre- 
quent mention  of  meetings  being  held  in  the  open 
air ; sometimes  in  market-places  or  in  the  streets,  at 
other  times  in  orchards  or  in  the  fields.  This  was, 
doubtless,  owing  to  the  want  of  suitable  houses  to 
contain  the  great  numbers  who  often  attended  their 
meetings.  At  Bristol,  even  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
from  two  to  four  thousand  persons  stood  for  hours  in 
a field  near  the  city,  listening  to  the  powerful  ministry 
of  John  Camm  and  John  Audland,  or  of  Edward 
Burrough  and  Francis  Howgill. 

The  meetings  at  Pardshaw  Crag,  where  George 
Fox  addressed  the  assembled  multitudes,  have  already 


See  Chapter  III. 


478  MEETINGS  OF  FRIENDS.  [1660. 

been  mentioned.^  George  Whitehead  attended  meet- 
ings at  the  same  place,  of  which  he  has  left  the  fol- 
lowing account : “ I remember  in  those  days,  Friends 
in  the  west  part  of  Cumberland  kept  their  meetings 
without  doors,  at  a place  on  the  common  called  Pard- 
shaw  Crag,  not  then  having  convenient  house-room 
to  contain  the  meetings.  It  was  very  cold,  stormy, 
snowy,  and  sleety  weather,  at  one  of  the  meetings 
which  I had  there ; but  as  there  are  several  sides  of 
it  under  the  wind  where  sheep  may  shelter,  so  Friends 
commonly  took  the  same  advantage  to  meet  on  the 
calmest  side.  And  truly,  several  good  and  blessed 
meetings  I had  at  Pardshaw  Crag  without  doors, 
both  in  winter  and  summer,  and  several  within  doors, 
since  our  Friends  got  a meeting-house  built  there. 
Likewise  our  Friends  of  Strickland  and  Shapp,  and 
that  side  of  Westmoreland,  kept  their  meetings  for 
some  years  on  the  common,  both  winter  and  summer, 
until  they  got  a meeting-house  built  at  Great  Strick- 
land. Our  Friends  in  those  northern  counties  were 
greatly  enabled  to  bear  the  cold  and  all  sorts  of 
weather,  when  they  had  their  meetings  on  the  com- 
mons and  mountainous  places,  for  several  years,  at 
first.  I remember  when  it  rained  most  of  the  time  at 
some  meetings,  where  we  have  been  very  much 
wmtted,  and  yet  I do  not  remember  that  ever  I got 
any  hurt  thereby ; the  Lord  so  preserved  and  defended 
us  by  his  power ! Blessed  be  His  name  who  enabled 
me  and  many  others  to  stand  and  to  bear  divers  kinds 
of  storms  and  winds.”  ^ 

At  this  early  stage  in  its  history,  no  regular  code  of 
discipline  had  been  adopted  by  the  Society  of  Friends, 


* See  Chapter  V. 


* G.  Whitehead^s  Christian  Progress,  124 


1660.] 


DISCIPLINE. 


479 


and  it  is  believed  there  was  no  complete  record  of  its 
members.  All  who  were  in  the  habit  of  attending 
their  meetings,  and  who  professed  with  them,  were 
considered  as  members ; and,  in  cases  of  immorality, 
or  breaches  of  their  Christian  testimonies,  the  delin- 
quents were  admonished  by  those  whose  religious  ex- 
perience and  weight  of  character  qualified  them  for 
such  services.  This  view  is  corroborated  by  the  in- 
vestigations made  by  William  Tanner,  among  the 
early  records  of  Friends’  meetings  in  Bristol  and 
Somersetshire. 

• After  alluding  to  the  two  acceptations  of  the  word 
Church,  as  used  in  the  Scriptures,  one  of  which 
‘‘  takes  in  all  generations,  and  is  made  up  of  the  re- 
generated, be  they  in  Heaven  or  on  earth,”  and  the 
other  applies  to  ^‘particular  assemblies  or  places,”  he 
proceeds  as  follows : 

“ There  were  doubtless  some  practical  inconve- 
niences connected  with  this  state  of  things,  and  the 
line  of  distinction  to  which  I have  alluded,  as  having 
been  judged  needful,  was  gradually  drawn  between 
the  Society  of  Friends  and  other  sects  of  Christians, 
and  resulted  at  length  in  the  separation  of  the  at- 
tenders  of  our  meetings  into  the  two  classes  of  mem- 
bers and  non-members : but  the  belief  that  such 
membership  merely  implies  a connexion  with  the 
professing  Church,  has  continued  to  be  manifested  by 
the  children  of  members  being  recognised  in  that 
capacity  until  they  formally  withdraw,  or  prove  them- 
selves unworthy  by  their  conduct.  It  may  be  said, 
that  although  the  distinction  between  the  professing 
and  the  true  Church  is  scriptural,  this  mode  of  re- 
cognizing it  is  not  so : but  I am  not  aware  that  any 
portion  of  the  Hew  Testament  could  be  referred  to, 


480  m’eETINGS  for  discipline.  [1660 

to  show  that  it  is  unscriptural.  Have  we  any  good 
reason  for  supposing,  that  the  children  of  those  who 
'were  admitted  into  the  Apostolic  Church,  on  the 
ground  of  their  professed  faith  in  Christ,  would  he 
excluded  from  any  of  the  privileges  which  member- 
ship in  the  congregation  conferred,  until  they  proved 
themselves  unworthy  of  them  ? And  was  there  any- 
tiaing  more  implied  in  the  original  idea  of  Church 
membership,  than  the  right  to  participate  in  those 
privileges  ?” 

‘‘I  would  further  observe,  that  the  practice  of  the 
Early  Church,  as  set  forth  in  the  blew  Testament,  ap- 
pears to  me  to  have  been  to  admit  into  membership 
those  who  made  profession  of  faith  in  Christ,  and 
afterwards  to  disown  all  such  as  by  their  conduct,  and 
by  their  rejection  of  the  means  used  to  reclaim  them, 
proved  themselves  insincere  ; such  I find  to  have  been 
the  early  practice  of  the  Society  of  Friends.  Those 
who  attended  their  meetings  even  occasionally,  were 
watched  over  as  members  of  the  flock,  remonstrated 
with  when  their  conduct  was  disorderly,  and  testifled 
against  when  they  refused  subjection  to  the  discipline. 
Inquiry  was  made  as  to  the  orderly  conduct  of  those 
applying  for  relief,  for  leave  to  be  married  at  meeting, 
or  (according  to  the  practice  introduced  towards  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  ever  since  con- 
tinued) for  certificates  of  membership  on  their  re- 
moval from  one  meeting  to  another  : but  I do  not  find 
in  the  minutes  of  the  monthly  meetings  which  I have 
examined,  any  mention  made  of  a formal  admission 
into  membership,  for  more  than  a hundred  years  after 
the  establishment  of  our  meetings  for  discipline.” 

In  the  further  prosecution  of  this  history,  special 
attention  will  be  given,  under  the  proper  date,. to  the 


1660.] 


MEETINGS  FOR  DISCIPLINE. 


481 


establishment  of  meetings  for  discipline,  and  to  the 
true  principles  of  church  government. 

As  there  seems  to  have  been  no  regular  record  of 
members,  it  becomes  a matter  of  interest  to  inquire 
who  were  the  persons  that  composed  the  meetings  of 
discipline  then  established  ? In  one  of  his  published 
papers,  George  Fox  speaks  of  ‘‘the  substantial  men  and 
elders  in  the  Truth,  who  came  to  the  yearly  meeting 
at  Skipton,  both  from  Bristol  and  London,  and  other 
places.”  As  the  official  appointment  of  elders,  did  not 
take  place  till  long  afterwards,  it  is  obvious  that  the 
persons  here  spoken  of  were  Friends  whose  age  or 
religious  experience  qualified  them  for  service  in  the 
church ; and  we  may  reasonably  infer,  that  of  such 
were  the  meetings  for  discipline  chiefly  composed. 

Edward  Burrough  has  left  a paper  concerning  “the 
beginning  of  the  work  of  the  Lord”  in  London,  and 
the  establishment  of  a meeting  for  discipline  at  “ the 
Bull  and  Mouth,”  in  which  he  advises:  “That  the 
meeting  do  consist  of  just  and  righteous  men,  all 
believing  in  the  truth  and  walking  in  the  same,  men 
of  sound  principles  and  judgment  in  the  truth  of 
Christ,  of  good  and  blameless  conversation  amongst 
men,  and  such  that  have  kept  their  integrity  and  first 
principles,  and  abide  in  love  and  unity  in  the  Lord 
among  themselves;  the  meeting  not  limited  to  a 
number  of  persons,  but  freedom  for  all  Friends  in  the 
truth  (none  excepted),  as  they  are  moved  to  come  for 
the  service  of  truth,  to  assist  in  counsel  and  advice 
for  the  good  of  the  body,  and  carrying  on  the  work 
of  'the  Lord.  But  if  any  person  out  of  the  truth,  and 
of  another  spirit  contrar}^  to  the  faith  of  Christ,  pro- 
fessed and  practised  by  Friends,  come  to  the  meeting, 
such  are  not  members  thereof,  but  are  excluded  from 

I. — 41  2f 


482  THE  SCRIPTURES.  [1660. 

having  their  advice  and  judgment  taken  in  matters 
of  truth,  pertaining  to  the  service  of  the  Lord.” 

William  Tanner,  in  his  Lectures,  speaks  of  a 
paper  issued  by  one  of  the  Somersetshire  General 
Meetings,  which  “contains  lists  of  Friends,  by  whom 
the  business  of  the  difierent  meetings  was  to  be  trans- 
acted.” There  appears  to  be  no  clear  account  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  selection  of  members  for  this 
purpose  was  made.  It  is  most  probable  that  the  min- 
isters who  were  instrumental  in  gathering  the  several 
meetings,  in  the  first  place  invited  such  as  they 
deemed  suitable  to  take  the  oversight  of  the  flock, 
and  that  general  consent  was  given  by  others  in  at- 
tendance. In  such  cases  of  recently-gathered  churches 
there  will  generally  be  found  some  whose  wisdom  and 
meekness  are  acknowledged  by  all ; but  such  persons 
not  being  forward  to  exercise  authority,  would  not 
act  without  the  general  concurrence  of  the  body. 

An  interesting  document  is  yet  extant,  supposed  to 
have  been  issued  by  a General  Meeting  held  at  John 
Crook’s,  in  Bedfordshire,  in  the  year  1657.  Also,  a 
paper  issued  by  a General  Meeting,  held  at  Scale- 
house,  in  Yorkshire,  in  1658  ; and  another  by  a Gene- 
ral Meeting  in  Durham,  in  1659.^  These  and  other 
similar  documents,  containing  advices  to  Friends  in 
relation  to  the  testimonies  of  truth,  and  the  order  of 
their  meetings,  show  that  the  religious  principles  now 
held  by  the  Society,  w’ere  then  in  a great  measure  de- 
veloped. 

It  is  well  known  that  “ the  Society  of  Friends  has 
from  the  first  steadfastly  avoided  the  introduction  of 
formal  creeds.”^  They  acknowledged  the  authen- 

’ Barclay's  Letters  of  Early  Friends,  CXI.  and  CXII. 

^ Tanner^s  Lectures. 


1660.] 


CONCLUSION. 


483 


ticity  and  divine  authority  of  the  sacred  records,  and 
when  writing  on  controverted  points  of  doctrine,  they 
thought  it  safest  to  confine  themselves  to  the  language 
of  Scripture.  In  a testimony  concerning  George  Fox, 
signed  by  many  Friends  in  London,  they  speak  of 
‘Giis  frequent  advice  to  Friends  to  keep  to  Scripture 
language,  terms,  words,  and  doctrines,  as  taught  by 
the  Holy  Ghost,  in  matters  of  faith,  religion,  contro- 
versy, and  conversation,  and  not  to  be  imposed  upon, 
and  drawn  into  unscriptural  terms,  invented  by  men 
in  their  human  wisdom.”^ 

Many  of  their  most  imq)ortant  doctrines  having  been 
mentioned  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  it  is  deemed 
unnecessary,  at  this  stage  of  the  work,  to  attempt  a 
further  exposition  of  them. 

In  concluding  this  volume,  the  author  cannot  with- 
hold the  expression  of  a brief  tribute  to  the  exalted 
virtues  of  the  Early  Friends.  They  were  remarkable 
for  the  purity  of  their  lives,  the  firmness  of  their 
faith,  and  their  unwavering  fidelity  to  their  sense  of 
duty.  They  counted  nothing  too  dear  to  be  sacrificed 
for  the  holy  cause  they  had  espoused,  and  were  will- 
ing even  to  lay  down  their  lives  for  the  word  of  the 
Lord,  and  the  testimony  of  Jesus  Christ.  Being  thus 
faithful  unto  death,  they  received  the  crown  of  eternal 
life,  and  bequeathed  to  posterity  examples  of  holiness 
and  fidelity  that  have  seldom  been  equalled  in  any 
age  of  the  world. 


‘ Works  of  George  Fox,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  3. 


END  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


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History  of  the  religious  society  of 

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